USA > Pennsylvania > Lycoming County > History of Lycoming County, Pennsylvania > Part 12
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No. 3, which is within the present borough of Muncy, is the tract on which Capt. John Brady settled and built his log fort. His family were occupying it at the time he was killed, and thither his body was carried. Where the "fort " stood is now a cultivated field and it is owned by Mrs. Dr. William Hayes. A slight rise in the ground is pointed out as the place where the fort stood.
BIRTH OF THE FIRST CHILD.
John Scudder, who appears on the draft as the occupant of tract No. 5, came from New Jersey, where he was born, January 29, 1738. He was one of the first to find his way to Muncy manor and settle. January 24, 1776, he was appointed a lieutenant in the Sixth Company of the Second Battalion of Associated Militia, commanded by Samuel Wallis; on the 13th of March following he was transferred to the Second Company of the same battalion with the same rank, commanded by Wallis, who appears to have been transferred also. Scudder's wife was named Susan, and was born in New Jersey, June 2, 1746. They were probably married in 1765. Three children were the fruits of their union. William, the eldest, was born in New Jersey, April 4, 1766, and died at Muncy, April 19, 1825. John Scudder, accompanied by Richard Stockton, came to Muncy manor in 1769, on a prospecting
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tour. Some time in 1770 Scudder moved his family from New Jersey, as Mary, their second child, and the first female child born west of Muncy Hills, came into the world May 21, 1771. When she grew up she married Benjamin Shoemaker, became the mother of nine children, and died at the place of her birth, April 14, 1850. Her children were named: John; Henry; Susannah; Sarah; William; Hannah; Benja- min; Mercy, and Mary. Hannah, the youngest child, born February 1, 1776, married a man named Bell, but the date of her death is unknown.
John Scudder served in the Revolutionary army. He died at Muncy, February 12, 1786. When he settled on the manor he erected a log cabin. It stood on the high bank or terrace of Glade run, between the canal and railroad, a short distance from the river. The exact spot is pointed out near the rear of the large barn on the Walton estate, but no trace of the cabin is visible. Several aged apple trees near by indicate an early settlement. There was no wooden floor in the cabin, and it was without windows. The bed was supported by four stout posts, each with a fork, well elevated above the earthen floor to protect the sleepers from rattle- snakes and copperheads, which were very numerous. The Scudders were well-to- do people for the time, and as Mrs. Scudder was the first white woman to locate in the settlement, her advent was an event of more than ordinary importance.
On the breaking out of Indian hostilities John Scudder fled with his little family to New Jersey, as many of the settlers from that State did. When peace was restored they returned and occupied their improvement. Scudder and his family saw much of the hardships of pioneer life and tasted of the bitter cup.
ORGANIZING THE MILITIA.
As the Revolution progressed the times became more critical in the valley. English agents were at work to cause disaffection among the Indians and turn them against the settlers on the frontier. The Committee of Safety, therefore, had to be extremely vigilant. Complaint being made that the battalion of the upper division of the county had not yet met to hold an election for field officers, a resolution was introduced and passed recommending to the officers that three committeemen from each township meet at the house of John Scudder, February 24th, elect officers, and return them on the 26th, so that they might be recommended to the Committee of Safety. It does not appear whether the terms of the resolution were carried into effect or not. At the meeting held on the 26th progress in officering and forming companies was reported, when the Committee adjourned to meet March 13th. At this meeting the following officers for the Third Battalion were reported: Colonel, William Plunkett; lieutenant colonel, James Murray; majors, John Brady and Cookson Long. Seven companies were organized. Henry Antes was captain of the First, with Thomas Brandon and Alexander Hamilton as first and second lieutenants, respectively. Samuel Wallis was captain of the Second company, with John Scud- der and Peter Jones as first and second lieutenants. John Robb was captain of the Third company, and William Watson and Robert Nelson, first and second lieu- tenants.
THE COMMITTEE PERPLEXED.
At this meeting Chairman Hambright was instructed to inform the Committee of
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Safety that applications are frequently made to them by parties for recommendations as officers to go into immediate service, and that the Committee is at a loss what to do. If, however, men are to be taken out of the county for Continental service the Committee preferred that officers should go with them. If more men would be required the Committee begged to suggest, inasmuch as Northumberland was a frontier county, that two or three companies be raised, officered, disciplined, and put under pay, and held in readiness to go upon any service that might be required of them. The Committee had information that Hawkins Boone had enlisted several men, and that he declared he had authority and money for that purpose from Con- gress, and that he was "to be a guard to the Congress." In this way he had " drawn off some men from the different companies of military associators." This the Committee did not like, and Chairman Hambright stated that they had cited him to appear before them and show by what anthority he was so acting. It appears, however, that Captain Boone treated the Committee with contempt by refusing to appear. The Committee thought that when men were enlisted in the county they had a right to know for what service they were intended.
The friction between the authorities and the Committee seemed to increase, which was largely caused by the demoralization of the times and the excitement consequent upon the war. At a meeting held March 25, 1776, it was reported "that several recruiting officers belonging to battalions of different counties in this Province " had lately come to this "infant frontier county and drained it of a number of useful men, to the prejudice of the same." A resolution was passed to the effect "that for the future no officer or non-commissioned officer be allowed to recruit men in this county, except the officers who are or may be appointed therein."
Chairman Hambright wrote to the Committee of Safety informing them of the condition of affairs and recommending that the officers of the new battalion, of which William Plunkett had been chosen colonel, be commissioned. In behalf of his committee he then entered a remonstrance against the way the people of the county were being treated by the Committee of Safety, in allowing recruiting officers to come here and enlist men. He considered such action a grievance that should be resented.
At a meeting of the Committee held on the 13th of August, 1776, new officers were reported to have been chosen in the respective townships to serve on the Com- mittee of Safety for six months from that date. Muncy township reported the following: Mordecai Mckinney, James Giles, and Andrew Culbertson.
SALT CONFISCATED.
The Committee met monthly, unless called together earlier by some extraordinary business. The next meeting was held September 10th. Complaint was made against Aaron Levy and John Bullion that they had a quantity of salt on hand which they refused to sell for cash, according to a former resolution of the Com- mittee. A resolution was passed that the salt be seized and placed in the hands of William Sayers to be sold at the rate of fifteen shillings per bushel, but no single family was to be allowed more than half a bushel at one time. Sayers was instructeded to keep a particular account of every bushel sold, and when it was all sold he was to return the money to the Committee, after deducting one shilling per pound for his trouble for selling it, "and six shillings and four pence for porterage."
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Levy and Bullion were disposed to hold their salt for a high price. They were traders. The peremptory seizure of the salt was the first act of confiscation in this valley of which we have any account.
Two disaffected persons, named William Chattim and James Parker, were reported to the Committee as " not behaving themselves as friends to our country in general, and had armed themselves with two pistols." They were brought before the Committee, when they confessed that they were " two of his Majesty's soldiers," and were prisoners. The Committee ordered them to be sent to Lancaster, where a number of English prisoners were already held, and their arms (the two pistols) were ordered to be sold at public sale and the money arising therefrom to be applied to the expense of sending them away.
The Committee was in session again on the 12th of September, and it was reported to them that "the two different quantities of ammunition heretofore forwarded to the care of the Committee," was found to afford a quota of only half a pound of powder and one pound of lead to each associator! This was a very limited supply to fight Indians and guard the frontier.
The Committee being informed that there was " a dividend of salt in Philadel- phia," which was " allotted for this country by a late resolve of Convention," it was decided to appoint William Maclay and Mordecai Mckinney to proceed to Phil- adelphia, take charge of the salt, and have it forwarded here and placed in their charge for distribution among the people. Instructions were also issued that it should not be sold at a higher rate than fifteen shillings per bushel.
On the 23d of November, 1776, Robert Fruit, chairman of the Committee, acknowledged that he had received "seventy-seven bushels of salt" from the Com- mittee of Safety in Philadelphia, which he had delivered to Marcus Hulings to be forwarded here. The bill showed that it had cost at 15s per bushel, £57 15s; cost of casks and packing, £3; porterage and cooperage, 188; transportation from Philadelphia to Middletown, £13 9s 6d; storage at Middletown, Ss 6d; carriage from Middletown to Northumberland, £11 11s-total, £87 2s. The transportation from Middletown was by batteaux up the river. Compared with the price of salt to-day it will be seen that it was an expensive luxury at that time.
At this meeting the Committee instructed Robert Fruit their chairman, to memo- rialize the Committee of Safety in Philadelphia by letter, setting forth the condition of affairs on the West Branch. He at once informed the Committee that the exposed condition of the northwestern frontier had caused his Committee to be vigi- lant. Every movement of the Indians was carefully watched, and there was no longer any doubt but their sympathies were with the enemy. Those Indians who were lately friendly to the settlers had withdrawn from among them, and they were fearful they would next appear as enemies.
Such being the outlook, he thought some men should be raised for the defence of the frontier to keep up the spirits of the people. They were much dispirited because they had not been surported. "We are not now able," he continues, " to keep the single and disengaged men in the county; they consider fighting as inev- itable, and choose rather, under pay, to have to do with a humane enemy, than at their own expense to encounter merciless savages. The county by this means loses not only the most useful of our men, but the best of our arms are carried out of the
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county, so that upon a late review a general repair of the remaining arms was found necessary." -4
THE ROBB CASE.
As the feeling of uncertainty increased, and the excitement caused by rumors from the battle fields of the Revolution kept the public mind inflamed, the labors of the local Committee became more onerous. At a meeting on the 14th of Decem- ber, 1776, convened by "express from Capt. John Brady," several grave charges affecting the loyalty of Robert Robb, of Muncy, were laid before them. The charges were:
1. That the Congress had blinded the eyes of the people.
2. That he has discouraged the men drafted to go in the militia, and that he had influenced George Silverthorn so that he nor any of his family would not fight against the King of Great Britain.
3. That the terms Lord Howe had proposed were such as we should accept of, or what would be pleasing to him.
4. That Benjamin Franklin, one of the Congress, was a villain, and had behaved as such often.
5. That it was Mr. Robb's opinion there was bribery in the Convention.
Accompanying these charges were a number of affidavits. Thomas Newman, who made his mark, swore that he heard Robb say that the conditions of peace offered by Howe suited him, and that he believed Franklin was a rogue; "that he had led the government into two or three scrapes already known to him; that it was thought Franklin had a pension from home; that the Convention was bribed." Lord Howe had used the Committee sent to treat with him politely, but they had used him ill. Deponent thought that the Committee should consider these things.
Joseph Newman, probably a brother or son, confirmed the foregoing charges, and then signed his name.
John Morris, who was also able to write his name, testified that he had heard Robb say that peace was kept back by Congress, and that it was well known what Rittenhouse and Franklin were; that it was a minority that held this new form of government, and that the majority should not be ruled by the minority.
Another witness, James Giles, had seen Robb pull out a paper and read Howe's terms of peace, and then heard him say that he believed our rulers kept peace back.
John Silverthorn had been at Robb's house and then went with him to a "chim- ney raising in the neighborhood;" that while there " Robb pulled out a hand bill which gave an account of General Washington's army being in need of a reinforcement, and said in public that it was necessary for every one to turn out that could go; after a while he pulled out another paper, which he said was a declaration of peace from Lord Howe and read it in public; after reading said paper Mr. Robb said he came on purpose to see Mr. Newman, whether or not he thought proper to call some of the neighbors together in order to see whether the declaration was of any effect or not, (as he was one of the town Committee, ) and how they would take it, as he could not depend on his own judgment on such an occasion, as being but one person." De- ponent further said that "after the papers came out with an account of what passed between General Howe and the Committee at Staten island, he was telling Robb that he heard them read at Mr. Mckinney's, and Mr. Robb said that he thought it would
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not be proper to lay down their arms till peace would be concluded on better terms than these for the benefit of the country."
Lieut. John Scudder swore that "Robb said that the King's troops are able to learn us to beat themselves, as Peter the Great said of Charles, King of Sweden, and Robb never did anything against the cause of America, but always encouraged the same to the best of his knowledge."
After hearing the evidence on both sides the Committee concluded that Robb had behaved so a's to give just grounds for the Committee "to suspect him of being not only unfriendly but even inimical to our common cause," and it was resolved that "Robert Robb shall either take his gun and march immediately with the militia of this county into actual service for the defence of the United States, in order to wipe off the present evil suspicions, or otherwise be committed to the care of Col. James Murray, to be by him sent to some proper place of confinement until released by further authority." The sentence was signed by Paul Geddes, chairman, by order of the Committee.
Robb, however, did not feel inclined to submit to the sentence, and he notified the Committee that he desired "to appeal to the Council of Safety of this State." The Committee therefore passed a resolution that he "might appeal to said Council under the care of the said Colonel Murray."
The trial and sentence of Robb by the local Committee of Safety evidently caused some feeling in the community, which required years to efface. Robb no doubt felt aggrieved, as he doubted the authority of the Committee to so act toward him. And it is likely that the whole affair grew out of personal feeling on the part of a few individuals, who took advantage of the excited condition of the public mind to manufacture sentiment against him. The evidence of two of the most reputable witnesses, Silverthorn and Scudder, is to the effect that he never did anything inimical to the cause of the people, but really favored the war for independence.
Robb evidently had been goaded into making remarks about the moral standing of a few members of the Committee, and smarting under these charges, they wanted to punish him for treasonable utterances. The Robb family was a prominent one in the settlement and had taken an active part in the struggle for liberty. They were good citizens then, as their descendants are to-day.
Robb was subsequently indicted by the grand jury of Northumberland county for misprision of treason, tried at November sessions, 1780, acquitted, and discharged upon payment of fees. The fact that his trial was for misprision of treason shows that he was not regarded as clearly guilty of the charges made by certain parties, but that his remarks were misconstrued. His prompt acquittal bears out this con- clusion. Years afterwards he was appointed a justice by Governor Mifflin, which attests the esteem in which he was held by his friends and neighbors.
A NEW COMMITTEE.
The old Committee, of which Geddes was chairman, having ceased to exist, the new Committee chosen to serve for six months met at Northumberland, February 13, 1777, and organized. Muncy township returned John Coats, James Hampton, and William Hammond. Thomas Jordan was chosen chairman, and John Coats clerk. The Committee adjourned to the 11th of March. At the March meeting much business
.
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of importance came before the Committee. Capt. Benjamin Weiser reported that a number of persons who had been out under his command in the militia of this county with the Continental Army in New Jersey, had deserted and returned home. This was a grave charge and demanded prompt action. It was ordered that a day of muster be designated for these persons to meet and march off to camp and serve out their time; and if they failed to obey this order they were to be taken up and committed as deserters.
It was announced that a letter had been received from the Committee of Bald Eagle township, together with a resolution, against the selling of grain, which they wished to have considered in full Committee before taking final action. The reso- lution was as follows:
February 26, 1777 .- We the Committee of the township of Bald Eagle, met, and as a com- plaint was made to us by a number of the inhabitants that there is a quantity of rye that is going to be carried out of the township for stilling, and that there are some of the inhabitants who have not sold their grain as yet, nor will not sell without they get eighteen pence or two shillings per bushel above the highest market price that grain is bringing in the country, but will keep it and carry it off; and as it appears to us that a great number of the inhabitants of the township will suffer if such a practice is allowed to go on; therefore, we
Resolved, That no stiller in this township shall buy any more grain this season for to still, or still any more than what he hath already by him. And, further, we resolve that no grain be carried out of this township till the necessity of the poor is supplied, or till the 1st day of May next; and any person having grain of any kind to dispose of, and will not take the market price at Sunbury, deducting a reasonable carriage, or the highest price that it will be there when the grain is wanted, we allow to seize on it and take it by force, and pay them their money. Given under our hands the day above mentioned.
JOHN DICKSON, ROBERT LOVE, JAMES ERWIN.
After careful consideration of the question, the full Committee referred back the resolution in this form:
Resolved. That the Committee of Bald Eagle is the most competent judges of the circum- stances of the people in that township; that therefore the affair be referred back to them to act as they shall see just cause, but in the meantime that they be cautioned against using too much rigor in their measures, and that they keep by moderation as much as possible, and study a sort of medium between seizing of property and supplying the wants of the poor.
The conditions of the country were serious at that time. The Revolutionary war was at its height; the savages were threatening the frontier, and the people were kept in a constant state of alarm and fear. But in no other part of this valley does it appear that such extreme measures were adopted as in Bald Eagle. The general Committee, judging from the cautious wording of their resolution, were in doubt as to the propriety of such sweeping measures being endorsed by them, and threw the. weight of responsibility on the township Committee.
Another complaint from the same township shows that the people, or a portion of them at least, were imbued with strong notions regarding the sanctity of the Sab- bath. The Committee had a complaint before them of a "certain Henry Sterrat profaning the Sabbath in an unchristian and scandalous manner, by causing his serv- ants to maul rails, etc., on that day, and beating and abusing them if they offered to disobey such unlawful commands." This was an easier question for the Com- mittee to solve than the one relating to the confiscation of grain, for they promptly
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issued orders "that the Committee of Bald Eagle township, where he [Sterrat] now resides, be recommended to suppress snch like practices to the utmost of their power." Sterrat was a settler in what is now known as Long Island, but what became of him is unknown. Perhaps after being suppressed by the Committee for Sabbath breaking and beating his servants, he left the township.
A STRANGE CASE.
At a meeting of the Committee on the 17th of April, 1777, William Read, of Bald Eagle township, was reported to them as having been taken into custody for "refusing to associate and bear arms in behalf of the States." On being brought before the Committee and asked his reasons for doing so, he informed them that he was once concerned in a riot in Ireland " commonly known by the name of the Hearts of Steel, and was taken prisoner, tried, and acquitted upon his taking an oath of allegiance to the King, and coming under solemn obligations never to lift arms against him for the future; he therefore looked upon it as a breach of his oath to muster or bear arms in behalf of the States, as the arms of the States were now employed against the King to whom he had sworn allegiance." His respect for his oath was a surprise to the Committee, and they were at a loss how to proceed. He was then asked if "he had any objections to the cause the United States was now engaged in," to which he replied that he had not, and " would be as forward and will- ing as any one to join in it, could he do so without breach of his oath." This was a poser for the Committee again, and caused further consideration. He was then asked if he would take an oath of allegiance to the United States, to which he promptly replied that "he would if it did not oblige him to take up arms." This seemed reasonable, as well as patriotic, and the Committee submitted the form of an oath to him, to which he was qualified as follows:
I do swear to be true to the United States of America, and to renounce and disclaim all allegiance to the King of Great Britain, and promise that I will not either directly or indirectly speak or act anything in prejudice to the cause or safety of the United States, or lift arms against them, or be any way assistant to their declared enemies in any case whatsoever.
WMI. READ.
This was satisfactory to the Committee, and he was dismissed on "paying the sum of seventeen shillings and one penny halfpenny," which was the cost of bring- ing him before them.
A GLOOMY OUTLOOK.
Although the outlook for peace and safety on the frontier was exceedingly gloomy, there was a constant influx of new settlers during the year 1777. They came mostly from New Jersey. That State being overrun by both the British and Continental armies had much to do with the exodus to this beautiful valley. Doubt- less they imagined it would be easier to encounter the Indians than to stand the ravages of the foraging parties of the contending armies, and they were willing to take the risk in a new country.
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