USA > Pennsylvania > Montgomery County > Gwynedd > Historical collections relating to Gwynedd, a township of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, settled, 1696, by immigrants from Wales, with some data referring to the adjoining township, of Montgomery, also settled by Welsh > Part 28
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I ask'd him whether Dandridge was on this side the Delaware. He said " Yes." I wanted sadly to hear his opinion, but he said not a word. The conversation turn'd upon the British leaving Philadelphia. He firmly believ'd they were going. I sincerely wish'd it might be true, but was afraid to flatter myself. I had heard it so often that I was quite faithless, and express'd my approbation of Pope's 12th beatitude, " Blessed are they that expect nothing, for they shall not be disappointed." He smil'd, and assur'd me they were going away.
1 Polly Fishbourn.
2 The " mamma " was Mrs. William Fishbourn. Her daughter Elizabeth was the second wife of Thomas Wharton, jr., President of the Supreme Executive Council (acting Governor). He d. at Lancaster (the seat of the Pennsylvania government at this time), on May 22, 1778.
345
SALLY WISTER'S JOURNAL.
He was summon'd to breakfast. I ask'd him to stay with us. He declin'd the invitation with politeness, adding that he was in a hurry,- oblig'd to go to camp as soon as he could. He bow'd, "Your servant, ladies," and withdrew immediately. After breakfast they set off for Valley Forge, where Gen'l Washington's army still are.
I am more pleas'd with Major Jameson than I was at at first. He is sen- sible and agreeable, -a manly person, and a very good countenance. We girls differ about him. Prissa and I admire him, whilst Liddy and Betsy will not allow him a spark of beauty. Aunt's family are charm'd with his behavior,-so polite, so unassuming. When he disturb'd them last night, he made a hundred apologies,-was so sorry to call them up,-'twas real necessity oblig'd him. I can't help remarking the contrast between him and Dandridge. The former appears to be rather grave than gay,-no vain assuming airs. The latter calls for the genius of a Hogarth to char- acterize him. He is possess'd of a good understanding, a very liberal edu- cation, gay and volatile to excess. He is an Indian, a gentleman, grave and sad, in the same hour. But what signifies ? I can't give thee a true idea of him ; but he assumes at pleasure a behavior the most courtly, the most elegant of anything I ever saw. He is very entertaining company, and very vain of his personal beauties ; yet nevertheless his character is exceptional.
SIXTH DAY, NOON AND EVENING.
Nothing material occurr'd.
SEVENTH DAY, NIGHT.
A dull morn. In the afternoon, Liddy, Betsy, R. H., and self went to one of our neighbors to eat strawberries. Got a few. Return'd home ; drank tea. No beaus. Adieu.
FIRST DAY, EVENING.
Heigh-ho ! Debby, there's little meaning in that exclamation, ain't there ? To me it conveys much. I have been looking what the dictionary says. It denotes uneasiness of mind. I don't know that my mind is par- ticularly uneasy just now.
The occurrences of the day come now. I left my chamber between eight and nine, breakfasted, went up to dress, put on a new purple and white striped Persian, white petticoat, muslin apron, gauze cap, and hand- kerchief. Thus array'd, Miss Norris, I ask your opinion. Thy partiality for thy friend will bid thee say I made a tolerable appearance. Not so, my
346
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
dear. I was this identical Sally Wister, with all her whims and follies ; and they have gain'd so great an ascendancy over my prudence, that I fear it will be a hard matter to divest myself of them. But I will hope for a reformation.
Cousin H. M. came about nine, and spent the day with us. After we had din'd, two dragoons rode up to the door ; one a waiting-man of Dan- dridge's, the faithful Jonathan. They are quarter'd a few miles from us. The junior sisters, Liddy and Betsy, join'd by me, ventur'd to send our compliments to the Captain and Watts. Prissa insists that it is vastly indelicate, and that she has done with us. Hey day ! What prudish notions are those, Priscilla ? I banish prudery. Suppose we had sent our love to him, where had been the impropriety ? for really he had a person that was love-inspiring, tho' I escap'd, and may say, Io triumphe. I an- swer not for the other girls, but am apt to conclude that Cupid shot his arrows, and that maybe they had effect. A fine evening this. If wishes could avail, I would be in your garden with S. J., R. F., and thyself. Thee has no objection to some of our North Wales swains,-not the beau in- habitants, but some of the transitory ones. But cruel reverse. Instead of having my wishes accomplish'd, I must confine myself to the narrow limit of this farm.
Liddy calls : " Sally, will thee walk ?" "Yes." Perhaps a walk will give a 'new turn to my ideas, and present something new to my vacant im- agination.
SECOND DAY, THIRD DAY, FOURTH DAY.
No new occurrences to relate. Almost adventureless, except General Lacy's riding by, and his fierce horse disdaining to go without showing his airs, in expectation of drawing the attention of the mill girls, in order to glad his master's eyes. Ha ! ha ! ha! One would have imagin'd that vanity had been buried within the shades of N. Wales. Lacy is tolerable ; but as ill luck would order it, I had been busy, and my auburn ringlets were much dishevell'd : therefore I did not glad his eyes, and cannot set down on the list of honours receiv'd that of a bow from Brigadier-General Lacy.1
1 Brigadier-general John Lacey, in command of the militia forces. See details concerning him, next chapter.
347
SALLY WISTER'S JOURNAL.
FIFTH DAY, NIGHT, June 18th.
Rose at half-past four this morning. Iron'd industriously till one o'clock, din'd, went up stairs, threw myself on the bed, and fell asleep. About four, sister H. wak'd me, and said uncle and J. F. were down stairs ; so I decorated myself, and went down. Felt quite lackadaisical. However, I jump'd about a little, and the stupid fit went off. We have had strange reports about the British being about leaving Philadelphia. I can't believe it. . Adieu.
SIXTH DAY, MORN, June 19th.
We have heard an astonishing piece of news ! The English have en- tirely left the city ! It is almost impossible ! Stay, I shall hear further.
SIXTH DAY, EVE.
A light horseman has just confirm'd the above intelligence ! This is charmante ! They decamp'd yesterday. He (the horseman) was in Phila- delphia. It is true. They have gone. Past a doubt. I can't help exclaim- ing to the girls, -
" Now are you sure the news is true ? Now are you sure they have gone ?" "Yes, yes, yes !" they all cry, "and may they never, never return."
Dr. Gould came here to-night. Our army are about six miles off, on their march to the Jerseys.
SEVENTH DAY, MORN.
O. F.1 arrived just now, and relateth as followeth :- The army began their march at six this morning by their house. Our worthy General Small- wood breakfasted at Uncle Caleb's.2 He ask'd how Mr. and Mrs. Wister and the young ladies were, and sent his respects to us. Our brave, our heroic General Washington was escorted by fifty of the Life Guard, with drawn swords. Each day he acquires an addition to his goodness. We have been very anxious to know how the inhabitants of Philadelphia have far'd. I understand that General Arnold, who bears a good character, has the command of the city, and that the soldiers conducted with great de- corum. Smallwood says they had the strictest orders to behave well ; and I dare say they obey'd the order. I now think of nothing but returning to Philadelphia.
1 Owen Foulke, son of Caleb.
2 The Meredith house, on the Swedes' Ford road.
348
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
So I shall now conclude this journal, with humbly hoping that the Great Disposer of events, who has graciously vouchsaf'd to protect us to this day through many dangers, will still be pleas'd to continue his pro- tection.
SALLY WISTER.
North Wales, June 20th, 1778.
XX. Revolutionary Details.
T HERE is no record or tradition of serious bloodshed in Gwynedd during the war of the Revolution, though the place was so near to many important military operations. But detachments of the American army moved through it many times, and from September, 1777, to June, 1778,1 the people must have been almost daily reminded by the visits of soldiers of the conflict that was raging about them.
When Washington was on the Perkiomen, previous to his attack at Germantown, General McDougall's brigade, consisting of about sixteen hundred men, was posted "at Montgomery," and from there it marched down to the battle, moving, no doubt, by the Bethlehem road to the Spring-House, and then down to Whitemarsh. After the battle, the current of the retreat swept upward through Gwynedd. General Francis Nash, of North Carolina, who was mortally wounded early in the action, and whose remains lie with those of Colonel Boyd, Major White, and Lieutenant Smith, in the Mennonite graveyard above Kulps- ville, is said to have died at Heist's tavern,2 having been brought that far in a wagon. The Friends' meeting-house, according to tradition, was used as a hospital, and a number of soldiers who died in it are believed to have been buried in the south corner of the graveyard, where there is now a considerable space with no stones or other marks.
1 September 11, 1777, the battle of Brandywine, June 18, 1778, evacuation of Phila- delphia by the British, and breaking up of the Camp at Valley Forge by the Americans.
2 This is the tradition ; but the tavern is said to have been established in 1784.
350
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
During the winter of 1777-78, while the Americans were at Valley Forge, and the British in Philadelphia, scouting and for- aging parties were continually moving through the township.
On the 9th of January, 1778, Colonel John Lacey, of Bucks county, was appointed a brigadier-general, in command of the State militia forces operating between the Schuylkill and the Delaware rivers. He took command at once, succeeding Gen- eral Potter, and until the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British, the operations of his men more directly concerned the neighbor- hood of Gwynedd than any other forces. He refers in his reports, several times, to North Wales, where parties of his men were posted, and an encounter of some interest, to be referred to in a moment, occurred there. January 24 he reported that he had about three hundred " at the Spring-House and Plymouth Meeting, both included." Late in February a drove of cattle on the way to the camp at Valley Forge was taken by the British, within his lines, it is said " near Bartholomew's tavern," at Mont- gomery Square,1 his force being, he reported, insufficient to afford a guard for the drove. In acknowledging his report of this cap- ture (dated Feb. 27) General Washington wrote from the Camp at Valley Forge, March 2 :
I desire you to send a party of 150 men, under a good officer, well armed and completed with ammunition, to Bartholomew's Tavern, on Wednesday next [March 4] at 11 o'clock in the morning. The officer will meet a party there at that time from this camp, and will then receive his orders. As a very particular piece of service is to be executed, I beg that the party may be punctual to the time, and not fail upon any pretence whatever.
The nature of this service does not appear from the official correspondence, later.
1 Gen. W. W. H. Davis's Life of Lacey.
351
REVOLUTIONARY DETAILS.
On the 23d of March a conference of officers was held at Spring-House to consider a scheme "to depopulate the whole country between the Delaware and Schuylkill for fifteen miles around the city, compelling the inhabitants by force to remove back beyond that distance." The subject is thus referred to in a letter from General Lacey to General Washington, dated March 29 :
I had the pleasure to be with Gen. McIntosh on the 23d inst., at the Spring-House tavern, in Philadelphia county ; where the General, several field officers, and myself were of the opinion that if the inhabitants who live near the enemy's lines, or between ours and them, on this side the Schuylkill, were to move back into the country, it would be of the utmost utility to the public cause. Gen. McIntosh was on his return to camp to lay the proposal before your Excellency, and send me word if approved of. Such a plan would not only stop all communication with the enemy, but would deprive them of every kind of supply from the country ; which the most indefatigable exertions of parties cannot prevent.
Lacey adds that " in order to know the people's minds with respect to moving," he set afloat a report after leaving the con- ference at Spring-House, "that all the inhabitants within fifteen miles of Philadelphia were desired to move back into the country by the Ist of April." It caused great excitement among the people, a meeting was held, and a committee waited on him to say that it would be impossible to comply with such an order. There were not, they said, teams and carriages enough in all that country to remove one-third of the people and their effects. General Washington wrote from Valley Forge March 31, de- clining to approve the order. The measure he characterized as " rather desirable than practicable," and added :
The difficulties attending the removal of so many inhabitants with their effects may be regarded as insurmountable ; and at the same time, the horror of depopulating a whole district, however little consideration the majority of the persons concerned may deserve from us, would forbid the measure.
352
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
On the 21st of April a court-martial was convened at North Wales to try a captain, of the Northampton county militia, who had permitted a prisoner to escape. He was found guilty of negligence of duty, and dismissed the service.
On the 25th of April, the last day of the week, Lacey, who had been at North Wales, "to discharge the Northampton Militia," moved to the Billet (Hatboro'). He had had his quar- ters probably in the tavern which was kept in a building that now forms the central part of Walter H. Jenkins's store, on the turnpike above the meeting-house. His baggage-wagons he di- rected to follow him that day. What occurred is told in records that have come down to us. Captain John Montresor, an engi- neer officer in the British service, who was then with that army in Philadelphia, says in his journal :
Sunday, 26th (April). Wind northerly, the air cool, weather very fine. The two troops of the 17th Dragoons returned and [having] sur- prised a Post of 50 men of the Rebels at North Wales meeting-house, killed 12, took 6 prisoners, the rest fled. Brought in 2 waggons loaded with camp equipage.
General Lacey's report to General Washington is in the fol- lowing despatch :
Camp, Billet, April 27th, 1778.
SIR : Inclosed is a return of the militia under my command. I hear that more are on their way to join me. I moved from North Wales (whither I had retired to discharge the Northampton Militia) last Saturday about twelve o'clock, on hearing a party of the enemy had filed off from the Germantown road, towards the York road. I proceeded as far as Edge hill, hoping to fall in with them ; but found on my arrival at that place, they had returned to the city. I encamped with my little handful of men the following night at the Billet, where I still remain. I sent orders for the provisions and stores I had left at North Wales to be moved ; and for the baggage-wagons belonging to the militia to come to the Billet, the same night. Some of the waggoners belonging to a part of the Northampton
353
REVOLUTIONARY DETAILS.
people (whose times did not expire till last evening), following the common custom of disobedience among the militia, neglected moving until next morning, when they were met by a party of the enemy's horse, just after they had started, who took one waggon and eight horses ; also five or six prisoners, and wounded several more. Those fellows, the day before, when the Brigade left the camp, being either too lazy or cowardly to march with them, chose to stay with the baggage ; and being not fond of fatigue, had, for their own ease, carefully deposited their arms in the baggage waggons, and in this situation they were met by the enemy.1
An affair at the Spring-House is described in the New Jersey Gazette, the patriot sheet published at Burlington, while the British held Philadelphia,-of the date of February 18, 1778, as follows :
0 N SATURDAY LAST (FEBRUARY 15, 1778), A CON- siderable body of British Light Infantry, accompanied by a party of light horse, made an excursion into the country as high as a place called the Spring-House Tavern (Gwynedd Township, Philadelphia County), about sixteen miles from Philadelphia, where they made prisoners a Major Wright of the Pennsylvania Militia, and a number of persons in the Civil De- partment such as Magistrates, Assessors, Constables, etc., who were pointed out by the Tories inhabiting that neighborhood. The enemy went in three divisions, part of them through Germantown, where they broke many windows, seized all the leather, stockings, etc., and returned to Philadelphia on the evening of the same day, after having committed many other acts of licentiousness and cruelty on the persons of those they term Rebels.
This incursion was certainly one of the boldest and most serious which the royal troops attempted. The allusion to " the Tories inhabiting that neighborhood " must be taken with many grains of allowance : how strong the sympathy even of the non- fighting Friends was for the American cause, and how much they
1 [1896.] This incident is alluded to in the first edition of " Gwynedd " as a tradi- tion only. It was related to me by my grandfather, Charles F. Jenkins. I had not then observed Laccy's report of it, nor seen Montresor's Diary.
The surprise of Lacey's men at the Billet occurred five days after that at Gwynedd, -on May 1, 1778.
354
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
dreaded the royal troops, is clearly disclosed in the pages of the Sally Wister Journal, in the preceding chapter.
As some offset to these raids there is the tradition that John Fries, of Hatfield, afterwards the famous auctioneer who raised the " Rebellion " of 1798 against the window tax, " on one oc- casion, while the British held Philadelphia, headed a party of his neighbors, gave pursuit to the light-horse that were driving stolen cattle to the city, and rescued them about the Spring-House tavern."
The Friends, as a body, took no part in the war, on either side. Their peace principles were fairly preserved. A few entered the revolutionary service, but none in Gwynedd, so far as there is evi- dence, took the king's side. Mordecai Roberts, Eldad's son, is said to have served in the Continental army and fought at Ger- mantown. The meeting records show that he was disciplined for "joining the military men in their exercises," and finally dis- owned, in June, 1777. In September, 1779, the minutes mention another case where " consented to the payment of a Fine in Lieu of Personal Military Service; which in writing he acknowledged sorrow for, but afterwards appealed to have the like fine remitted, and also was present at a muster, from which it appears that his sorrow was not such as worketh true repent- ance," etc., etc. In December, 1779, Joseph Ambler, son of John, makes acknowledgment for paying a fine in lieu of personal military service, and taking the oath of allegiance.'
Under the militia law of that time, all the men within the military age were enrolled by companies, and regarded as mem- bers of these, whether they mustered or not. If they did not
1 These are, however, a very small part of the similar instances. My friend Charles Roberts, of Philadelphia, who has more carefully inspected the monthly meeting records of the period, says there were many disownments for taking part in the war,- as many as a dozen on one meeting day.
355
REVOLUTIONARY DETAILS.
attend muster, or respond when called into service, they in- curred a fine. In Gwynedd township there were two such com- panies, and in Montgomery one. The officer for the lower division of Gwynedd, was at first Captain Dull (Christian, the tavern keeper at Spring-House, no doubt), and subsequently Captain Troxel ; in the upper division, Captain Bloom ; and in Montgomery, Captain Hines. The companies belonged to "the Fourth Battalion of Philadelphia County Militia, commanded by Colonel William Dean." Printed accounts, showing the fines collected between 1777 and 1780 from those persons who did not muster or march when called on, are in existence, and one list of collections for Gwynedd is as follows :
Captain Dull's Company, in Gwynedd, Lower Division.
FINES.
FINES.
NAME. £ s. d.
Christian Wolfinger,
15
NAME. { s. d. Brought forward, 463 15 0 Ezekiel Cleaver, jun., 37 10 0
Enoch Morgan, . . 20 0 0
George Selsor, 20
Daniel Morgan, . . 37 10 0
Conrad Gearhart,
22 10
William Stemple, . 10 0
Joseph Leblon, . 22 10
David Roberts, . . 37
10 0
John Smyth, . . 22 IO O
John Evans, . . 37
10 0
Geo. A. Snyder, .
22 10 0
Garret Clemens, . . 37 10 0
William Moore,
15 O
John Everhart, . 37 10 O
John Getter, . . 22 10 0
William Roberts, . 22 10 0 William Johnstone, . 37 10 0
Ezekiel Cleaver, . . 37 10 0
Owen Evans, . . 37 10 0
Hugh Foulk, . 37 10 0
John Sidons, . 15
Joshua Foulk, . 37 10 0
Nicholas Rial, 37 10 0
Levi Foulk, . 37 10 0
Conrad Clime, 6 00
Jesse Foulk,
37 10 0
John Singer, 37 10 0
Griffith Edwards, . 37 10 0
John Selsor, .
20
Samuel Sidons,
22
IO
Jacob Preston, II 5 0
David Morris, . II 5 0
Thomas Evans, · 37 10 0
Carried forward, 463 15 0
Total, . . 988 10 0
.
Adam Fleck, .
22 IO
356
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
Captain Bloom's Company, Upper Division of Gwynedd.
FINES·
FINES.
NAME.
s. d.
NAME. £
s. d.
Jacob Wisner, . 20 0 0
Brought forward, 380 4 0
Benjamin Harry, 20 0 0
John Luken, . 37 10 0 Daniel Hoffman, . 37 10 0
Rees Roberts, 20 0 0
Samuel Wheeler, .
20 0 0
Thomas Shoemaker, 37 10 0
Melchoir Crible, . . 20 0 0
William Hoffman, . 37 10 0
Caleb Foulk, . 22 10 0
John Thomson, .
30 0
Levi Jenkins, . 22
10 0 George Roberts, . 37 10 0
John Erwin, . . 22 10 0 Jacob Young, . 37 10 0
Jacob Smith,
22 10 0
Isaac Kulp,
. 30
Job Luken,
22 10 0
Joseph Long, .
.
37 10 0
John Dilcart, . Jacob Wiont,
7 10 0
Isaac Lewis,
28 2 6
Samuel Casner, 28
2 0
Amos Roberts,
. 20
0 0
William Springer, . 28
2 0 Joseph Lewis,
. 37 IC O
John Evans, . . 20
0 0
David Harry,
20 0 0
William Williams, . 37 IO O
George Maris,
. 37 10 0
Jacob Hisler,
37 10 0
Rees Harry,
15 00
Carried forward, 380 4 0 Total, 935 17 6
These fines, in the case of strict Friends, must have been ob- tained by seizure and sale of some of their property, as they could not, under their Discipline, pay them voluntarily. Another list of collections, later than that given above, shows much heavier fines, several running up to £200, and Garret Clemens,1 in the lower division, paying $300. These were sums in Continental currency, however, and therefore not so ruinously large as they appear.
When the American army moved from Valley Forge to New Jersey, in June, 1778, the whole of it doubtless marched through Gwynedd, and at least a part of it encamped there over night,
1 He was not a Friend, but a Mennonite, or a Dunker.
9
Jacob Albright,
22 10 0
357
REVOLUTIONARY DETAILS.
June 19-20. We may repeat here the lines from Miss Wister's journal, which fix these facts :
June 19. Dr. Gould came here to-night. Our army are about six miles off on their march to the Jerseys.
June 20. Owen Foulke arrived just now. The army began their march at six this morning, by their house. Our worthy General Smallwood break- fasted at Uncle Caleb's. Our brave, our heroic General Washington was escorted by fifty of the Life-Guard with drawn swords.
The march from Valley Forge was down the main roads, in- cluding the Perkiomen and Skippack, to the Swedes' Ford road, and then across on it by Doylestown to Wells's Ferry (New Hope), where the army crossed the river into New Jersey. That Washington himself encamped in Gwynedd on the night of the 19th is quite likely : Owen Foulke's explanations to the family at Penllyn show that he rode by Caleb's house' next morning, and it is known that he reached Doylestown that night.
ì The old Meredith house, now J. Lukens's, repeatedly mentioned in this volume. See the illustration.
XXI. Taxables in Gwynedd in 1776.
T HE following is the assessor's list of taxables in Gwynedd in the year 1776. It shows the names of all who were holders of land, those who had horses and cows, and the number of such animals, and the names of those " single men " who were liable only to a poll-tax. The records show that John Jenkins was the assessor, and Henry Bergey the collector.
Name.
Land,
acres.
Horses.
Cows.
Name.
Land, acres.
Horses.
Cows.
Jesse Foulke,
210
6
6
Peter Buck, .
50 I
2
Thomas Evans,
. 230
2
6 George Shelmire,
96 I
I
George Snider,
150 3
6 George Shelmire, jr.,
3
2
Michael Hawke,
. 150 2
4
William Ervin, .
. 100 2
2
Jephthah Lewis,
200 2
6 Alexander Major,
150 2
6
Eneas Lewis,
160 2
3
Joshua Foulk,
. 200
3
6
Isaac Lewis,
2
3
John Sparry,
100 2
5
Rees Harry,
200 2
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