USA > Pennsylvania > Franklin County > Mercersburg > History of the Presbyterian Church of Upper West Conococheague : now Mercersburg, Franklin County, Penn'a. > Part 6
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This Church has an important mission to fulfill. If it is faithful to its King, He will continue to dwell among us. These are the terms: "The Lord is with you while ye be with Him; and if ye seek Him, He will be found of you; but if ye forsake Him, He will forsake you." (2 Chron. xv. 2). On this principle He has ever acted toward the Church. Its entire history, from its beginning to the pres- ent time, confirms its truthfulness. And what is thus true of the Church in general, is equally true in its application to every particular Church. It is true in relation to this Church, If this Church has been preserved and prospered, it is because it has been faithful to its exalted Head. If it would continue to exist and prosper, it must continue in its fidelity to its Lord. Its Ministers-whoever they may be, and its Officers and Members must possess the spirit of their Divine Lord and Master, must follow closely in His foot- steps, must yield implicit obedience to His commands, must maintain and disseminate the truth, must be united to one another in the bonds of love, and must labor and pray for its welfare. Thus living and thus acting, God will still bestow upon you the choicest blessings of His grace; your prosperity shall continue to increase, and your perpetuity as a Church shall be made sure. To secure these ends, in humble dependence on the grace of God, may you adopt the language of the captive Hebrews and ever live under its constraining power: "If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do
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not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy." (Psalm 137, 5, 6).
I have been speaking of the past. Let me, for a moment, speak to you of the future. One hundred years have passed away since, as a Nation, we separated ourselves from Great Britain and became a free people. One hundred and thirty-eight years have passed away since this Church was founded. Where are the founders of this Republic to-day ? All gone the way of all the earth ! Where are the fathers and mothers who became identified with this Church in the beginning of its existence ? Where are its office-bearers ? Where are its members? Not one of them is in the land of the living! And where will the generation which now occupies their places in the Church and in the State, be, when another century shall have passed away ? We will still be in existence. The soul never dies. But other per- sons will occupy the places which we now fill. Other per- sons will carry on the affairs of State. Other persons will navigate our seas, and will carry on our commercial, and mechanical, and manufacturing interests. Other persons will tread these streets, and travel these roads, and inhabit these houses. Other merchants will occupy these store- rooms. Other physicians will minister to the sick and the afflicted. Other mechanics will ply their trades and wait upon their customers. Other farmers will cultivate the soil. Other laborers will be employed in daily toil. Other persons will be seen wending their way to the Church and occupying these pews. Other Trustees, and Ruling elders, and Deacons, will fill these offices. Other persons will officiate in the sacred service of song. Other persons will have charge of the Sabbath-school, as superintendent and teachers, and other scholars will be in attendance. And some other Minister of our Lord will be in this sacred desk, giving direction to the thoughts of the worshippers in prayer and praise, in the preaching of the Word, and in
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administering the Sacraments. One hundred years-one hundred and thirty-eight years, and how endless they ap- pear in the future! And yet, how soon they pass away, and are numbered with the years before the flood ! "So, O Lord our God, teach us to number our days that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom !"
"And now the God of peace that brought again from the dead the Lord Jesus, that great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do His will, working in you that which is well-pleasing in his sight through Jesus Christ : To whom be glory forever and ever. Amen.
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APPENDIX A.
"The distractions which have lately agitated this part of the country, and I am sorry to say, have too much prevailed in this particular settlement, are indeed a matter of no small uneasiness to me, and certainly it must appear a dis- tressing consideration to every one that has any regard to the peace and good order of society, either civil or religious. These are both divine ordinances, and as such they claim a universal regard from every one who is a subject of them. Hence, to observe persons in a riotous manner, openly set- ting themselves against the government, and endeavoring by force and arms to prevent the due administration of justice, must be deeply afflicting to every one who pays any respect to the divine authority in this wise and useful insti- tution. Such practices are highly criminal in themselves, not only in a civil, but also in a religious sense. For if civil government is a divine institution ; if 'the powers that be are ordained of God, then whosoever resisteth that power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.' These are the ex- press words of the inspired Apostle, in Romans xiii. 1, 2, where he carefully inculcates subjection and other duties which we owe to magistrates. He inculcates on Christians the duty of submission even to Heathen governors who had the rule at the time when he wrote; and so of consequence, the obligation binds with greater firmness under Christian governors.
"The first argument he uses for this duty is the divine appointment of it. 'For there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God.'. He has, for the good of mankind, assigned different stations of rule and subjec- tion among men, though they are all of one race, raising some above others, and clothing them with such authority whereby they bear some resemblance to himself, and ac- cordingly, he has communicated to them his own name : 10
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'I have said ye are gods,' (Psalm lxxxii. 6); so that we see with what regard God himself speaks of magistrates and judges. He also makes use of that very power in magis- tracy to curb and punish those who despise it, as a strong obligation to bind us to obedience: 'For rulers are not a terror to good works,' &c. (v. 3, 4.) And further, he also adds another, of higher necessity, that binds more strongly, and is more acceptable, that is, a necessity of conscience : 'Wherefore,' says he, 'ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.' This is the main con- sideration, and which is the sum of all the rest; as if he had said: Have a reverent and conscientious respect to the ordinance of God, in the institution of government; and to the providence of God in the choice of those particular persons, he calls to the administration of it, and submit yourselves to those who are thus set over you. This you must needs do, and that 'not only for wrath, for fear of the magistrate's sword,' but out of a necessity of conscience, which makes a true willingness and an acceptable service ; and where this is done, it produces an agreeable and regu- lar motion among all superiors and inferiors, States and families, magistrates and subjects, the one commanding, the other obeying in the Lord.
"We see then that this subjection is a necessary and com- manded duty incumbent upon all; and certainly Christians are to consider themselves under the strongest obligations ; yea, it is so connected with religion, that I can scarcely think a person a good Christian, who is not a good civilian. A disposition to oppose, or to abet, or encourage the actual opposition to civil government, is a temper of mind con- trary to the spirit of Christ, and unbecoming the Christian character. But we are still to remember that this subjec- tion is not to infringe upon the rights of conscience, with respect to the authority and law of God, and the duty we owe to him; for the extent of all these relations and of all subjection and obedience is to be bounded by the unalter-
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able obligations we are under to God, as supreme : ‘Ren- der therefore unto Cæsar the things that are Caesar's,' but nothing of God's; that is neither ours to give, nor his to receive. The law of God is the first and highest rule, and binds all, both kings and subjects, high and low, under in- violable and perpetual engagements. Magistrates and judg- es are peculiarly under the eye of God, and as he has ele- vated them to a higher station than others, so he peculiarly takes notice of their conduct; as the Supreme Judge, he sits and views their proceedings, not only whether they do that which is just, but whether they judge righteously for conscience sake. They are accountable to God, and also to the laws of the land, if they go beyond their trust.
"But should they leave their station, it affords no argu- ment for us to leave ours. Nay, if opposition should arise to such a height as to require opposition, which may some- times happen in any government, such opposition ought to be made in a quiet, peaceable, and lawful manner, and not by force of arms, tumults, and riots, and the like. This is choosing the worst way, for no other reason but because it is the worst; for oppression itself will not justify opposition by force, until all milder measures have failed, much less is it justifiable when the circumstances of the case do not re- quire it.
"Upon the whole, then, as I conceive it my duty to re- prove sin, in whatever light it appears, and as I am convinced the resisting a divine ordinance is a sin, and that the dis- graceful conduct of the late rioters deserves that character, I conceive that no upright and well-disposed mind can take offence at what I have declared concerning it. It is a story in the mouths of those who may be called our political ad- versaries, that the Presbyterians are disaffected towards the government, and that their teachers instruct them so ; and thus, though it is a charge upon that people in general, yet it comes sideways upon the ministers. And therefore I take this occasion publicly to declare my abhorrence and
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detestation of such riotous conduct, and most earnestly ex- hort and warn all those that hear me to abstain from it, and to avoid all those who do by any means encourage practices so destructive to the peace and good order of society, nay, so reproachful to human nature."
APPENDIX B.
AT A MEETING OF THE CITIZENS OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD CALLED TO DELIBERATE ON THE STATE OF AFFAIRS, HE THUS SPOKE :
"Gentlemen, The occasion of your meeting here this day is of a most serious and alarming nature. Driven by the cruel hand of violence, you are now brought to the sad alternative, either of submitting to the iron rod of oppres- sion and slavery, or appearing under arms in the defence of your natural and sacred rights; and your sentiments are required, which of these you will choose and resolutely ad- here to. Let us consider a little the occasion of these move- ments. Whatever secret schemes may be at the bottom, we know that actions speak loud, and from these we may judge that the heaviest chains are being prepared for us- that a plan of the most perfect slavery and oppression is laid, and is now in actual and violent execution. Say, which of your most sacred rights and invaluable franchises are not in danger by this plan ? You think you have a natural right to use your own property. No! says Parlia- ment, we have a right to tax you as we please, without your concurrence. You think you have a right to be governed by your own laws, made by your own representatives. No ! says the Parliament, we have, and of right ought to have, full power to make laws and statutes sufficient to bind the Colonies and people of America in all cases whatsoever. This breaks down all your boasts of liberty at once, de- stroys your assemblies, and makes you absolutely subject to whatever burdens a corrupt Ministry or a venal Parlia-
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ment may please to lay upon you. You think you have a constitutional right to be tried, in cases of life, liberty, or property, by a jury of your vicinage. No! You must in several cases be tried in England. You think that mur- derers should not escape. Yes! says the Parliament, if they are engaged in our cause. Do you think your religion is safe ? Not very secure, indeed, when the Popish religion is established, and the French laws are set up just in our neighborhood. Or can you think that even your lives will be safe under a dragooning military government ?
"We hold our charters, and consequently our titles to our possessions, by the plighted faith of the Crown; yet what regard is paid to this ? These charters are violated at the pleasure of Parliament, and so they may go on to divest us of everything we call our own. All these things (and in- deed these are but some of the cruel things) have been done by the last Parliament. And what has the present Parlia- ment done ? Instead of relieving, they have increased our burdens. We waited, and hoped for assistance from friends in England, but neither they nor we could be heard. One would say, we must confine our trade solely to Britain, Ireland and the West Indies; another, that the people of New England must not fish on the banks of Newfoundland (that may be reserved for their peaceable neighbors, the French); and a third, to enable the king to declare us actual rebels, and treat us accordingly, thousands of men are sent over to execute the fatal sentence. The cloud is gathering thicker and thicker! Nay, it has already burst, and vio- lence is begun. We hear pretty authentic accounts of an actual engagement.
"Now this is our lamentable situation, and what will we do? I am ready to anticipate your answer, and say that you will firmly resolve to stand for your liberties, and, with all your force, oppose these unconstitutional exertions of power. We have been opposing them in a peaceable way, but now we are drove to the worst, and must either submit
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or appeal to arms-that 'ultima ratio regum,' the last argu- ment of kings. But some will perhaps say it is taking up arms against the king, a grievous crime, according to the English Constitution, and contrary to the command of the Apostle, who teaches that 'every soul be subject to the higher powers.' My sentiments of this matter are these. I acknowledge King George as my rightful sovereign. I declare myself his subject, and am willing to swear allegi- ance to him, and I do not doubt but every one of you would declare the same; but still I do firmly believe that all allegiance is bounded by the constitution of our govern- ment, and all obedience is limited by the laws of God. It is therefore, constitutional allegiance that we would declare. It is this that we plead for. It is obedience in things law- ful that we are to pay, and beyond this the Apostle surely . would never inculcate subjection to the earthly powers. That pernicious doctrine of passive obedience and non-re- sistance can stand upon no rational foundation, but is con- trary thereto. It is absurd in itself, fraught with the most dangerous consequences, and only calculated for the me- ridian of Turkey or Tartary. The operation of it will never cease until we shall become like the slaves of Morocco, who, when their tyrant, perhaps for his sport, wounds them with a javelin, submissively employ their remaining strength to draw it out, and give it to him again that he may give them the finishing blow.
"Now, sirs, subjection is demanded of us, but it is not the constitutional subjection which we are in duty bound to pay ; it is not a legal subjection to the King they would bring us to, that we already acknowledge, but it is a subjec- tion to the British Parliament, or to the people of Great Britain ; this we deny, and I hope will always deny. They are not our lords and masters ; they are no more than our brethren and fellow subjects. They call themselves, and it has been usual to call them, the mother country ; but this is only a name, and if there was anything in it one would
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think that it should lead them to treat us like children, with parental affection. But is it fatherly or motherly, to strip us of everything, to rob us of every right and privi- lege, and then to whip and dragoon us with fleets and armies, till we are pleased ? No ! As the name does not belong to them, so their conduct shows they have no right to claim it. We are on an equal footing with them in all respects ; with respect to government and privileges; and therefore, their usurpation ought to be opposed. Nay, when the King uses the executive branch of government, which is in his hand, to enable one part of his subjects to Jord it over and oppress another, it is a sufficient ground of our applying to the laws of nature for our defence.
"But this is the case with us. We have no other refuge from slavery but those powers which God has given us, and allowed us to use in defence of our dearest rights, and I hope he will bless our endeavors, and give success to this oppressed people; and that the wicked instruments of all these distractions shall meet their due reward. I earnestly wish that in such troublous times, while we plead for liber- ty, a proper guard may be kept against any turbulent or mobbish outbreak, and that unanimity may be universal, both in counsel and action, and that we may still have an eye to the great God, who has some important reasons for such severe corrections. Let us look to the rod and him that hath appointed it; let us humble ourselves before him daily for our sins, and depend upon him for success. If he be against us, in vain do we struggle; if the Lord be for us, 'though an host should encamp against us we need not be afraid.'
"Now from a right view of the state and circumstances of these Colonies, every man of common sense will see that in this conflict nothing is more necessary than union, noth- ing more dangerous than division; and if ever we are are obliged to give up our sacred rights, it will not be by British force, but by enemies among ourselves. A state
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divided cannot stand, and therefore we should guard against division. Some will doubtless be so mean as to prefer some present ease before the most lasting enjoy- ment, and rather than discompose themselves for the pres- ent, would submit to the vilest bondage, so sordid, as to set up their own interest in competition with the public good, and this general cause, in which we are engaged. Itis cer- tain that all these are in a degree enemies to us, and should be avoided ; not only such as will not act with us, but such as will not act harmoniously. Everything that tends to break the harmony should be avoided."
The following extract is from a sermon occasioned by the death of General Montgomery, preached January, 1777, from the text, "And all these things are against me." (Gen. xiii. 36.) "God's dealings with men when he is working their deliverance are often so dark and intricate, that they are apt to judge and say they are against them. This should prevent us forming hasty judgments concerning our circumstances, however dark, nay, even desperate they may be. Such judgments of matters tend to depress that spirit, and weaken that activity and force which are neces- sary to extricate from troubles, besides, they are injurious to the right exercise of faith in the goodness and power of God, and betray an ignorance of the methods of his provi- dence. Let us, therefore, in our circumstances, guard against them. They arise from a weakness of faith, from cowardice, from principles of sense, from partial views of the matter, and from ignorance of God. To admit and to follow such a judgment in our case would be dishonorable to our cause and attended with certain ruin. For surely we have still reason for the exercise of faith and confidence in God, that he will not give a people up to the unlimited will and power of others, who have done all they could to avoid the calamity, and have so strenuously adhered to the cause of reason and humanity ; a people who have been attacked with unprovoked violence, and driven with the greatest re-
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luctance to take up arms for their defence ; a people whom he himself by a series of providential actings hath gradu- ally led on to this condition. That he should give up such a people to the tyranny of masters, who impiously invade his own prerogative, and mark their proceedings with such instances of barbarity and inhumanity as nature itself ab- hors ; let us never entertain a thought so derogatory to the honor and justice of him who is the Judge of all the earth, and will surely do that which is right. He is the judge of right, the guardian of innocence, the protector of truth, and the defence of the oppressed. 'The Lord is the refuge for the oppressed ; he will maintain the cause of the afflicted ; he hath appointed his arrows against the persecutors.'
"Therefore, when these are our circumstances, we may rationally judge that God is not an unconcerned spectator, but that he sees and will reward the persecutors. Many things, indeed, seem to be against us; a very great and powerful enemy, who have been long trained to victory ; their numerous and savage allies, who, having lost their liberty, would have others in the same condition ; our weakness and inexperience in war; internal enemies, which we cannot well root out; the loss of many of our friends, and a beloved and able General. But let not these destroy our hopes, or damp our spirits. To put too much confi- dence in man, is the way to provoke God to deprive us of them. This may perhaps be that darkness which precedes the glorious day. Nor let us judge that the cause is lost, even though we should be brought much lower still. God may have great things to do with this people. This land he made use of as a refuge for his oppressed people, and has brought them up to maturity in it, and he may now be about to make them eminent in the world, and give them a name among the nations of the earth. Should this be the case, let us not wonder that we should travail in birth, that so great a nation should be born into political life and independence with sore pangs and blood. It is agreeable
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to God's method to bring low before he exalteth ; to hum- ble before he raises up. Let us trust in him, and do our duty and commit the event to his determination, who can make those things to be for us, which by a judgment of sense we are ready to say are against us."
The following was addressed to Captain Huston's compa- ny, as they were about to leave their homes for the battle field. "My brethren : I hope you will remember the de- signs and resolutions with which you at first consented to, and joined in the public opposition to the tyranny of Great Britain. I hope that at this time of great necessity, you will not suffer the fire and warlike spirit to faint, and so manifest all that you have hitherto done and said, to signify nothing. It appears that even now is the critical and try- ing time; our enemy making their main push, and at the same time coming into such circumstances as they will be most in our power. While they continued under the cover and convoy of their ships, they were out of our reach ; now, it seems, they have taken the land, and come into such circumstances as we desired. But our divided army can- not operate against their number without an addition. You are loudly called upon to go to its assistance. Indeed, the case itself speaks so loudly as is sufficient to rouse every spark of martial fire that may be in you.
"There is, one would think, no need of words. Your country, lives, liberties and estates in danger, all cry most bitterly for help. And why should there be the least ap- pearance of backwardness among you ? I am glad to hear that some among you are so hearty in the cause, as by their readiness to the service, to show that they still desire to be free, and were in earnest when they said they would de- fend their liberties with their lives.
"The case is plain; life must be hazarded, or all is gone. You must go and fight, or send your humble submission, and bow as a beast to its burden, or as an ox to the slaugh- ter. The King of Great Britain has declared us rebels, a
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capital crime. Submission therefore consents to the rope or the axe. Liberty is doubtless gone; none could imag- ine a tyrant king should be more favorable to conquered rebels, than he was to loyal, humble, petitioning subjects. No! No! If ever a people lay in chains, we must, if our enemies carry their point against us, and oblige us to un- conditional submission. This is not all. Our Tory neigh- bors will be our proud and tormenting enemies. But sup- pose. that all this were tolerable, and you might think that it might be submitted to, there is still a greater monster be- hind, that is, persecution. I do not mean persecution on a religious account, though I have not the least doubt but that will also be the case. The English government, every one knows, is favorable to Episcopacy; it has found the benefit of it, and it is to all appearance as fond of the max- im, 'No Bishop no King,' as ever. This was and is de- signed, and will no doubt be the case here, if they succeed in conquering us.
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