USA > Pennsylvania > Montgomery County > Gwynedd > Historical collections relating to Gwynedd, a township of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, settled, 1696, by immigrants from Wales, with some data referring to the adjoining township, of Montgomery, also settled by Welsh > Part 31
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5 Iron potts and pott
3. 0.0 hooks,
I Gridiron, brander, I . 5.0 and frying pans,
I Long frame table,
5 Oak chairs, I. 5.0
2 Lignum vitæ mortars, 1 . 5 . 0
25 yards of lincy woolcy, 2 . 15 . 0
1 They seem to have been all empty !
386
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
The quantity of furniture shown above was unusually large. No other Gwynedd inventory of that time, that I have exam- ined, shows so much.
The inventory of Jenkin Jenkin's personal estate, in Hatfield, in 1745, shows much the same list as Robert John, but there were a few different or otherwise notable articles, as follows :
£ s. d,
E s. d.
4 Brass pans, II . O.O
All the pewters, 3. 0.0
I Rug,
1 . IO.0
Earthenware, 0.10.0
Tin ware, . 0. 4.0
Iron pots, a kettle, and hangers, 2. 0.0
I Diaper table-cloth, and 3 napcins, .0.10.0 Brand irons, frying-pan
8 chairs, 0.16.0 and bakeston, 2.10.0 Wooling yarn, 6. 0.0
A table and dough trough, I. 0.0
A coutch, 0. 7.0
A chest with drawers, . I . 0. 0
2 Buckskins, . 1.16.0
5 Coarse sheets, I. O.0
2 Sheets, I . O.0
Lining yarn, 1 . 12.0
The inventory of Robert Evans, of Gwynedd, 1746, included
I feather bed and furniture, 2 chaff beds and furniture. 1 chaff bed and 2 pillows, 6 lbs. worsted yarn, 5 lbs. of combed worsted, 4 yards of lincy, 312 yards of cloth, 26lbs. of wool, I great and 3 little wheels, a dough trough.
Evan Evans (the preacher, who lived at Mumbower's mill), who died in 1747, had a large number of items in his inventory such as these :
Sundry remnants of linnen (£5 Ios.) ; table linnen, a piece of new linnen, flax and tow yarn, 61/2 lbs. of worsted, linnen yarn, 20 lbs. of wool, etc., etc.
The character and number of these items indicate that they may have been on hand as part of the product of the fulling- mill which Evan Evans or his son Abraham had established about 1744. Other items in the same inventory were these :
387
EARLY SOCIAL CONDITIONS.
21 chairs, a settle, a long table, 3 " ovil " tables, sundry earthenware, a brass kettle and other brass things, sundry pewters, sundry wooden vessels, funnel, grater, bellows, tongs and fire shovel, a baking plate, 3 iron potts, 2 pairs of pott hangers, cheese press, dough trough, a looking- glass.
These inventories show clearly enough the character and extent of the household belongings in Gwynedd and adjoining townships down to 1750. There were few dishes of any finer ware than earthen ; brass and pewter ones were the most es- teemed. Jenkin Jenkin had some tin-ware. The iron pots were valued enough to be made heirlooms. The " dough-trough " was in nearly every house. No clocks are named in any of these inventories. The best beds were filled with feathers, but many plain people contented themselves with a tick filled with chaff. For cooking, the frying-pan, the chafing-dish, the grid- iron, and the kettle were used. The " smoothing-box and heater " mentioned in Robert John's inventory were no doubt a smooth- ing-iron, with a cell in the heel for the insertion of a heated piece of metal,-such as hatters and others still use. The " settle " appears in Evan Evans's house, and he, like Robert John, had a looking-glass. For making the bed comfortable on a cold night, the warming-pan was already in use. Robert John's " Chyney- ware " appears to have been unknown in other houses.
Of the simplicity of manners among the Friends we get a glimpse in this letter, sent by Benjamin and Ann Mendenhall, of Chester county, to Owen and Mary Roberts, of Gwynedd, solicit- ing the latter's daughter Mary for their son Benjamin :
CONCORD, ye 20 of ye 6 Mo., 1716.
Beloved Friends,
Owen Roberts and Mary his wife.
Our Love is unto you, and to your son and daughter. Now this is to let you understand that our son Benjamin had made us acquainted that he has a kindness for your daughter Lydia, and desired our consent thereon,
388
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
and we having well considered of it and knowing nothing in our minds against his proceeding therein, have given our consent that he may proceed orderly, that is to have your consent, and not to proceed without it. And it is our desire that you will give your consent, Also now, as touching his place that we have given him for to settle on, we shall say but little at present.
Ellis Lewis knows as well of our minds and can give you as full account of it, as we can if we were with you, but if you will be pleased to come down, we shall be very glad to see you, or either of you, and then you might satisfy yourselves.
Now we desire you when satisfied, to return us an answer, in the same. way as we have given you our minds.
No more, but our kind love to you and shall remain your Loving friends, BENJAMIN AND ANN MENDENHALL.1
That the business thus delicately introduced, and promoted perhaps by the settlements which Benjamin and Ann had made for their son (which Ellis Lewis could tell all about), prospered, we know by the records. Benjamin Mendenhall, jr., married Lydia Roberts, at Gwynedd meeting-house, 3d mo. 9th, 1717.
Conduct was not always so circumspect, however, with young people about marrying. The monthly meeting records, 1723, show a minute like this :
H- J -- and wife produced a paper condemning their letting loose their affections to one another before a timely permission from Parents and Relations, -which was read & ordered to lye by ye clerk for further Tryal.2
Some other extracts from the disciplinary proceedings of the monthly meeting may be here made :
1718. This meeting being given to understand that J -- W -- at a certain time hath been too much overtaken with the Excess of Strong Liquor, he being present att this meeting Confessed the same and Con-
1 This letter, I am cautioned by my friend, Gilbert Cope, is much smoothed from the original.
2 I do not think this means anything more than is expressed,-that the young people engaged to marry, without getting permission.
389
EARLY SOCIAL CONDITIONS.
demned himself and the Spirit that led him thereunto, with a firm resolu- tion to take better care for the future.
1718. Reported by Gwynedd Overseers that D- H- lately was too apparently seen in the Excess of Drink. [Not being present, he was notified to appear, which subsequently he did, " confest his failures," and promised reform.]
1725. E- F- brought in a paper condemning his immoderate use of strong drink.
The following extracts from the minutes, of a much later date, relate to the same subject :
3d mo. 29, 1763. has contracted considerable debts at Tav- erns, more than he is able to pay.
IIth mo. 26, 1765. - - retails liquors without license, etc., very contrary to the advice of Friends.
7th mo. 26, 1796. [Answer to query :] Several members decline the use of liquor in time of harvest.
7th mo. 25, 1797. Some members retail liquors.
7th mo. 31, 1798. None retailing or distilling except four women, whose husbands are not in membership.
8th mo. 26, 1800. In relation to - we are of the mind that part of the charge of assaulting his neighbors had better be expunged, and say that he threw a glass of wine at a certain person in an angry manner, & at the same time used unbecoming language.
In relation to marriages and burials, a tendency to what the meeting regarded as excess was early observed.
8th mo. 26, 1725. This meeting hath had in consideration ye large . provisions in marriage and burials, wch after some discourse was referred to next meeting.
A memorandum amongst the papers of Ellis Lewis, the elder, of Upper Dublin, shows the following items of expense, at the time of his funeral, in 1753 :
£ s. d. To a Windin sheete, To Wine, Rum, Sider and other small things in cash, 2 16 15 9 II To Digin the Greave, 0 IO O
390
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
The drinkables, it seems, were much the heaviest items of expense !
The records of the Friends' meeting show that " differences " would sometimes arise among members, but there is pleasing evidence that the efforts to speedily end them were successful. Here is a case in point :
1718. Being informed of some Difference Depending between Richard Morris and John Rees, viz : the sd John Rees has lost or mislaid his deed wh he had of Richd Morris, on a tract of land he purchased of the said Richard ; Now the advice of this meeting is that they, in a friendly man- ner, Refer the matter Depending to two able judicious men. Both being present [they] agreed to refer the same to David Lloyd and Robert Jones of Meirion, & to stand to their Determination and final judgment.
This was a satisfactory procedure, for a few months later
Account was given that ye differences depending between Richard Morris and John Rees was fully ended.
There was, it seems, some " difference" between Rowland Ellis and Owen Owen. This is mentioned in the minutes several times, and the case probably never came to a definite conclusion. But at one meeting, in the 9th month, 1724, a committee was appointed to "advise 'em to stand to the judgment of ye Friends," and the papers relating to the controversy were directed to be placed in the custody of John Humphrey, who was not to allow them " to be shown or read to any one, or to be trans- cribed." Two months later the papers were brought to the meeting, "folded, sealed, and delivered to John Humphrey, to be safely kept by him, and not unsealed without this meeting con- sent." The whole affair then rested. Afterward, Rowland Ellis died, and in 1741, John Humphrey being dead also, the meet- ing ordered the papers to be destroyed.
Some further interesting glimpses of the manners of the
.
391
EARLY SOCIAL CONDITIONS.
time may be obtained from other minutes of disciplinary action by the monthly meeting :
1730. S. E. appeared at this meeting and confess'd he had unadvis- edly gone into bad Company at a Certain Time, and also had actual en- gag'd in the wicked practice of playing Cards, with other Indecent things, all which he frankly Confessed & openly Condemn'd and express'd Sorrow on the occasion, [etc.]
1730. E. M. appeared at this meeting, Confessing his faults for In- dulging some of his neighbours to fiddle and keep undue liberty in his house, [etc., etc.] This meeting being sorrowfully affected with the preva- lence of undue Liberties, such as shooting matches, Singing & Dancing, and the like disorders, wch too many of our youths fall into, we can do no less than recommend it to all parents, masters, mistresses, overseers, and other faithfull friends, to Discourage and Crush the growth of such Disor- ders as much as in 'em lies.
1742. The meeting adjudges that a man that does not pay his debts Deprives himself of being in fellowship with us unless he surrenders his all. 1750. [The minutes state at some length that] - joined the Society by convincement, declaring he had no bye ends. He soon married a Friend, and declared he never owned our principles.
1756. [This appears to be the first answering of the Queries. To the Ist ] Meetings are attended, and the hour observed, and as for sleeping, chewing tobacco, and taking snuff, we fear some are not so clear as might be wished for, notwithstanding the repeated advices, [etc.]
1760. - , daughter of -, says she was married by a Swede minister in Philad'a, but this meeting being doubtful of the va- racity do appoint William Foulke and John Evans to use their endeavors · to find the certainty by enquiring of said Minister.
1761. went out in marriage pretty soon after the de- cease of her former husband, and it appearing to be her third offense of that kind, the Meeting, [etc.]
1766. R. R., tanner, is disowned for not binding his children out, when unable to make a living.
XXV. Agriculture, Slaves, Schools, Hotels, Stores, etc.
S OME idea of the agricultural methods of the early settlers may be gathered from the inventories of personal property attached to their wills. In 1712, William John's inventory showed his grain crops to be wheat, rye, and oats ; he had also hay ; and these were "in the barn," showing that he, at least, had by that time built a barn. He had 21 cattle of all sorts, 5 of the horse kind, in addition to " I old mare with her breed in the woods." He had " 7 stock of bees," showing attention already given to them, and Jenkin Jenkin's inventory, 1745, includes 18 hives of bees. Owen Evans, 1723, also had bees, and his inven- tory includes " 6 acres of new land fallow for barley."
Cider was made quite early. Robert John, 1732, had “ an apple mill and press." Jenkin Jenkin's inventory includes " 7 hogseds and 3 barrels of sider."
As to implements and tools, there were none up to 1750 but of the simplest sort. Robert John had 3 plows, I harrow, 3 hoes, an iron bar, mauls, wedges, axes, spades, shovels, dung- forks, pitch-forks, a broadaxe, 2 cross-cut saws, " sithes," sickles, 2 grindstones. The sickle, of course, was the implement for reaping grain, but Jenkin Jenkin's inventory (1743) mentions "a cradle," in connection with " a scythe and 4 siccles," showing the use of the cradle as early as that. He had also " a cuting box."
393
AGRICULTURE.
Sheep were raised by Robert Evans, whose inventory, 1746, showed 22 head of them, as well as 20 hogs, and Evan Evans, the preacher, 1747, had 30 head of sheep. Robert Evans's crops were partly in " ye barn," and he had a lot of " flax unrotted." Jenkin Jenkin's crop items include flaxseed and buckwheat.
Of vehicles of any sort there is no mention in any of these early inventories, except a cart. Robert John had one, and Evan Evans had " a cart and thiller's gears ; " he had also a sled. Those who travelled went on horseback, and in the inventories the " riding-horse" is usually mentioned separately, and appraised at a considerably higher price than the horses used for farm work. It was common, also, to appraise the saddle with the horse. That the sale of a horse was attended with some for- mality at times is shown by a bill of sale among the papers of Ellis Lewis, of Upper Dublin, given to him, in 1728, by John Clark, " of Elizabethtown, in East New Jersey," for "a black horse, branded I F on the near buttock, with a few white hairs in ye forehead, and a few white on his hind off leg." (The price was £3 5s.)
Some memoranda in the little book of Samuel and Cadwal- lader Foulke give clues to the time of agricultural operations.1 Thus :
On the 5th day of May, 1773, fell a snow of several Inches deep, & was succeeded by the greatest crops of wheat that was known for more than 30 years.
9th of July, 1801, Began Reaping. 15th do., Finished Reaping and all our grain in the Barn.
12th of July, 1802, began Reaping. 17th, finished reaping, and all our grain in the barn.
1803, May 8th, a snow of 4 or 5 inches.
1 The first of these items refers to Richland; the others mostly, if not all, to Gwynedd. It is notable that the time given for the beginning of harvest is later than now.
394
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
On the last day of March, 1807, was the greatest snow ever known at that season.
On the first day of Nov'r, 1810, it began snowing, which continued 32 hours, and drifted for two days & was attended with unusual freezing. After one moderate day it began Raining on the 8th. The Ioth in the even- ing was the greatest fresh in Wissahickon that had happened for 16 years. The sun has not shone from the 8th until the [date omitted].
March 30, 1823, there was a snow near a foot deep, attended with the hardest gale for 12 hours, ever known, by which thousands of cords of wood were blown down.
1834, May 14th, 15th, and 16th, the ground was froze each morning.
Concerning the slaves in Gwynedd, the meeting records furnish some clues. Here are a few extracts from the monthly meeting minutes :
4th mo. 27, 1756. [Answer of Monthly Meeting to 10th Query :] We have but very few negroes amongst us, and they we believe are tolerably well used.
7th mo. 25, 1758. A Friend among us has sold a negro slave to another since our last Quarter. Querie : is that an offence ?
Ist mo. 29, 1760. [Answer to Query :] Some slaves are brought to meeting at times.
2d mo. 26, 1760. Thomas Jones has purchased a slave, and he appearing in this meeting in a plyable frame of mind, expressed disposi- tion of using him well if he should live ; this meeting desires him to adhere to the Principle of doing unto others as he would be done unto, which will teach him how to use him in time to come.
3d mo. 30, 1761. Richard Thomas has purchased a slave, and he being in this meeting, Friends had a good opportunity to lay the inconsist- ency of the practice before him, [etc. ].
Ioth mo. 27. 1761. Mordecai Moore sold a slave for a term of years, but says that he has such a regard for the unity of Friends that if it was to do again he would not do it.
Ioth mo., 1770. Jonathan Robeson acknowledges selling a negro woman, who was very troublesome in his family for several years. He never intends to do the like again.
395
SLAVES.
Ist mo., 1780. Miles Evans agrees to manumit his negro man. A committee of the meeting is appointed to advise the negro with respect to his conduct when free.
7th mo. 27, 1784. [Women's branch of the Monthly Meeting answer- ing the query, said :] No slaves amongst us. Those set free are under the care of the committee.
Jenkin Jenkin's inventory, 1745, shows "a servant man" appraised at £8, and " a negro woman," £40. The former was probably an indentured servant, and the latter a slave. Items of the " time " of indentured servants occur in many of the inven- tories. In Evan Evan's inventory, 1728 : "a servant lad, £15, and a servant maid, I yr to serve, £4." In Robert John's, 1732 : " The time of 5 bound servants, £50." In Evan Evan's, 1747 : "A servant man's time, 2 yrs, £10."
In 1757, as appears from an old memorandum of account, the pay of a farm laborer, David Evans, in the employ of Ellis Lewis, of Upper Dublin, for reaping and mowing, was 2 shillings 6 pence per day-about 53 cents. For threshing less than that was paid. Some items in the account run thus :
s. d. 1757. 2 days Reepin, . 4 " Mowin second grass, IO 0 5 O 6 thrashin wheat, 12 O 1759. 5 mowing grass, 12 6 3 thrashin buckwheat, 4 0
As to schools and education, the first school-house in the township undoubtedly was that in the lower end, mentioned by Rowland Hugh and Robert Humphrey, 1721, in their petition for a road. In 1729, it appears that " Marmaduke Pardo, of Gwynedd, schoolmaster," was married at Merion, so that Gwyn- nedd had a teacher at least that early, if not-as is reasonable- in 1721, when the school-house was provided.1
1 Marmaduke came from Pembrokeshire, Wales, with the following quaint certifi- cate, dated April 19, 1727: " We whose names are hereunto subscrib'd, being the
396
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
Of the teachers following Marmaduke Pardo I have no account. Samuel Evans (son of Owen and Ruth) was a teacher " at North Wales," toward the close of the last century. A school was kept under the oversight of the Friends, at the meet- ing-house, at least as early as 1793. Joseph Foulke, in a manu- script furnished the writer in 1859, recalled the following facts :
My earliest recollection of schools which I attended was at Gwynedd meeting. There was no house for the purpose, but what was called "the little meeting-house " was used. An old tottering man by the name of Samuel Evans was teacher. The reading books were the Bible and Testa- ment ; we had Dilworth's Spelling-Book, and Dilworth's Assistant (or Arithmetic). Grammar was a thing hardly thought of ; there was however a small part of the spelling-book called "A New Guide to the English Tongue," and a few of the older pupils learned portions of this, by rote, and would occasionally recite to the master, but the substance appeared to be equally obscure both to master and scholar.
My next schooling was in 1795, in the house late the property of William Buzby, on the Bethlehem road, above the Spring-House. It was a kind of family school, taught by Hannah Lukens. (Here Dr. Walton, of Stroudsburg, laid the foundation of his education.) I next went to Joshua Foulke, my father's elder brother, and an old man. He taught in a log school-house, near the 18-mile stone on the Bethlehem road. My father, with the help of his neighbors, built this house [about 1798], on a lot set apart for the purpose at the southern extremity of his premises. This log school-house stood about thirty years, and besides Joshua Foulke, we had for teachers William Coggins, Hannah Foulke, Benjamin Albertson, Hugh Foulke (my brother), John Chamberlain, Christian Dull, Daniel Price, and
Curate and others of the inhabitants of the parish of St. David's, do hereby certify whom it may concern that ye bearer hereof, Marmaduke Pardo, of the Citty of St. David's, and county of Pembrock, hath to ye utmost of our knowledge & all appear- ance liv'd a very sober and pious life, demeaning himself according to ye Strictest Rules of his profession, viz., wt what we call Quakerism, & yt he hath for these several years past took upon himself ye keeping of a private school in this citty, in which station he acquitted himself with ye common applause, and to ye general satisfaction of all of us who have committed our children to his care and tuition," etc. [Signed by Richard Roberts, curate, and about 25 others.]
397
SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION.
Samuel Jones. (I have probably not named all, or given them in the order in which they came).
The Free School of Montgomery, however, was more popular. The salary paid there, $160 a year, secured more competent teachers than other schools in the neighborhood. I can remember when the teacher's pay was from a dollar to ten shillings per quarter for each scholar, and he obtained his board by going about from house to house among his em- ployers, and it was a remark that people would trust a teacher to instruct their children to whom they would not lend a horse !
Many interesting data ought to be available concerning this " Free School at Montgomery." It was maintained for many years, and the old house yet stands, and is used for school pur- poses. Here William Collom, an accomplished teacher, taught about 1820. Benjamin F. Hancock was teacher there, when his son, the General, was born. Among the scholars at one time, were Samuel Aaron, Samuel Medary, and Lewis Jones, and a flourishing debating society was maintained about William Col- lom's time.
George I. Evans of Emerson, Ohio, says of his father, Jona- than Evans : " He taught school for two years, perhaps, near Everard Foulke's, about half a mile east of Bunker's Hill, and I 1/2 miles from Quakertown ; after that he moved to Gwynedd and taught school there. I think he moved to Sandy Hill [Whit- pain] in 1816 or '17, and remained there until after 1824. He also taught in Worcester, and in 1826 and 1827 he taught at the end of Uncle John Ambler's lane, in an old log house on Cap- tain Baker's place. I think he got as low as $6 a month for teaching."
The public schools of Gwynedd township date their history from the year 1840. In 1834, during the administration of Governor Wolf, the first common school law passed the Legisla- ture. It left the school districts the option of acceptance or re-
398
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF GWYNEDD.
jection by a vote of the school directors, who were elected by the people. This law was objected to as needlessly elaborate, and in various respects unsuitable for the circumstances of the people. However fair or otherwise this charge may have been, comparatively few schools were organized under it, in any part of the State. In 1835 its repeal was nearly carried through the Legislature. The Senate passed the repealing act by a de- cisive vote, but in the House, Thaddeus Stevens led the opposi- tion, and by his passionate eloquence and persistent earnestness, secured a majority in the negative.1 The next year, in Governor Ritner's administration, the law was amended, and with this change the friends of public schools began their work in earnest.
In 1834, the Gwynedd Board of Directors were Peter Hoot, Thomas Shoemaker, Solomon Kriebel, Jesse Spencer, William Buzby, and Charles F. Jenkins. On the vote for accepting or rejecting the State system, the members were unanimous in the negative.
In 1835 and 1836 the votes of the directors were to the same effect. But in 1837, under the provisions of the amended law of '36, the people voted on the question of adoption, at the township election, in March. For three years the opposition was successful, the votes being as follows :
1837, March -, for Adoption, 23 ; for Rejection, 100. 1838, 16, “ 73; " 128. J 25.
1839, 15, " 46 ;
The contest of 1838 was a warm one, and while the friends of the schools showed a great increase of strength, their decisive defeat evidently discouraged them for the next year. But a very persuasive element had now entered into the case. The State
1 This was the time of Stevens's greatest service in behalf of public education. See, for some account of the scene in the House, Armor's Lives of the Governors of Pennsylvania.
399
SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION.
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