USA > Pennsylvania > The history of Pennsylvania : from its discovery by Europeans, to the Declaration of Independence in 1776 > Part 45
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Committee of safety :- John Dickenson, George Gray, Henry Wyn- koop, Anthony Wayne, Benjamin Bartholomew, George Ross, Michael Swope, John Montgomery, Edward Biddle, William Edmonds, Bernard Dougherty, Samuel Hunter, William Thompson, Thomas Willing, Ben- jamin Franklin, Daniel Roberdeau, John Cadwallader, Andrew Allen, Owen Biddle, Francis Johnston, Richard Reilly, Samuel Morris, jr., Robert Morris, Thomas Wharton, jr., and Robert White: of this committee Dr. Franklin was chosen president. After the election in October, these gen- tlemen were re-appointed, and Joseph Reed, Nicholas Fairlamb, George Clymer, Samuel Howell, Alexander Wilson, John Nixon, James Mease and James Biddle, were added to the committee.
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this class of their fellow subjects; and to the latter, that they should cheerfully, in proportion to their ability, aid such as- sociators who might be unable to expend their time and sub- stance in the public service without injury to themselves and families. This latter recommendation was scarce needed; for if the society of Friends refused to take arms, they be- stowed their wealth to relieve the sufferers by the calami- ties of war. The meeting of sufferings held in Philadelphia, on the sixth of July, declared, that the afflictions and dis- tresses of the inhabitants of Massachusetts, and other parts of New England, had often engaged their pity and commi- seration, with a desire to be instrumental for their relief; and, by a circular addressed to their members, they recommended to their serious and benevolent consideration, the sorrowful calamities prevailing among these people, and a contribution for the relief of the necessitous of every religious denomi- nation. To this end, they distributed printed subscription papers; and requested that suitable active members might be appointed in each monthly and preparatory meeting, to apply for the donations of Friends. The task of applying their gifts was imposed upon a committee of twenty-six persons, appointed by the yearly meeting at Rhode Island, with whom they proposed to correspond.
Among the first labours of the committee of public safety, was that of preparing articles for the government of the mi- litary association. These citizen soldiers refused to sign, and submit to, the proposed regulations; alleging, that many persons, rich and able to perform military duty, claimed ex- emption, under pretence of conscientious scruples; and as- serting, that where the liberty of all was at stake, all should aid in its defence, and that where the cause was common to all, it was inconsistent with justice and equity that the burden should be partial. Moved by these representations, the com- mittee of safety recommended to the assembly, to provide that all persons should be subject to military duty, but that persons conscientiously scrupulous, might compound for actual service, by a pecuniary equivalent. The house, however, was not prepared for a measure of so strong a character; and
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they suffered their term of office to expire, without passing upon the proposition.
But this subject was pressed on the early attention of the succeeding assembly ;* congress having recommended to the inhabitants of the several provinces, between the ages of six- teen and fifty, to organize themselves into regular companies of militia, gave new occasion to the associators to urge the assembly to put all the inhabitants in this respect on an equal footing.
The Quakers, who were the most affected by coercion to military service, addressed the legislature, setting forth their religious faith and practice with respect to bearing arms, the persecutions sustained by their ancestors for conscience sake, and the consequent abandonment of their native country, and emigration to the wilderness, in search of civil and reli- gious liberty; and claiming exemption from military service, by virtue of the thirty-fifth section of the laws agreed upon in England, and the first clause of the existing charter granted by Penn. By the first, " no person living peaceably and justly in civil society could be molested or prejudiced by his reli- gious persuasion or practice, in matters of faith or worship." " Nor," by the second, " be compelled to do or suffer any thing contrary to his religious persuasion." They contended, therefore, that they could not be legally required to do aught which their consciences forbade, and that the sincerity of their scruples should be judged by the Lord of their con- sciences only. They asserted that they entertained a just sense of the value of their religious and civil liberties, and had ever been desirous of preserving them by all measures not inconsistent with their Christian profession and princi- ples ; and, though they believed it to be their duty to submit to the powers which, in the course of Divine Providence, were set over them, yet where there was oppression, or cause of suffering, it became them with Christian meekness and firmness to petition and remonstrate against it, and to en-
* October.
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deavour, by just reasoning and arguments, to assert their rights and principles in order to obtain relief."
The Menonists and German baptists also addressed the assembly with prayers for exemption from military service. But their views differed essentially from those of the Quakers. The latter not only refused personal military service, but they denied the lawfulness of commuting it for pecuniary consideration; whilst the former declared, that, though not at liberty in conscience to bear arms, it was a principle with them to feed the hungry, and give the thirsty drink; and that they were always ready, pursuant to Christ's command to Peter, to pay tribute, that they might offend no man; and that they were ready to pay taxes, and to render unto Cæsar the things which were Cæsar's.
The right of exemption from military service and contri- bution claimed by the Quakers, was earnestly contested by the committee of correspondence of the city and county of Philadelphia, and by committees from the officers and privates of the military association, from whom addresses were seve- rally presented to the assembly. The first denounced the principles of non-resistance professed by Friends, " as un- friendly to the liberties of America, destructive of all society and government, and highly reflecting on the glorious revo- lutions which placed the present royal family on the throne." " Though firmly persuaded," they said, " that a majority of that society have too much sincerity, wisdom, and good sense, to be influenced by such principles; yet duty to ourselves, to our country, and our posterity, at this alarming crisis, con- strains us to use our utmost endeavours to prevent the fatal consequences that might attend your compliance with the application of the people called Quakers. These gentlemen would withdraw their persons and fortunes from the service of their country at a time when most needed; and if the pa- trons and friends of liberty succeed in the present glorious struggle, they and their posterity will enjoy all the advan- tages, without jeoparding person or property. Should the friends of liberty fail, they will risk no forfeitures, but having merited the protection and favour of the British minis-
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try, will probably be rewarded by promotion to office. This they seem to desire and expect. Though such conduct mani- festly tends to defeat the virtuous and wise measures planned by the congress, and is obviously selfish, ungenerous, and unjust, yet we would animadvert upon the arguments they have used to induce the house to favour and support it."
The committee denied that the Old or New Testament fur- nished a single argument in support of this plea of conscience; that it was sustainable by a proper construction of the charter by Penn, or a just consideration of his principles. " He had," they said, " accepted the title of captain-general, with power by himself, his captains, and other officers, to levy, muster, and train all sorts of men, of what condition soever, and to make war even out of the province. If none but Quakers came at first to the province with the proprietor, and the colony was intended exclusively for them, as the addressers seemed to intimate, the petitioners could not conceive that any others than Quakers could be made captains and offi- cers."
"Be this as it may, self-preservation," they continued, "is the first duty of nature, which every man indispensably owes, not only to himself, but to the Supreme Director and Gover- nor of the Universe, who gave him being: In political society, all men, by the original compact, are required to unite in defence of the community against such as would unlawfully deprive them of their rights, and those who withdraw them- selves from this compact are not entitled to the protection of the society. The safety of the people is the supreme law. He who receives an equal benefit should bear an equal bur- then. The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance is incompatible with freedom and happiness; and the peti- tioners were of opinion that even the addressers, who, distant from danger, and seduced by casuistical reasoning, might affect to exclude all resistance, would listen to the voice of nature, when evident ruin to themselves and the public must follow a strict adherence to such principles, if there were no other persons in the community to defend them." They therefore prayed, that the assembly would not, at a time when
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the aid of every individual was required to preserve their common rights, exempt many of the wealthiest citizens from co-operating with their countrymen in some way or other for their common safety. Like representations were made from the board of officers, and committee of privates of the military association, in terms more energetic, but not sustain- ed by more efficient reasons.
Thus urged, the assembly resolved, that " all persons be- tween the ages of sixteen and fifty, capable of bearing arms, who did not associate for the defence of the province, ought to contribute an equivalent for the time spent by the associa- tors in acquiring military discipline, ministers of the gospel, of all denominations, and servants purchased bona-fide for valuable consideration, only, excepted. By this resolution the principle which still regulates fines for neglect or refusal of military service was established.
The military association, originally a mere voluntary en- gagement, became, by the resolutions of the assembly, now having the effect of laws, a compulsory militia. Returns were required from the assessors of the several townships and wards of all persons within military age, capable of bearing arms; and the captains of the companies of associators were directed to furnish to their colonels, and the colonels to the county commissioners, lists of such persons as had joined the association ; and the commissioners were empowered to assess on those not associated the sum of two pounds ten shillings annually, in addition to the ordinary tax. The assembly also adopted rules and regulations for the better government of the military association, the thirty-fifth article of which pro- vided, " that if any associator called into actual service, should leave a family not of ability to maintain themselves in his absence, the justices of the peace of the proper city or county, with the overseers of the poor, should make provision for their maintainance."
CHAPTER XXI.
State of the dispute with England .... Hostilities commenced .... Meeting of congress ·· ·· Desire to fix the commencement of hostilities on the British .... Advice to the inhabitants of New York, relative to the reception of British troops. ... Co- louring given to the capture of Ticonderoga .... Measures of offence and defence adopted by congress ···· Address to the army ···· Selection of a commander-in-chief .... George Wash- ington appointed .... Address of the congress of New York on his appointment ···· Appointment of subordinate generals, &c ..... Last petition to the king .... Contemplated rejection thereof .... Manifesto of congress .... General Washington re- pairs to the army before Boston ···· Invasion of Canada .... Arnold's expedition to Quebec ···· Attack on Quebec, under Montgomery and Arnold .... Death of Montgomery .... Ar- nold wounded .... Americans withdraw from Quebec .... Character of Montgomery .... Military preparations of Penn- sylvania .... Change of the colonial government proposed in congress ···· Differences of opinion on the change of govern- ment in Pennsylvania .... New parties formed .... Whigs and tories .... Town meeting in Philadelphia deny the power of the assembly to new model the government .... Measures adopted for calling a provincial conference .... Opposition to the change of government .... Measures of the committee for the city and county of Philadelphia .... Provincial confe- rence assembles ···· Proceedings ···· Their address to the peo- ple ···· Virginia proposes to congress to declare the colonies independent ···· Instructions of Pennsylvania delegates in re- lation thereto ···· Declaration of independence by the Penn- ' sylvania conference ···· Adopted measures for organizing militia ···· Independence proposed and debated in congress .... Arguments thercon ···· Lee and Adams· ··· Dickenson .... .... Declaration of independence prepared .... Adopted .... Proclaimed. ... Remarks. ... Meeting of the convention for
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forming constitution of Pennsylvania ···· Proceedings. ... Con- vention assumes the whole political power of the state .... Appoints delegates to congress ···· Assembly, last meetings of ···· Expiration of the term of, and extinction of the colo- nial government.
CONGRESS had fixed on the month of May for their next meeting, that the disposition of the parent state might be known previously to their deliberations. They entertained hopes that their re-assembling might be unnecessary; that the union of the colonies, their petition to the king, and ad- dress to the people of Great Britain, would lead to the redress of their grievances. But these flattering delusions now gave place to the stern and gloomy truth, that their rights must be defended by the sword ; that their quarrel must be determined by an appeal to the God of battles. For this appeal the colo- nies generally prepared, as soon as the proceedings of par- liament, and resolution of ministry to send out additional troops, were known. Means were taken every where to organize and instruct the militia, and to procure arms and munitions of war.
Before congress met hostilities had commenced; the battle of Lexington was fought,* and Ticonderoga captured;t and soon after the ever memorable engagement at Breed's Hill, ¿ gave confidence to the colonists, and the British army under general Gage was besieged in Boston. Instead of contending against orations of ministers, votes, and acts of parliament, by petitions and remonstrances, addresses and resolutions, congress was now to be employed in developing the resources, and directing the energies of the colonies to sustain and over- come the military power of Great Britain, hitherto deemed irresistible.
Peyton Randolph was again chosen president, and Charles Thompson secretary of congress. But Mr. Randolph, a few days after the commencement of the session, having been re- called to Virginia, by his duties as speaker of the house of
* 19th April. + 9th May. + June 17.
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burgesses of that province, Mr. John Hancock was unani- mously chosen his successor. Although the leading patriots had long been convinced that the controversy must be decided by arms, they were anxious that the odium of commencing hostilities should fall on their oppressors. With this view depositions were presented to congress, proving that the king's troops had been the aggressors at the battle of Lexington ; and the inhabitants of New York were advised to act on the defensive, on the arrival of British troops destined for that port, so long as might be consistent with their safety; to per- mit the troops to remain in the barracks, whilst they behaved. peaceably, but not to suffer fortifications to be erected, nor the communication between the town and country to be im- peded. To the same cause also must be assigned, the resolu- tion of congress, ascribing the capture of Ticonderoga to the imperious necessity of resisting a cruel invasion of the colo- nies from Canada, planned and commenced by the ministry, and recommending the removal of the stores from that post to some place south of lake George, that they might be re- stored when harmony between Great Britain and her colonies should render it prudent and consistent with the overruling law of self-preservation.
Congress proceeded promptly to the adoption of further measures of offence and defence. They prohibited the ex- port trade to such parts of British America as had not joined their confederacy; forbade the supply of provisions and other necessaries to the English fisheries on the coast, to the army and navy in Massachusetts, and to vessels employed in the transport of British troops and munitions of war; and inter- dicted the negotiation of bills of exchange drawn by British officers, agents, or contractors, and the furnishing of money to them on any terms whatever. They resolved, that, for the purpose of securing the colonies against all attempts to execute by force the late obnoxious acts of parliament, they should be immediately put into a state of defence; recommend- ing to the provinces, severally, to provide the means of fabricating gunpowder, and obtaining adequate supplies of ammunition; to arm and discipline their militia, and so to
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class them, that one-fourth of their number might be drawn into action at a minute's warning, and to form a corps for the continental service; authorizing each colony apprehensive of an attack from the English army, to levy one thousand regu- lars, at the expense of the Union: they organized the higher departments of the army, framed rules and regulations for its government; and, for its maintainance, issued bills of cre- dit to the value of three millions of dollars, pledging the faith of the confederated colonies for their redemption: they prepared an address, which they directed to be published to the army, when organized, and to be read to the people from the pulpits, reviewing the conduct of Great Britain towards her colonists, exposing the enormity of her pretension to legislate for them in all cases, exhibiting the dreadful alterna- tive to which she had reduced them, of unconditional sub- mission, or resistance by arms; and asserting the justice of their cause, the competency of the means to maintain it, and their fixed determination to employ, at every hazard, the utmost energy of the powers granted by their Creator, for the preservation of their liberties. This spirit-stirring ma- nifesto closed with the following solemn protestation. "In our native land, in defence of the freedom which is our birth- right, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it, for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against vio- lence actually offered, we have taken up arms; we shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before."
The selection of a commander-in-chief for the colonial armies, would, under other than existing circumstances, have been attended with much difficulty, in consequence of the opposing pretensions of the northern, middle, and southern colonies. The individual best fitted for this important trust, was now a delegate in congress, and had embarked a high character and splendid fortune, together with his life, in the mighty contest. Of mature age, and advantageously known
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to all British America, by his military talents, sound judg- ment, firm temper, spotless integrity, and dignified person and demeanour, there could not exist a single personal ob- jection to his nomination. The middle and southern districts possessed no man having superior claims to the public confi- dence; and if the northern provinces had a preference for an individual of their own section, policy and gratitude re- quired its sacrifice. The delegates from Massachusetts, there- fore, nominated colonel George Washington, of Virginia, who was unanimously appointed general and commander-in- chief of the United colonies .* His commission, revocable by the present or future congress, invested him with " full power and authority to act as he should think for the good and welfare of the service," subject to the rules and disci- pline of war, and the orders of congress. By a resolution simultaneous with his appointment, congress declared, " that for the maintainance and preservation of American liberty, they would adhere to him with their lives and fortunes." The reply of Mr. Washington to the annunciation of his appoint- ment by the president of congress, was marked by that mo- desty, disinterestedness, and devotion to duty, which emi- nently distinguished him. As no pecuniary motive had excited him to action in the public cause, he declined all compensation for services that were inestimable, declaring that he would accept only the reimbursement of his expenses.
This wise and fortunate appointment was universally ap- proved. But amid the expressions of satisfaction which were tendered to the general, there were indications of that just and irrepressible jealousy of military power which should distinguish a free people. The provincial congress of New York, whilst declaring their confidence in him, deemed it proper also, to avow their expectations, " that, when an ac- commodation with the mother country should be effected, he would cheerfully resign the important deposit committed to his hands, and re-assume the character of our worthiest citi- zen." Nor were these expectations disappointed. The vir-
* June 15, 1775.
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tuous man who drew his sword in his country's need, re- turned it to the scabbard when no longer necessary for her service, unstained by the blood of those he was called to pro- tect; and cheerfully resigned a dictatorial power which he had exercised with the most profound respect for the consti- tution, the laws, and the established civil authority, calmly retiring to the enjoyment of domestic quiet and rural employ- ments, rewarded for his labours by an approving conscience, and the unmingled blessings of his fellow citizens.
Soon after the nomination of the commander-in-chief, con- gress proceeded to create and fill the offices of subordinate generals. Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were appointed major-generals, ranking in the order we have named them; Horatio Gates, adjutant- general; and Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Greene, brigadiers.
Although determined to resist to the uttermost the tyranny of the parent state, the colonies had given no public indica- tion of their desire to become independent of her govern- ment. Many provincialists, certainly, looked to political independence as the possible result of the contest; some, per- haps, wished and sought it, but none avowed such wishes. The American people were proud of their derivation, and exulted in their connexion with Great Britain. Some of their most distinguished patriots could under no circumstances re- solve to break the bonds which bound them to her. It was characteristic, therefore, that, amid warlike preparations, re- newed attempts should be made to propitiate the British government and people. Another petition to the king was, however, opposed by several members of the congress, from a conviction that it would prove nugatory. But the influence of Mr. Dickenson, by whom it was proposed and written, procured its adoption.
This address, replete with professions of duty and attach- ment, declared, that " the provincialists not only most fer- vently desired the former harmony between Great Britain and the colonies to be restored, but that a concord might be
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established between them upon so firm a basis, as to per- petuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissentions, to succeeding generations in both countries. They, there- fore, besought his majesty to direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their common counsels, might be improved to a happy and permanent reconciliation. These sincere pro- fessions of three millions of his subjects, were contemptuously treated by the king. The petition was presented through the secretary for American affairs, on the first of September, by Messrs. Richard Penn and Henry Lee; and on the fourth, lord Dartmouth informed them, that "to it no answer would
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