The history of Pennsylvania : from its discovery by Europeans, to the Declaration of Independence in 1776, Part 34

Author: Gordon, Thomas Francis, 1787-1860
Publication date: 1829
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : Carey, Lea & Carey
Number of Pages: 658


USA > Pennsylvania > The history of Pennsylvania : from its discovery by Europeans, to the Declaration of Independence in 1776 > Part 34


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The enterprise had now grown desperate. A great part of the season for military operations was spent, and no im- pression had been made on the town. A bold and sudden stroke alone might obtain success; and such a measure well suited the chivalrous spirit of the English general. On the west of the city were some heights, called the heights of Abraham, accessible from the river by a narrow path only, and therefore imperfectly guarded. These commanded the town, which, on the land side, was slightly fortified. It was resolved to land the troops in the night, and gain these heights. The difficulties attending this scheme were numerous. The stream was rapid, the shore shelving, the landing-place so narrow as to be easily missed in the dark, and the ascent from 48


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it was steep and laborious, even to one unopposed. Disco- very and vigorous opposition would not only defeat the en- terprise, but probably occasion the loss of the greater part of the troops engaged in it. To deceive the enemy, the admi- ral moved up the river several leagues, and demonstrated an intention to debark troops at several places .* During the night a strong detachment in flat-bottomed boats fell silently down the river, and gained the place of descent an hour be- fore day. Wolfe was the first to leap on shore. The high- landers and light-infantry, composing the van, under colonel · Howe, were directed to secure a four gun battery, which de- fended the paths of the ascent. They were forced by the violence of the current below the point of debarkation, but, scrambling up the precipice, by the aid of the projecting rocks, and branches of trees and plants growing on the cliffs, they gained the heights, and dispersed the guard with little difficulty. The whole army followed up the narrow pass, encountering a scattered fire from some Canadians and In- dians, with inconsiderable loss, and gained the summit by the break of day.


When Montcalm learned that the English had gained the heights, he determined to give them battle, and instantly put his troops in motion. Without loss of time, Wolfe formed his line. His right wing he gave to Monckton, and his left to Murray. The right flank was covered by the Louisburg gre- nadiers, and the left by Howe's infantry. The reserve con- sisted of Webb's regiment, drawn up in eight sub-divisions. He had but one piece of cannon, which was used with great effect. Montcalm formed his right and left wings equally of. Europeans and colonial troops. He brought two small field- pieces to play upon the English lines, and threw fifteen hun- dred militia and Indians in advance, who, protected by the trees and shrubs, kept up an irregular but galling fire. The movements of the French indicating a design to flank his left, general Wolfe ordered the battalion of Amherst, with two battalions of Americans, to that part of his line, where


* 12th Sept.


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they formed en potence, presenting a double front, under general Townshend. Montcalm placed himself on the left and Wolfe on the right of their respective armies, and were thus opposed to each other where the battle was most se- vere. The French advanced impetuously; but the English, contemning the irregular troops thrown in advance, had re- served their fire until the main body was within forty yards, now poured upon it a deadly and continued shower. Wolfe, advancing at the head of Bragg's and the Louisburg grena- diers with charged bayonets, received a mortal wound, of which he soon after expired. The battle was maintained with undi- minished spirit under Monckton, who received a ball through his body. About the same time, Montcalm, in front of his battalions, received his death-wound; and general Senezer- gus, his second in command, also fell. The left and centre of the French gave way; and, pressed by the British bayonet and broad-sword, were driven, after one attempt to rally, partly into Quebec, and partly over St. Charles's river. In the left and rear of the English, the action was less severe. The light-infantry was placed in houses; and colonel Howe, the better to support them, had taken post, with two compa- nies, still farther to the left, behind a copse. As the right of the enemy approached, he attacked their flanks and threw them into disorder. In this critical moment, Townshend advanced several platoons of Amherst's regiment against their front, and completely frustrated Montcalm's intention of turning his flank. Townshend was now informed that the command had devolved on him. Hastening to the centre, he recalled the troops from pursuit, and re-formed his line. This was scarce effected, when M. de Bourgainville appeared in his rear, with the force he had employed in guarding the river above. But the army of Montcalm was defeated and routed, and the English were able to deal with this small di- vision, which retired unmolested, as Townshend would not risk the important advantages already gained, by pursuing it through a difficult country.


In this decisive battle, the numbers were equal. But all . the English were veterans, whilst more than half the French


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force was composed of Indians and unpractised militia, who, rendering a feeble support to the regulars, caused them to be almost entirely cut to pieces. The English loss was six hun- dred killed and wounded, but among the former was the com- mander-in-chief.


The death of this gallant officer in the hour of victory, rejoicing in his future fame, has shed a romantic interest on this battle, which has måde it a delightful theme for the poet and historian. At the head of his division, he was a distin- guished object for the enemy. On the commencement of the action, he received a ball in the wrist; but, calmly wrapping a handkerchief around his arm, he continued to encourage his troops; soon after, a shot struck him in the groin; this wound he also concealed; and he was pressing on with the grena- diers, when a third bullet pierced his breast. Though expir- ing, he reluctantly suffered himself to be conveyed to the rear, where his sole solicitude was for the fate of the battle. Being told that the enemy was broken, he reclined his head in extreme faintness upon the arm of an officer, but was soon aroused by the distant cry "they fly, they fly !" " Who fly?" said he; being answered, " The French," he exclaimed, "Then I die happy !" and instantly expired.


The brave but unfortunate Montcalm met his fate with equal heroism. Devoted to glory, and fearless of death, he could not brook his defeat. He joyfully replied, on being told that he could survive but a few hours, "So much the better, I shall not see the surrender of Quebec."


General Townshend employed the first days after the bat- tle in fortifying his camp, cutting a road up the precipice for the conveyance of his heavy artillery, and otherwise preparing for the siege of the town. But before his batteries were opened the garrison capitulated, on condition that the inha- bitants should, during the war, be protected in the free exer- cise of their religion, and the full enjoyment of their civil rights, leaving their future destiny to be determined by the general peace. These favourable terms were granted from an apprehension on the part of the English, that the place might be relieved by Bourgainville, or by a detachment from


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the army at Montreal. The garrison, consisting of about five thousand men, and the captured fleet, sailed for Europe under the charge of general Murray.


The news of this conquest produced in England a delirium of joy ; the more vivid, as the nation, from the letters of general Wolfe, had anticipated a failure of the expedition. Cap- tain Douglass, whose ship bore the first tidings, was knighted, and the king bestowed considerable presents on him and colonel Hale, the bearer of the despatches. A solemn thanks- giving was proclaimed throughout the British dominions. The city of London, the universities, and other corporations, presented congratulatory addresses to his majesty ; and parlia- ment voted a monument in Westminster abbey to the deceased general, and the thanks of the house to the surviving " gene- rals and admirals employed in the glorious and successful expedition to Quebec."


On the arrival of Mr. Franklin in England, he discover- ed that he had many difficulties to contend against .* The newspapers were constantly supplied with intelligence from Pennsylvania, manufactured in London, misrepresenting the motives and conduct of the assembly and inhabitants of the province, in their resistance to the claim of the proprietaries. The attention of the nation being fixed upon the progress of the war in Germany, and its entire ignorance of the Pennsyl- vania contest, rendered it indifferent to her complaints; and the government was reluctant to interpose in local disputes, arising from the ambiguity or even abuse of the royal grants. Franklin turned himself to the press, as the familiar and natural means of exciting the interest of the public, and of correcting the proprietary misrepresentations. A proper . opportunity was afforded him, in consequence of the publica- tion of an article in the "Citizen, or General Advertiser," reflecting on the conduct of the assembly, for protracting the dispute with the governor, and delaying the appropriation of funds, whilst the savage enemy was preying upon the fron- tier. A reply, bearing the name of his son, was inserted in


* Franklin's Memoirs.


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the same paper, whence it was copied into others, and exten- sively circulated. He showed that the exposure of Pennsyl- vania to the enemy was not greater than that of the other provinces ; that her frontier settlers were armed, and actively employed in her defence ; that her energy was repressed by the proprietary instructions, and that her inhabitants were united in opposing their injustice. He closed with a view of the exertions of the province in defence of her own fron- tier, and of the general cause, in which she had persevered without contribution from other colonies, or from the mother country .* The publication of this letter was attended with good effect, and encouraged the author to follow it up with a more important paper. In the beginning of 1759 he pub- lished anonymously, his "Historical Review of the Consti- tution and Government of Pennsylvania." This work was written for party purposes, and therefore contained party views and representations. If the honesty of the author prevented him from violating truth in regard to the facts, his cause did not reject the benefits of partial colouring. The work contains copious extracts from the minutes of the coun- cil and assembly, connected by many strong and original remarks. In examining the conduct of the proprietaries, the author has not spared the memory of Penn, much less that of his children; under his hand the character of the early settlers of Pennsylvania rises in strong and pleasing relief, and the contrast between them and the proprietaries is much to the advantage of the former. This work was ascribed to James Ralph, a former resident of Philadelphia, and companion and friend of Franklin; strict circumspection being observed in regard to the real author, who was at the time of its publica- tion engaged in negotiating with the proprietaries, and labouring to bring the provincial disputes before the privy council.t


In August, 1757, he had presented to the proprietaries a short and general remonstrance against their instructions.' In February, 1759, they sent a long message to the assembly, in


* Sept. 16, 1757. + Frank. Mem.


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which they maintained their general right to instruct their deputies, and to require bond from them conditioned for their obedience, on the ground of the practice of the proprietary and royal governments ; and of the danger which must accrue to the proprietary estate, if their deputies, dependant upon the assembly for support, were left entirely to their own dis- cretion. They justified their refusal to pay taxes for their quit-rents, on the impropriety of submitting the chief rents due to them as lords of the fee, to taxation by the represen- tatives of their tenants. " That they might not be accused of injustice," they said, "they had ordered five thousand pounds to be paid for the public service out of the arrears of that very fund; and now they were willing to have the annual income of their estates inquired into, and to contribute what- ever such sum should fall short of this proportion of the amount raised upon all the inhabitants ; but if they had alrea- dy contributed more than their portion, they required that the overplus should be returned to them. But as they were not represented in the assembly, and had a right to dispose of their own estates, they insisted that the manner in which such portion should be assessed should be settled by commis- sioners appointed on the part of themselves and assembly." They proposed to settle with Mr. Franklin a bill of supply ; but having no authority for this purpose, he declined the pro- position. These offers did not tempt the assembly to alter their course. They sent to the governor a bill subjecting the proprietary estates, as other property, to taxation; and, having made several attempts in vain to amend it, he gave it his sanction, without even a protest, that it was forced from him by the circumstances of the province. The proprietaries opposed this bill before the privy council as subversive of their rights, and ruinous to themselves and posterity, subject- ing them to all the expenses for the defence and support of the province. There were other offensive features in the bill; but, after much delay and tedious discussion, it received the royal approbation, on the engagement of Franklin, that the assembly would admit the participation of the governor in the disposal of the public revenue, and would not make their


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bills issued under the act a tender in payment of quit-rents; and would not assess the located uncultivated lands of the proprietaries higher than the lowest rate at which any located uncultivated lands belonging to the inhabitants should be as- sessed, This was a concession of the very ground of litiga- tion, and established by consent of the contending parties, and under the authority of government, nearly all which the inhabitants of Pennsylvania claimed .* This termination of the controversy, beneficial to the province, and honourable to Mr. Franklin, their agent, procured for him the agency for the colonies of Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia.


In October, governor Denny was superseded by James Hamilton, Esq. a second time appointed lieutenant-governor of the province. The removal of governor Denny was, in consequence of his compliance with the wishes of the assem- bly in passing their money bill, and other acts, offensive to the proprietaries; he having, as the proprietaries believed, sacrificed their interests to promote his own. Nor was this improbable. For several years he had received no salary from the assembly, but on his assenting to the bill taxing the proprietary estates, the house voted him one thousand pounds; a like sum on his sanctioning the bill for re-emitting the paper currency, without a clause protecting the proprietary interests, and a like sum on his passing the act for recording of warrants and surveys.


* Franklin.


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CHAPTER XVI.


Reduction of the army .... Augmentation .... Money bill .... Do- nation to the town of Boston .... Grant of parliament to the colonies .... War with the Cherokees .... Military affairs in Canada ···· Provincial merits in the war .... Cherokees sue for peace .... Death of George II .... Provincial proceedings .... Requisition of troops refused by the assembly ..... Mo- hawks .... Resignation of Mr. Pitt .... New requisitions .... Money bill .... War with Spain .... Measures of assembly .... Indians ···· Peace between Great Britain, France, and Spain ... Ministerial rebuke of the assembly ··· Indian war ··· Expe- dition of general Bonquet .... Money bills .... John Penn, esq. deputy-governor.


THE results of the late campaign, whilst they inspirited the provinces to new exertions, brought peace and security to the middle colonies .* The impoverished and exiled agri- culturists, to the number of four thousand, returned to their labours, which, prosecuted in security, bring contentment and competence, whilst the merchant again found sources of wealth in the Indian trade. Pennsylvania, oppressed by taxes, and largely indebted to the soldiery, gladly seized the occasion to reduce her force to one hundred and fifty men, officers in- cluded, against the remonstrances of the governor, and the generals Amherst and Stanwix. But, on command of the crown to furnish a like number of troops as for the last cam- paign, the assembly voted twenty-seven hundred men, and reported a bill, granting to his majesty's use one hundred thousand pounds, for levying, paying, and clothing them. This bill had the same features as the last; assessing the pro- prietary estates, and preserving to the assembly the disposal


* 1760.


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of the money to be raised by the act. The governor ob- jected to the bill, and offered an amendment, to equalize the assessment, and to reconcile a discrepancy, which he fancied existed in its provisions; one section authorizing the provin- cial commissioners to dispose of the money, with the con- sent and approbation of the governor, whilst another required the trustees of the loan-office to pay orders drawn by the commissioners only. But the house, seeing no inconsistency in the bill, it preserving to them the entire control of the public treasure, rejected the amendments, and Mr. Hamil- ton, under a protest that his assent was extorted by the cir- cumstances of the country, gave it his sanction.


The resolution of the house, not to admit the executive to participate in the disposition of the public treasure, was still further displayed during this session. Mr. Pitt had kept his promise to recommend to parliament to reimburse the co- lonies for their pecuniary expenses. A conviction that they had paid more than their proportion, induced that body to appropriate two hundred thousand pounds a year, for five years, for their relief. The portion of Pennsylvania was twenty-six thousand pounds of the first year's grant. To enable their agents to receive this money, the assembly sent to the governor certain resolutions, continuing Messrs. Frank- lin and Charles agents of the province, and requesting him to certify their appointment under the great seal. He refused this, unless the house would consent to prohibit their agents from receiving the money until authorized by law, or with- out the consent and approbation of the governor. The house directed the clerk to make affidavit of this refusal, contrary to the usual practice, and to obtain a notary's authen- tication of their resolutions; and they instructed their agents immediately to obtain the money, and deposit it in the bank of England, subject to the drafts of the province. The mo- ney, however, was paid to Franklin alone, and by him was vested in the English funds. On sale of the stock thus pur- chased, a considerable loss was sustained, which his enemies endeavoured, unsuccessfully, to charge upon him.


The town of Boston having been afflicted by a grievous


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conflagration, the assembly of Pennsylvania, on the applica- tion of governor Pownal, of Massachusetts, and at the in- stance of Mr. Hamilton, generously granted to the sufferers the sum of fifteen hundred pounds.


At the instances of the French of Louisiana, the Chero- kees, a nation of Indians on the south of Virginia, com- menced war upon the southern provinces, which they prose- cuted with the usual barbarity of the North American savage. Upon the first hostile indications, governor Littleton of South Carolina, at the head of eight hundred provincials, and three hundred regulars, penetrated their country with such prompti- tude and vigour, that the intimidated chiefs sued for peace upon the governor's terms-renouncing the French interest, giving up the French emissaries, and surrendering their pri- soners; and, for the performance of these conditions, giving as hostages thirty-two chiefs, who had gone to Charleston, to deprecate the anger of the English, and had been re-con- ducted to their country under the charge of the army. These hostages were lodged at fort George. Scarce had the army retired from the frontiers, when the Indians endeavoured to release them, and, in the execution of their attempt, they killed the captain of the fort, and wounded two inferior offi- cers. Orders were immediately given to put the hostages in irons; but, indignant at this treatment, they turned their knives upon those about to execute these commands; one of whom they killed. An instant massacre of all the chiefs succeeded ; and their nation again flew to arms, and vented their fury by the indiscriminate murder of the English in- habitants.


General Amherst despatched colonel Montgomery, with a detachment of twelve hundred regulars, to South Carolina, with instructions to strike a sudden blow against the enemy, and to return to New York in season to march with the army against Montreal. The colonists made great exertions to second him, and to render a single expedition conclusive of the war. The joint forces entered the lower settlements of the Indians, destroyed their towns, burned their magazines of corn, and wasted their fields. But near the village of


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Etchoo, in an almost impenetrable wood, the English en- countered a large body of savages, and received so severe a check, that they deemed it prudent to retire upon fort George, whence colonel Montgomery departed for New York; leaving, at the entreaty of the inhabitants, four companies to aid in defence of the frontier. In the meantime, the Indians en- compassed fort Loudon, and, by famine, compelled the garri- son, consisting of two hundred men, to capitulate, on condi- tion of being permitted to march into the settlements. But this condition was not preserved. They were attacked on their march, many of them slaughtered, and the remainder carried away prisoners.


During the winter, the French made great exertions to retrieve their affairs in Canada. A force of near ten thou- sand men was collected about Montreal, under the command of M. de Levi; who at first formed the design of carrying Quebec by a coup-de-main, but which he abandoned on a nearer view of the strength and vigilance of the garrison; and resolved to wait the return of spring, and the breaking up of the ice on the river, for the commencement of the siege. In the month of April, he transported his baggage, artillery, and stores, by the St. Lawrence, under convoy of six frigates, a naval force greatly superior to the English, and marched his army by land in ten days to Point au Tremble.


General Murray had, with great industry, strengthened the town upon the land side. But the excessive coldness of the climate, and the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, had reduced the garrison from five to three thousand effec- tive men. With this small force, he resolved to hazard a battle; believing, should he be defeated, the excellence of his troops would enable him to retreat into the town, and hold the enemy at bay. He attacked the French with great im- petuosity near Sillery; but, being received with unexpected firmness, and perceiving M. de Levi preparing to pass his flanks, he drew off his army, and retired into the city, with the loss of a thousand men; consoled, however, with having made much greater havoc upon the enemy.


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Sensible that every day brought relief nearer to his foe, the French commander hastened his operations; but still was unable, from the difficulty of bringing up his heavy artillery, to mount his batteries for a fortnight. By that time, Murray had completed some out-works, and had placed upon his ramparts so formidable a train, that his fire was superior to that of the besiegers. But still. his situation became hourly more perilous; he was at length relieved by the arrival of a Bri- tish fleet in the river, at a season in which the navigation is not ordinarily practicable. M. de Levi immediately raised the siege, and retired with precipitation to Montreal. At this place the marquis de Vaudreiul, governor-general of Ca- nada, collected his whole force; flattering himself that the attack upon him might be delayed until the approach of win- ter should render it impracticable, or yield him advantages in the contest. But general Amherst had a force competent to the utter annihilation of the French in Canada, and was too ambitious to effect this object, to procrastinate his efforts. The armies of Quebec, lake Champlain, and lake Ontario, were directed simultaneously on Montreal. With his own corps, composed of ten thousand British and provincials, and one thousand Indians, under sir William Johnson, progress- ing by the way of lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence, he ar- rived before the town on the very day that general Murray reached it from below. Colonel Haviland, with the forces from Crown Point, having made himself master of the Isle au Noix, St. Johns, and Chamblee, joined them a few days after. Before this overwhelming power, resistance was vain. The marquis, therefore, in the month of September, surren- dered, by capitulation, Montreal, Detroit, and all other places in Canada, to his Britannic majesty. The French troops were to be transported to France, and the Canadians to be protected in their property and religion.




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