History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, Part 15

Author: Ashmead, Henry Graham, 1838-1920
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : L.H. Everts
Number of Pages: 1150

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cruel enemy." He was instructed to employ proper and discreet persons to make the levy, to appraise the blankets, certify the number and value of the articles, from whom taken, as well as the townships wherein the levies were made. The general was recommended to keep account of the blankets collected that they might be returned to the militia, so that the troops subsequently called into service could be supplied therewith.4

The two days immediately succeeding the landing of the British at Elk were stormy, with lightning and thunder, which delayed the advance of their army. On the morning of October 27th, two divisions of light infantry, under Howe, moved forward, and the army of invasion thus began its march in the direction of the city of Philadelphia. The lines of the royal troops, who had proceeded slowly and cautiously on Wednesday, the 3d day of September, extended from Aikentown (now Glasgow) to a point some distance northwest of the Baptist Church on Iron Hill, in Pencader Hundred, Del., when at the latter place their vanguard was encountered by Gen. Maxwell's brigade, consisting of a detachment of Continental and the Maryland and Delaware militia. An English officer records, " The Rebels began to attack us about nine o'clock with a continued smart irregular fire for near two miles."5 The American sharpshooters as usual did good service, but being inferior in number and without artillery, were pushed backward and finally compelled to retreat across White Clay Creek with a loss of forty killed and wounded. The English claimed that their loss was three killed and twenty wounded,6 but a woman who the following day had been in the British camp declared she saw nine wagon- loads of wounded brought in.

On September 1st, Gen. Armstrong had forwarded almost all the troops at Chester to Washington's com- mand, and proposed following them himself the next day after he had adjusted some matters requiring his personal supervision.

Three days later Council wrote to Gen. Armstrong stating that a part of the militia of Chester belonging to a class which had not been called into service had formed themselves into companies and had applied for ammunition and rations at headquarters, and had been refused. Council was willing to encourage those people "at this juncture," and if they could he of use in the field, would " consider their two months service at this time as if they had served in future classes." These men were from the southern part of Chester County, and Col. Smith the same day was directed to extend the like terms " to all other volun- teers that may go forth in this common cause, they first accommodating their services to the ideas of Gen. A."

On September 5th the American army was encamped

said, " It was here, along the higher ground on the left bank of the Kakari Konk (Cobb's Creek), that Washington, when moving towards the field of Brandywine, was forced, by raine so heavy as to swell the stream almost beyond precedent, to remain three days inactive." Did not the incident thus described occur when the army was moving south ward to meet Cornwallis in Virginia?

1 "Journal of Capt. John Montressor," Penna. Mag. of Hist., vol. v. p. 409. There is an error in the day of the week on which the landing was made, as recorded in the journal. Capt. Montressor notes Ang. 25, 1777, as falling on Sunday, while the minutes of the Supreme Executive Council record Saturday aa Ang. 23, 1777.

2 Johnson's " History of Cecil County, Md.," p. 327.

3 Penna. Archives, lat ceries, vol. v. p. 563.

+ Colonial Records, vol. ix. p. 285.

5 Capt, Montressor's Journal, Penna. Mag. of History, vol. v. p. 412. " Ib., p. 413.

THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE.

on the east side of Red Clay Creek, and all the troops in Wilmington were ordered to march to Newport, excepting Gen. Irwin's brigade, which was to remain in Wilmington, at work on the intrenchments at that place. "The enemy," writes Gen. Armstrong, "as far as we yet learn, appear to spread over some con- siderable space of Country, but in a detached way from Couches Mills to some part of Nottingham."1 The same day the Navy Board recommended to Council that as there were reasons to believe that some vessels of the English fleet would attempt to approach the city, a certain number of persons should be assigned to flood Hog Island, and that ninety or one hundred men should garrison the fort at Darby Creek. Council requested the Navy Board to see to the flooding of the Island, and ordered a company of artillery and a com- pany of "Musqueters," under the command of Col. Jehu Eyre, to the works at Darby Creek.

Congress having recommended, ou September 5th, a call for five thousand militia of Pennsylvania, the following day Council directed the several lieutenants of the counties to order the militia to immediately march to Darby, where they were "to rendezvous on the heights," and to "appear with what arms they have, or can procure, and otherwise equipped in the best manner they may be able." These equipments, including blankets, Council assured the troops, would be paid for by the State in the event of their being " taken by the enemy or otherwise unavoidably lost." 2

This call for militia only included those of the counties of Philadelphia, Chester, York, Cumberland, and Northumberland.ª Why Lancaster was omitted does not appear on the records of the Executive Council.

We also learn from the journal of Capt. Montressor, chief engineer of the British army, that three fugitives came into Howe's camp on the 5th of September and reported that Gens. Mifflin and Cadwallader were, " with what militia they have and can collect, at Chester, with an intention to harass our rear." "

Deputy Quartermaster-General Mifflin, on Septem- ber 7th, wrote to Council from Newport, stating that the English army had disencumbered itself of all heavy baggage, and was then in light marching order. Washington, thereupon, had directed all baggage, ex- cepting blankets and " a few small clothes," to be sent away from the army, and for that purpose Quarter- master Mifflin desired a hundred wagons be at once ordered to headquarters. These teams were "to be placed in the rear of the divisions, and immediately on an alarm the tents and small packs left with the men were to be sent over Brandywine." The follow- ing day Council directed one hundred wagons from Berks, and a like number from Lancaster County, to report to Mifflin.

Gen. Armstrong, on the 8th, stated that the night

previous he had told Washington that in his opinion Howe's intention was to re-embark on the Delaware, cross to the New Jersey side, march up to the "Shevar de frize," clear the way for the fleet, and then bombard Philadelphia. He, therefore, was urgent for an attack on Howe in his camp.5 The commander-in-chief, however, had strengthened his position, intending to offer battle on Red Clay Creek, but on the very day on which Gen. Armstrong wrote to Council, Howe advanced in two columns, one as if threatening an immediate attack, while the other, extending its left, halted at Milltown. At once Washington detected the intention of the British general, which was to march by his right, throw his army suddenly across the Brandywine, occupy the heights on the north of that creek, and thus cut the Continental arms abso- lutely off from communication with Philadelphia. Had Howe succeeded in that movement it is not probable that anything other than the total surrender of the American forces could have followed its con- summation. That evening Washington held a coun- cil of war, at which it was decided at once to change position. At two o'clock in the morning the army was on the march, and had already crossed the Brandy- wine. On Tuesday afternoon, September 9th, in pur- suance of the enemy's plan, Lieut .- Gen. Knyphausen, with the Third Division and two British brigades, marched for Kennett Square via New Garden. That afternoon, at half-past five o'clock, Gen. Howe as- certained that Washington had " evacuated Newport and Wilmington, and had taken post at Chad's Ford on the Brandywine Creek."6 Washington having moved almost due north from Newport on the after- noon of the 9th, was intrenched on the high ground immediately north of the present Chad's Ford Hotel. During the night of the 10th, Maxwell's Light Infan- try, which had the advanced posts, dug intrenchments on the west side, covering the approaches to the ford, and at this point Washington decided to deliver battle in defense of Philadelphia.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE.

" THE Brandywine Creek, as it is called, com- mences with two branches called the East and West branches, which unite in one stream, flowing from West to East about twenty-two miles, and emptying itself into the Delaware about twenty-five miles below Philadelphia."7 The union of these branches takes place over four miles above where the stream crosses the circular boundary-line dividing Delaware County

1 Penna. Archives, Ist series, vol. v. p. 587.

3 Colonial Records, vol. xi. p. 293.

+ Penna. Mag. of Hist., vol. v. p. 414.

2 Ib., p. 592.

6 Penna. Archives, Ist series, vol. v. p. 598.

6 Penna. Mug. of Hist., vol. v. p. 415.

7 Irving's " Life of Washiogtoo," vol. Iii. p. 213.

HISTORY OF DELAWARE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

from the State of Delaware. The banks of the creek were steep, uneven, and covered with a heavy growth of forest trees at the period of which I am writing, and for the accommodation of public travel, roads had been cut and graded at convenient points to reach the fords of the Brandywine; that most gen- erally used being on the direct road to Philadelphia and known as Chad's Ford. The topography of that section, in a military aspect, impressed the English chief of engineers as "an amazing strong country, being a succession of large hills, rather sudden with narrow vales, in short an entire defile."1

Washington, as before stated, at Chad's Ford, the centre of his position, where he anticipated the prin- cipal attack would be made, had stationed the main body of his army under command of Maj .- Gen. Greene, and comprising the brigades of Gens. Wayne, Weedon, Muhlenberg, and Maxwell's Light Infantry. Slight earthworks and a redoubt had been constructed, and Col. Proctor, with his Pennsylvania Artillerists, was in charge of the battery of six guns, which com- manded the usual crossing of the stream at that place. Wayne's brigade, with Proctor's men, occupied the intrenchments, while Weedon's and Muhlenberg's brigades of Virginia troops were stationed some dis- tance in the rear as a reserve. The Pennsylvania militia, under Gen. John Armstrong, constituted the left wing and extended through the rough ground- then known as Rocky Field-to Pyle's Ford, two miles below Chad's, and there Col. Jehu Eyre, with Capt. Massey's and Mccullough's companies of the ar- tillery militia of Philadelphia, had placed his cannons so as to prevent the crossing of the stream at that point by the enemy. The right wing of the American army was composed of six brigades, in three divisions, that of Gen. Sullivan's on the left, Gen. Lord Stirling on the right, and Gen. Stephens in the centre, reach- ing about two miles up the creek beyond Washing- ton's headquarters, while the pickets were extended well up the stream, Maj. Spear being stationed at Buffington's Ford, now Brinton's, five miles beyond Chad's Ford.

On the evening of the 9th of September the two divisions of the British army under Lord Cornwallis and Maj .- Gen. Grant marched from Howe's head- quarters, in Mill Creek Hundred, Del., to Hock Hossing Meeting-House, and the following morning moved to Kennett Square, reaching that place about noon, where Licut .- Gen. Knyphausen's division was already encamped.

At daybreak next morning, the 11th of September, 1777, Gen. Howe marched his army in two columns against the American forces. The left wing, consist- ing of mounted and dismounted chasseurs, the first and second battalions of grenadiers, the guards, two squadrons of the Queen's Light Dragoons mounted,

and two squadrons dismounted, and four brigades of infantry, comprising, according to English reports, seven thousand men, commanded by Lord Cornwallis and accompanied by Howe himself, who, on that oc- casion, we are told by Joseph Townsend, rode a " large English horse, much reduced in flesh," the result of the long voyage from New York and the scarcity of provender on shipboard. The American accounts, on the other hand, insist that this column amounted to thirteen thousand men. On that sultry autumn morn- ing a thick fog hung like a curtain shutting out this movement from the eyes of the Continental scouts, and for miles the British troops, in light marching order, even their knapsacks laid aside, threaded their way along the road that ran northward almost par- allel with the Brandywine for several miles without a whisper of their coming being borne to the ears of the American generals.

The column under Cornwallis having marched away, Knyphausen was not hurried in his move- ment, as his purpose was merely to amuse the Conti- nental force in front of him until the left wing of the British army should have time to gain their right flank and rear. Hence it was about nine o'clock, four hours after Cornwallis had gone, that the Hes- sian general began to advance on the direct road to Chad's Ford. Early on the morning of the day of battle, Gen. Maxwell crossed at Chad's Ford, and with his riflemen had gone as far as Kennett Meeting- House to feel the British force, while small scouting- parties were extended even beyond that place. A graceful historical writer tells us that, as tradition has preserved the incident, a party of scouts had ven- tured to John Welsh's tavern, within the very clutches of Knyphausen, and there hitched their horses at the front of the inn, while they comfortably sampled the New England rum and apple whiskey in the bar- room. The Hessians, who "wore their beards on their upper lip, which was a novelty in that part of the country," advancing, cut off the retreat of the American party by the front of the house, so that, abandoning their horses, they ran from the back door, turning, however, as they "fled, to discharge a spluttering volley that wounded one of their own horses left in the hands of the enemy." 2

The riflemen began to harass the advancing troops, and, by resorting to trees, fences, and every available shelter, Maxwell thus maintained an efficient skir- mish, sustaining himself well as he retired slowly be- fore the heavy column moving against him. From behind the building and graveyard walls at Kennett Meeting-House a number of the sharpshooters in- flicted much loss on the British troops, but were com- pelled to retreat before the overwhelming body ar- rayed against them. By ten o'clock Maxwell had hy the pressure of superior numbers been forced back-

1 Journal of Capt. John Montressor, Penna. Mag. of History, vol. v. p. 415.

2 " Brandy wine, 1777," by Howard M. Jenkios, io Lippincott's Magazine for September, 1877.

THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE.

ward to the high ground on the west of the creek, and, after a bitter contest, to the ford itself. Some troops being sent over to his assistance, he renewed the struggle, even regaining the heights. Capt. Por- terfield and Waggoner, with their commands, crossed the ford, moved to the left of Maxwell, where they began a vigorous attack on Ferguson's Corps of Royal Riflemen, who at the time, together with a portion of the Twenty-eighth British Regiment, were engaged in throwing up light works, to put two guns in po- sition on their right, to respond to Proctor's artillery, which had opened fire from the opposite bank. The troops under Porterfield and Waggoner fought their way up a narrow, thickly-wooded valley, and forced a company of the enemy, supported by a hundred men from Gen. Stern's Hessian brigade, to seek protection back of the stone house of William Harvey, the elder, who lived on the west side of the creek, until addi- tional troops had hastened to their assistance. Proc- tor, from the other side of the stream observing this, trained his guns on the advancing Britons, and the house came directly in the line of his fire. William Harvey, then in his sixtieth year, had sent his family away from the dwelling, but, being a man of great personal courage, determined to remain to protect his property as far as he could from plunderers. When the American guns opened, Harvey sat on his front porch, when a neighbor, Jacob Way, seeing him there, called out, "Come away ; thee is in danger here! Thee will surely be killed !" The old gentle- man merely shook his head, while his friend urged him in vain. As they exchanged words a twelve- pound cannon ball from Proctor's battery passed through both walls of the kitchen, and plunged along the piazza floor, tearing up the boards and barely avoiding William's legs, until, a little farther on, it buried itself six feet deep in the earth. It is recorded that William hesitated no longer, but sought a safer locality. His house was thoroughly despoiled when the British came up."1 He, however, lived nearly forty years after that trying ordeal.

The pertinacity of the attack of Maxwell's brigade, as well as the audacious action of Porterfield and Waggoner, made it necessary for Knyphausen to send forward two brigades, supported by artillery, while at the same time a heavy column was marched toward Brinton's Ford, thus outflanking Maxwell, who was compelled to recross the Brandywine. Simultaneously with these movements the Queen's Rangers, under Capt. Weyms, of the Fortieth British Regiment, poured so hot a fire down the valley that Porterfield and Waggoner were also forced hastily to retire across the creek. The high ground about half a mile back from the Brandywine, vacated by Maxwell, was im- mediately occupied in force by the enemy, and guns were placed in position by Knyphansen to command

the ford. From these occasionally a few shots were discharged, and responded to by Proctor's cannons, which desultory firing inflicted but little damage. The casualties on the American side thus far had not exceeded sixty, while those of the British and Hes- sian troops were about one hundred and sixty. Hence, at half-past ten o'clock in the morning, when the enemy at Chad's Ford seemed disinclined to make any vigorous attack, Col. Harrison, Washington's secretary, might be well excused for having dispatched a hurried note to Congress, stating that he had no doubt but that the enemy would be repulsed.

Major Ferguson, the commander of the rifle corps in the English army, in a letter describing this battle, stated that while his men were lying concealed in a clump of woods, he noticed " a rebel officer in a hus- sar dress" pass in front of the American line, followed by another officer in dark green and blue, who was "mounted on a good gray horse, and wearing a re- markably high cocked hat." Ferguson ordered three of his men to creep towards and fire at them, but hardly had he done so when he recalled the command, for the Americans were so near that he felt to shoot at them would be little less than deliberate murder. After the officers had passed some distance, they re- turned, and were again within easy reach of his sharpshooters. The following day Ferguson, in con- versation with a wounded American, learned " that Gen. Washington was all the morning with the light troops, and attended only by a French officer in a hussar dress, he himself mounted and dressed in every respect as above described."

On the morning of the battle Gen. Washington ascertained that Cornwallis had moved northward to some of the upper and unimportant fords, designing thus to turn the right flank of the American army. The commander-in-chief, fully aware that Maj. Spear was posted at Buffington's Ford, whence he could dispatch intelligence of such a movement to Gen. Sullivan, who would promptly communicate with him, had resolved to strike Knyphausen, while be- yond the reach of the support of Cornwallis' division, and overwhelm him by numbers, and thus crush the British army in detail. The Hessian general, it is known, did not begin his advance until nine o'clock in the morning, and it was rightly believed that Cornwallis would have to march twelve miles before he could cross the creek, even if he effected a pas- sage at Buffington's Ford. Between nine and ten o'clock Col. Bland, with a few light-horsemen, crossed to the west side of the stream at Jones' Ford, three miles above Chad's, and, observing that Cornwallis' column was then approaching Trimble's Ford, on the west branch, he immediately dispatched a messenger with the tidings to Gen. Sullivan. Col. Hazen also made a report of like import. The following dispatch, which Col. Carrington2 states is a model for clearness

1 Lippincott's Magazine for Saptambar, 1877 : " Brandywine, 1777," by Howard M. Jenkins.

" Carrington's " Battles of the American Revolution."

HISTORY OF DELAWARE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

in all details then needed, was sent by Lieut .- Col. Ross, of the Eighth Pennsylvania, to Gen. Sullivan, and by him in turn forwarded to Gen. Washington :

" GREAT VALLEY ROAD, "11 o'clock A.M.

" DEAR GENERAL,-A larga body of the anemy, from avary account 5000, with 16 nr 18 fiald-piacaa marchad elong this road just now. Tha road laads to Taylor's Forry & Jeffries' Ferry on the Brandywina, & to the Great Valley, at the Sign of the Ship, on Lancaster road to Phila- dalphia. Thara ia alao a road from tha Brandywina to Cheatar, by Dil- worthtown. Wa ars close in their rear, with about 70 man. Capt. Simpson lay In ambnah with 20 men & gave them 3 rounds within a small distance, in which two of his men wara woundad; ona mortally. I beliava Ganaral Howa is with this party, aa Joseph Galloway ia hare known by tha inhabitanla with whom ha spoke, & told them that Gan. Howa was with them. Yours,

" JAMES ROSS, Lieut-Col."

Washington at once ordered Gen. Sullivan to cross the Brandy wine and engage this division, to keep it employed, as it was the purpose of the commander- in-chief to attack the Hessian general immediately, shatter his command, and capture his baggage-train before the left wing, comprising the greater part of the British army, could retrace their steps and come to his relief. Gen. Greene was also directed to cross above Chad's Ford, in order to strike Knyphausen on the left flank. That officer, with the celerity of movement that was a conspicuous trait in his military character, promptly sent his advance guard across the stream at Brinton's Ford, where Sullivan's command lay, and was prepared to follow with his command. The commander-in-chief was to remain with Wayne, who was to cross the Brandywine at Chad's Ford in the face of the enemy. The fog which had clung to the earth in the early morning had vanished before the scorching sun, not yet midday high, and by noon this decisive movement would have been made, when the following note was delivered to Washington :

" BRENTON FORD, "Sept. 11.

"DEAR GENERAL :- Since I sant yon tha massaga by Major Moora, I saw Major Spaar of tha militia, who came this morning from a tavarn callad Martin'a, at the fork of the Brandywine. Ha cama from thanca to Welch'a Tavarn, & haard nothing of the enemy about tha fork of tha Brandywina, & is confident they are not in that quarter ; ao that Col. Hazan'a information must ba wrong. I have sent to that quartar to know whether thara is any foundation for the report, & shall give your excellency tha earliaat information.

"I am, etc., " JOHN SULLIVAN."

The bearer of this dispatch was followed by Maj. Spear, who was sent by Gen. Sullivan to Washington to verbally make his report to the commander-in- chief, and this intelligence was speedily supplemented by a similar statement made by Sergeant Tucker, of the Light-Horse. These tidings were of the utmost consequence to the American general, for they argued that Cornwallis had merely moved off as a ruse de guerre, and that both wings of the British army were in supporting distance of each other. Hence the orders for crossing the creek were countermanded, Gen. Greene's advanced detachment was withdrawn,

and the American army again resumed its former po- sition. Washington, however, instructed Col. Bland to proceed to the extreme right and reconnoitre above the forks.

When the British invaded Chester County, Justice Thomas Cheyney, who was an outspoken Whig, was advised to absent himself from his dwelling in Thorn- bury, and to avoid personal danger he withdrew to the home of his relative, Col. John Hannum, at " Cen- tre House," now the village of Marshallton, located between the East and West Branches of the Brandy- wine. Here Cheyney had passed the night of Sept. 10, 1777, and the next morning he, with Hannum, started to visit the American camp at Chad's Ford. As they rode along the highway near Trimble's Mill and Ford, on the West Branch, in descending the hill they saw a large body of soldiers, their scarlet uni- forms designating them as British troops, descending the hills opposite. Halting, they watched the direc- tion in which the column moved, and saw that it was making towards Jefferies' Ford, on the East Branch, their polished arms flashing and glittering in the sul- try September snn. Having ascertained that fact, for a moment the two men consulted as to the course they should pursue, and finally it was decided that imme- diate intelligence of the presence of the British force at this point must be conveyed to Washington. Cheyney being mounted on a fleet hackney,-Dr. Harvey tells me it was a sorrel pacing mare,-started off in the direction of the American headquarters at a rapid pace, followed by Hannum, whose horse being less speedy was soon distanced, notwithstanding the squire turned the scales at two hundred pounds.1

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History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, Part 15

Author: Ashmead, Henry Graham, 1838-1920 Publication date: 1884 Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : L.H. Everts Number of Pages: 1150

Author: Ashmead, Henry Graham, 1838-1920
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : L.H. Everts
Number of Pages: 1150