History of Wayne, Pike, and Monroe counties, Pennsylvania, Part 16

Author: Mathews, Alfred, 1852-1904. 4n
Publication date: 1886
Publisher: Philadelphia : R.T. Peck & Co.
Number of Pages: 1438


USA > Pennsylvania > Monroe County > History of Wayne, Pike, and Monroe counties, Pennsylvania > Part 16
USA > Pennsylvania > Pike County > History of Wayne, Pike, and Monroe counties, Pennsylvania > Part 16
USA > Pennsylvania > Wayne County > History of Wayne, Pike, and Monroe counties, Pennsylvania > Part 16


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In August following four young men, John Pellet, Jr., Walter Kimble, Charles Forsythe and Uriah Chapman, Jr., returned to the Wal- lenpaupack to cut hay upon the rich bottom- lands, and while engaged at their work were attacked by Indians, who had probably come there anticipating their return. Chapman was


wounded (and carried the ball until his death, fifty-one years later), but all succeeded in getting to the fort, which was still standing. The next day they left the scene of their dangerous labors.


Most of the settlers also fled from Cushutunk after the Wyoming massacre, but the Tylers, Thomases, John Land and Nathan Mitchell remained. Nearly all of those who fled re- turned in the spring of 1779.


During the fall of this year (1778) Brant, the celebrated Mohawk chief, who held the commission of a British captain, appeared in the Minisink at the head of about one hundred Indians and Tories, confining his atrocities, how- ever, to the settlements north of the Neversink.


Some neighbors returning from a funeral were surprised by a party in ambush and sev- eral of their number killed. Jeremiah Van Auken, a school-master, was dragged from his school and murdered in the presence of the children assembled. An incident is related in connection with the killing of Van Auken, which shows that Brant was not devoid of the feelings of humanity, and which would seem to furnish negative evidence to the question long in dispute as to whether he was in command of the Indians at the Wyoming massacre; especial- ly if we concede (what is quite possible) that he was not personally present with such of lis de- tached forces as committed atrocities in the val- ley.


" After the murder of Van Auken, the school- master, some of the boys at the school were cleft with the tomahawk; others fled to the woods for concealment ; while the little girls stood by the slain body of their teacher bewildered and horror-stricken, not knowing their fate, wheth- er death or captivity. While they were stand- ing in this pitiable condition, a strong, muscular Indian came along, and with a brush dashed some black paint across their aprons, bidding them hold up the mark when they saw an In- dian coming, and it would save them, at which he plunged into the woods and disappeared. This was Captain Brant, and the little girls of the school were safe. The Indians, as they passed along and ran from place to place, saw the black mark, and left them undisturbed.


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The happy thought, like a flash, entered the minds of these little sisters, and suggested that they should use the mark to save their brothers. The scattered boys were quickly sought, and the girls threw their aprons over the clothes of the boys, and stamped the black impression upon their outer garments. They, in turn, held up the palladium of safety as the Indians pass- ed and re-passed, and were thus saved from in- jury and death, to the unexpected joy of their parents. Brant had received a Christian educa- tion, and it is not improbable that when he saw this array of youthful pupils, old memories of boyhood crowded his mind, and constrained him to stay the hand of slaughter." James Van Auken, an uncle of the school-teacher, was killed at the same time.


The raid in the Upper Minisink had the ef- fect of striking terror through the whole valley down to Smithfield and Easton. Robert Levers wrote from the latter place to the Executive Council, under date of October 17 (1778) that :-


" An express is just this moment come from Col. Stroud's, bringing the melancholy accou ,t that the Tories and Indians in the upper part of the Mine- sinks, in York government, arc burning and destroy- ing all before them. It is said the enemy are six hundred s'rong and that the Tories join them every hour. It is not to be doubted that they will be in this State very soon, and the inhabitants above are all moving and in the greatest distress and confusion. By a letter I have scen this morning from Capt. Alex- ander Patterson at Col. Stroud's, stationed as Quarter- master, it is mentioned that they have neither military stores or provisions, so that if they should suddenly attack that part of this county, destitute of help as they are, the country must fly before the enemy."1


A little later, October 24th, Major Samuel Westbrook wrote that he had scen two persons, who had conversed with some of the party with Brant, " in Doing the mischief att Peainpack and to my sorrow I acquaint you it has struck the People in general with such fear that they are moving away from the upper end of the Minesink very fast. If there is not some Means Taken To Stop the Enemy, the whole of the Inhabitance will move from this Place, and, if so, pray what will be Consiquence ? Ruin and destruction will Emediately follow."2


Colonel Stroud, about this time, wrote to the Council from Fort Penn the following account of the condition of the frontier and suggestions for guarding it from Indian ravages :-


" FORT PENN October the 25th 1778 " DEAR SIR


"I heare send with the Bearer the Copy of Two Men's Oathes and by other sircumstances as wee can fully Learn, That the Indeons and Toreys are gon up to Coshishton with their Plunder and Expect there to get more Reinforsments and to be Down Emedi- ately on us; perhaps when you see the oathes of these people that was sworn at Minesink, you may not fully persieve why These Toreys that is there spoke of stays in them woods, but I will relate a little fuller, a great part of these Toreys that has been seen theire is persons that has there Wives and fameleys and Relations, and indeed Correspondence in the set- tlement, and I am apprehensive That the Councyl and your Honour Dos not persive how this settlement and Wyoming Lyes, as Wyoming can be of no service to us as a frunteer from the Indeons and Toreys from Cosishton and Cook house, and That Quarter if you please to Take the map and Look in that there, you may see that Wyoming with a small party hardly able to keep That fort can be of any Safety to us from up Delowar, as these Indeons That we feare will fall on us will come down Delowar River with Cnowes down to the mouth of Mahaughkamack Creek which is just above Our settlement as they did Last or perhaps they may come a little Lower as they may find Con- venient as I know of nothing to prevent them ; for I assure you there is very few people Left above Manuel Gonsaleses mill which is 12 miles from My house, and Back of me, between me and the great Swamp, there is no settlement but the bare woods, now if it Can be thought Best not to have the frunteer heare, I could wish the Councyl in their wisdom would point out the place. Indions is not like our other Ennemys, that we can live with them and abought them, but where they have there Camp for they Distroy all ; and as for the other acct that wee sent with Esq" Van camp, the oath of that Woman, the Indeons come neer the time she spoke of, and had it not been for the high Weatters they would have done much more Mischief, for there was nothing to hinder them, for it was Two Days after they was gon before the Malitia could be collected all: So I must Leave the Matter with you and the Councyl. Hoping you will do at this Distressing time something for us and to give us Relief, as wee have our eyes on you, as wee have no other place to apply to for Relief


"I am Sir your very umble serv't


" JACOB STROUD " 3


It became evident very early in the spring of


1 Penn. Archives, Vol. VII. pp. 15-16.


2 Penna. Archives Vol: VII. p. 63.


3 Penn. Archives, Vol. VII. p. 63.


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1779 that Indian hostility was to undergo no abatement, and as the season progressed the people of Upper Northampton, in common with those along the Jersey shore and in the Never- sink region of New York, were more direfully harassed than ever before, or, in fact, than at any time during the war.


Early in the spring of this year five young men who had returned to the Wallenpaupack settlement to make maple sugar-Ephraim, Jeptha, and Silas Killam, Walter and Ephraim Kimble-were attacked by Indians and nar- rowly escaped with their lives.


Not long after this occurrence a straggling band of Indians came suddenly upon the fort at Dingman's.1 One of Andrew Dingman's sons, Isaac by name, chanced to be outside the fort, and seeing his danger, endeavored to reach a place of safety. But the unfortunate youth was too late. One of the savages, springing from a place of concealment, fired npon him, mortally wounding him. The marauders then withdrew. The remains of the young man were secured and buried on the Jersey side of the river. The burial took place under the cover of a cannon, mounted in a fort2 erected opposite the barricade at Dingman's. Consternation spread throughout the locality. Many of the settlers fled from their homes, seeking places of safety. Below Dingman's was a stone house, built by Col. John Rosencrans, of New Jersey. This house was vacated, but escaped destruction. Be- tween this house and the fort at Deckertown stood a log structure, occupied by Hendrick Decker, brother-in-law to Dingman's wife. On the morning succeeding the death of Isaac Ding- man a body of Indians attacked this building. The family, consisting of eight persons, fled at the approach of the savages, and made a frantic effort to reach the fort at Deckertown, about one-fourth of a mile distant. The war-whoop rang out on the still air, and lent strength to the terrified fugitives. The savages pursned them hotly, firing upon them as they ran. Two of the family fell ere the fort was reached-Henry


and David Decker-and their reeking scalps swung from the girdles of two of the yelling pack as they came in sight of the fort. Foiled in their work at this point, they continued their march below the fort, where they fired upon a settler named Jacobus Van Gorden, breaking his thigh with a musket-ball. They did not succeed in capturing him, however, and he was spared further injury.


Brandt, 3 the most distinguished Indian personage of his time, now came upon the scene. He had appeared casually and with small bands, it is true, in 1778, but he came in 1779 at the head of a large organized force. After the incursions of 1778 in the Mamakating and Upper Minisink regions, Count Pulaski with a battalion of cavalry was stationed there for the protection of the frontier, but in February,


3 The character and career of this great chief are worth more than a passing notice.


Joseph Brandt, the Mohawk chief, was born in Ohio in about 1742, and died November 24, 1807. He was frequently spoken of as a Shawnee by birth and only a Mohawk by adoption, and it has also been said that he was a son of Sir William Johnson. Having taken a part in the campaign of Lake George in 1755, and in various sub- sequent conflicts, he officiated after Sir Wm. Johnson's death as secretary of Col. Guy Johnson, Superintendent- General of the Indians, and when the American Revolution began, he was instrumental in exciting the Indians against the colonies. His presence at the battle of Wyoming is doubtful, though he took part in that of Cherry Valley and other sanguinary engagements. He was received with great distinction on his tour to England in 1786 and was attached to the military service of Sir Guy Carleton in Canada. He opposed the confederation of the Indians, which led to the expedition of General Wayne, and did all he could to prevent peace between the Indians and the United States. He was, however, zcalously devoted to the welfare of his own people, and conspicuous for his efforts to prevent the introduction of ardent spirits among them. He was a brave warrior and noted for his ability, as testified by his correspondence. During his stay in England he col- lected funds for a church, which he built in Upper Canada. He there also published the " Book of Common Prayer" and the "Gospel of Mark " in Mohawk and English. He spent the latter part of his life at Burlington Bay, near the head of Lake Ontario, where he built a house for himself on a tract of land conferred upon him by the British government. Brandt's personal appearance and manners, added to his acknowledged abilities, gave him great power over his followers. His bearing was haughty and his language often insulting. He was tall and rather sparc ; generally wore moccasins elegantly trimmed with beads ; leggings and breech-cloth of superfine blue; a short, green coat with two silver epaulets, and a small round laced hat.


] The attack on Dingman's has usually becu supposed to have occurred in 1776, but that is a manifest error. It was in 1779.


2 "Old Fort."


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1779, he liad been ordered to South Carolina and this region was again left unprotected. It is probable that Brandt was soon informed of this condition of things, for he made his ap- pearance in July.


The battle of the Lackawaxen, or, as it is often called, the battle of the Minisink, ensued from this invasion and was the largest and most important engagment that took place in or near the region that fornis the field of this history. As a matter of fact, it did not occur on Penn- sylvania soil, but at a spot immediately con- tiguous, in New York, a little plateau opposite the mouth of the Lackawaxen (which flows into the Delaware in Pike County).


Brandt's forces made their way southward very stealthily, considering their number, and appeared in the vicinity of what is now called Cuddeback, near the line of Orange County, on the 19th of July (1779).


Some of the people succeeded in reaching the block-houses, others took refuge in the woods, while many were murdered and their houses burned. The murders were committed quickly and Brandt's followers hastily retreated to Grassy Brook, a small tributary of the Mongaup, a few miles up the Delaware, where a portion of the command had been left. Some of the In- dians must liave passed farther down the valley and committed depredations in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The tidings of an Indian in- cursion, always alarming and fast flying, seem on this occasion to have been carried on the wings of the wind down to Smithfield and Easton and even over to Allentown, on the Lehigh, and the people everywhere were filled with consterna- tion. Some idea of the general alarm is con- veyed by the correspondence of the time.


Col. John Wetzel wrote President Reed, of the Executive Council, from Northampton (Allentown), under date of July 22d, that he was just in receipt of an express from Col. Stroud informing him that he hourly expected an at- tack from the Indians, "there being a large body of them (the numbers not yet known) at the Minisinks, and that they had got down as far as Aaron Frandenbur's, in ye Jerseys, and they have burnt his house and barn and taken some prisoners there." Col. Stroud bitterly


complained that he lacked ammunition, but Col. Wetzel could send him none from Allen- town, as his supply was exhausted.1


Upon the same date as the foregoing John Van Campen wrote President Reed, from Lower Smithfield, that he had on that morn- ing returned home from the Minisink, " at which place," he says, "I was the spectator of great Distress's, of many families left bare and destitute of all necessaries of life, who lived formerly in the midst of Plenty. The people, in general, are all fled in Forts Both sides of the River. The Distress is very great in our parts and adjacent Neigh- bours. . Col. Jacob Stroud acts the part of a Brave officer, with a few of his Neighbors, who Scouts in the woods with him. ... We have applied to our Lieutenants sundry times for relief, but none yet came." 2


Van Campen, writing again to the President (probably upon July 23d), says : "By express this morning we are informed the Enemy are Legally (formally) Encamped at Willes Mill (probably Wells' Mill at the site of Milford), and Grinding all the Grain that was in the mill and what they can collect in Defiance of all the Forces that can be collected at present." He also says that on the day before they had taken three prisoners in Jersey, and killed twenty head of horned cattle and all the horses of Morgan Desheay in Pennsylvania. He con- cluded his letter by saying that he has no doubt, unless speedy relief be sent to supple- ment the small forces they can gather, they will not be able to save " the poor people that are Fled into Forts For the Preservation of their Lives." 3


Reverting to the battle and the events that led to it, it may be stated that the greater num- ber of the fugitives from Minisink fled to Goshen, and as soon as the first of them arrived and gave intelligence of the presence of the enemy, Dr. Tusten, the colonel of the local militia, issued orders to the officers of his com- mand to meet him at Minisink on the following day with as many volunteers as they could pos-


-1 Penn. Archives, Vol. VII. p. 572.


2 Penn. Archives, VII. 573.


3. Penn. Archives, Vol. VII p. 575.


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sibly raise. The order was promptly obeyed, and a body of one hundred and forty-nine men met their colonel at the appointed rendezvous at the time designated. Early in the morning they pushed forward toward the Neversink. We quote from one who has been a careful stu- dent of the subject :1


At the place now called Finchville, on the east side of Shawangunk Mountain, they had breakfast, and were supplied with some pro- visions for the campaign. After the long and weary march of that day, following the trail of the retreating foe, they encamped for the night at Skinner's Mill, about three miles from the mouth of Half-way Brook.


On the morning of the 22d they were joined by Col. Hathorn, of the Warwick regiment, with a few men, and he, being the senior officer, took command.


Advancing to Half-way Brook (now Barry- ville), they came upon the Indian encampment of the previous night, and it was evident that Brandt was near. In order to ascertain his exact position and his contemplated place of crossing the Delaware, Captains Tyler and Cuddeback were sent forward. Tyler was soon shot, and, after a short delay, caused by his death, Col. Hathorn advanced, and as soon as he saw the main body of the enemy leisurely approaching the ford, ncar the mouth of the Lackawaxen (some had crossed and others were crossing with the plunder), he left the Indian trail and turned to the right, intending by a rapid march over the hills to intercept Brandt at the ford.


The wily Indian had discovered his pursuers, and anticipating their object, marched his forces quickly up a ravine, thereby placing himself in the rear of Col. Hathorn, and preventing about fifty of his men, who had fallen behind in the march, from joining him.


And now we have the contending forces in close proximity to each other.2 The Ameri-


cans, numbering about ninety, occupied the small platean nearly opposite the mouth of the Lackawaxen, a ledge of rocks which formed the southerly boundary of the battle-field.


lots number sixteen and seventeen in the seventh division of the Minisink Patent. By an air line the distance of the field from the village of Barryville, in the town of High- land, is two hundred and cighty-eight chains, or three and three-fifths miles, and about four and one-half miles by the usual route of travel. From Lackawaxen it is distant about one and one-fourth miles by road, and is elevated above the level of the Delaware River at that place not less than five hundred feet.


The field itself is a plateau formed by a ledge of rock, most of which is covered by earth to a depth sufficient to suppori the growth of shrubbery. The edges of the ledge present a projection towards the southeast, southwest and northwest, and when viewed together form, most nearly, a semi-circle. Toward the southeast the face of the ledge is somewhat broken, fifteen to eighteen feet high, and may be ascended or descended without much difficulty. Towards the southwest it is in part composed of broken rock, while another part exhibits a steep hill some twenty-five feet in height. Towards the northwest the face of the rock is very nearly perpendicular, quite solid, about fifteen feet high, and it was at its base that, it is fully believed, Colonel Tusten and the wounded under his care were tomahawked after the Indians gained the advantage.


A little northwesterly from the central point of the pla- teau, a hill rises to an extent of thirty or forty feet, ex- tending towards the northwest and northeast, but towards the southeast terminating in a manner so that from one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet of level surface re- mains between the foot of the hill and the southeast brink of the ledge.


The ground occupied by the white people in the battle is from a quarter to half an acre in extent, and is the west- erly proportion of the plateau, while the Indians and Tories occupied the part east, the hill above mentioned and the level ground extending around and behind the southeast- erly point of the hill.


The imperfect breast-work of the whites, so hastily erect- ed, may still be traced, and as late as 1839 was so distinct as to leave no doubt of its direction and extent, or the ground occupied by those it was intended to shield .- J. W. Johnston.


Hon. George H. Rowland, of Rowland's, Pike County, Pa., in an address delivered upon the field of battle speak- ing of the doubt that existed in some minds as to whether the battle was fought on this ground, says, --


"That this is the exact spot on which the battle was fought there is no doubt, from the fact that there are men upon the ground to-day who were here when the bones of the slain were gathered and taken to Goshen and interred with imposing ceremonics. Agaiu, there are those still living who have visited the ground with men who partici- pated in the battle.


" Having lived all my life in this vicinity, I have sought after particulars with some pains. Some thirty-seven years


1 From this point our narrative is condensed from an ad- dress delivered by Hon. William J. Groo, of Middletown, N. Y., on the one hundredth anniversary of the battle.


2 The field of the battle of the Lackawaxen must here be described. It is situate in what is now the town of Iligh- land, county of Sullivan and State of New York, and in


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The Indians and Tories came up from the ravine to the northward, and extended their line around to the west.


The battle really began about eleven o'clock, by the Indians advancing from the north, but they were promptly repulsed and held in check while some of the men hastily threw up a sort of breast-work of sticks and upturned stones, about one hundred and fifty feet from the southerly extremity of the plateau. The loca- tion of this defensive line was, but a few years ago, distinctly marked.


At this juncture Brandt's voice was distinct- ly heard within the American lines, calling upon those of his forces who had crossed the Delaware to return ; and soon thereafter Ha- thorn's men, who had been formed into a sort of hollow square, were nearly surrounded. In- dians appeared in all directions, but in greatest numbers towards the north and west, and con-


ago I closed the eyes of Absalom Conklin in death at the age of eighty. He was over fifteen years old at the time of the battle. . . . The old man lived with my father at the time of his death, and never tired of telling me how they were compelled to leave their rude homes and descend the Delaware River in a canoe on account of the Indians becoming threatening, only a short time before the battle. How they stopped on the Pennsylvania side of the river, opposite Minisink ; how his father joined the militia in pursuit of Brandt; how they fought until late in the after- noon of a very hot day without water; when their am- munition became exhausted they were compelled to re- treat-his father running to the Delaware at Otter Eddy, swimming the same and making his way back to his fam- ily. How they soon moved back ; how he had goue to the battle-ground with his father and saw the bones of those who died."


Again Brandt, who at and after that time held a com- mission in the British army, on a certain occasion in New York City, after peace was declared, gave his version of the battle, in brief, like this :


He said the whites took a position on an elevated pla- teau with a small round hill on their left; that before bringing on a general engagement he seut out a white flag, which was met by one from our side; that he . . . told our men they had better surrender and he would treat them as prisoners of war; that his force was far superior to ours, and if a general battle was brought on, he would not be able to restrain his savage warriors ; that while thus in parley a bullet came whistling by his side and cut his sword-belt; that he then threw himself from his horse, retreated to his men and drew them up for battle. Be that as it may, there is no doubt our men occupied this half-acre of ground, with rude breastworks of stone, logs and brush hastily thrown up.




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