USA > Pennsylvania > The history of Pennsylvania from its earliest settlement to the present time > Part 12
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make them "principals instead of auxiliaries," succeeding state governments contended for till the present boundaries were formally established. And this tract is now one of the most important in the state, the centre of its western capital and population.
On the news of Colonel Washington's capitu- lation, which took place on the 3d of July, Go- vernor Hamilton again convened the assembly. But the pertinacity of the governor and the as- sembly, in their dispute about the terms of the money bill, rendered all attempts to raise money abortive. Governor Hamilton, whose term of office was about to expire by his resignation, gladly relinquished the dispute with the legisla- ture to his successor, Robert Hunter Morris, who arrived in Pennsylvania early in October, 1754.
On the soil of Pennsylvania were first dis- played the military abilities of the man who, as commander of the army of the United States, afterward bore a principal part in the establish- ment of their freedom. A Pennsylvania legis- lator devised this year the outlines of the future articles of confederation between the colonies. At a congress of commissioners, assembled in Albany at the instance of the Board of Trade, Franklin was present as one of the deputation from Pennsylvania. The object of the congress was to treat with the chiefs of the Six Nations, and win them back to their friendship for the
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English. Little was effected in their regard by the council. The Indians received their pre- sents, five hundred pounds toward the purchase of which were furnished by Pennsylvania, with true Indian avidity. But few Indians were pre- sent, and they refused to form a new treaty of coalition against the French, though they pro- mised to drive the French from their lands and to renew their old treaties with the English. Of the temper of the Indians, and their sentiments toward the contending European powers, the following extract from the speech of the Mo- hawk sachem, Hendrick,* may serve as a speci- . men : "It is your fault, brethren, that we are not strengthened by conquest. We would have gone and taken Crown Point, but you hindered us. We had concluded to go and take it, but were told it was too late, and that the ice would not bear us. Instead of this, you burnt your own fort at Saratoga, and ran away, which was a shame and a scandal. Look around your country and see ; you have no fortifications about you; no, not even to this city. It is but one step to Canada, brother, and the French may easily come and turn you out of doors. You were desirous that we should open our minds and our hearts to you. Look at the French. They are men. They are fortifying everywhere. But,
* Sparks' Works of Franklin.
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we are ashamed to say it, you are all like women, bare and open, without any fortifications." In a dispute between two powers, both indifferent to them-both indeed obnoxious-it was to be sup- posed that Indian sympathy would be with those the savages considered stronger and more manly. While little was done by the confederated council, the Pennsylvanians accomplished something on their own account, which the event proved had been better left undone. They purchased of the heads of the tribes the nominal extinction of most of the Indian titles remaining in Pennsyl- vania. This gave great dissatisfaction to the Indians, and probably neutralized whatever good might have been accomplished by the council.
But while the immediate business of the con- gress was discussed-the Indian relations of the colonies-another subject of much more ultimate importance went on with it. On his way to the congress, Franklin drew up a plan of union for · mutual defence. . Several other members had done the same thing-and these plans were re- ferred to a committee. "Mine," says Franklin, "happened to be preferred, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported." It provided for a president-general, to be appointed by the crown, and a grand council, chosen by the legislatures of the colonies, the president having also executive power. The general busi- ness of the colonies, principally in their Indian
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relations-which were the only foreign relations within their power-were to be regulated by this council ; the domestic affairs of the several colo- nies were to be left to each. Thus was the grand principle of the present Union, State Rights and confederate strength, laid down in July, 1754, by Benjamin Franklin. It was rejected by the crown as too democratic and by the provinces as having in it too much prerogative-a sure evi- dence of its impartiality. Twenty-one years afterward, having often urged the necessity of union, he was the first to propose it in the Con- tinental Congress-even before the independence of the States was declared. How little did these two men, Washington and Franklin, in July, 1754, suspect what parts they should be called to perform in July 1776.
Governor Morris soon found himself in diffi- culty with the assembly, notwithstanding a piece of good advice which he received from Franklin, and which he promised to follow, but disregarded or forgot. While Franklin was on a journey to Boston he met the new governor, with whom he had been before intimately acquainted. A short extract from Franklin's autobiography will give in brief a summary of Governor Morris's diffi- culties with the assembly. "He (Mr. Morris) brought a commission to supersede Mr. Hamil- ton, who, tired with the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had resigned. Mr.
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Morris asked me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said, 'No; . you may on the contrary have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the assembly.' ' My dear friend,' said he, pleasantly, ' how can you advise my avoiding disputes ? You know I love dis- puting, it is one of my greatest pleasures ; how- ever, to show the regard I have for your counsels, I will, if possible, avoid them.' He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and therefore generally success- ful in argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with one, another for his diversion, while setting at table, after dinner ; but I think the practice was not wise, for, in the course of my observation, those disputing, contradicting and confuting peo- ple are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never get good-will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.
"In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the assembly of Pennsylvania, by which it appeared, that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the house were already in high con- tention ; and it was a continual battle between them as long as he retained the government. I
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had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and mes- sages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were often tart and sometimes inde- cently abusive; and as he knew I wrote for the assembly, one might have imagined that when we met we could hardly avoid cutting throats. But he was so goodnatured a man, that no per- sonal difference between me and him was occa- sioned by the contest. * k These public quar- rels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when an expense was to be incurred for the defence of their pro- vince, with incredible meanness, instructed their deputies to pass no act for laying the necessary taxes unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly exonerated; and they had even taken the bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions."
Before we enter upon the stormy period of Governor Morris's administration, some facts may be recorded which we have reserved to this place not to interrupt the current narrative of public events. In 1751 the Pennsylvania Hos- pital was founded, principally through the public spirit of Dr. Thomas Bond and Benjamin Frank- lin. The latter procured the passage of a bill through the legislature granting two thousand
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pounds conditioned on the citizens subscribing a like sum. A lot was purchased in 1754 on the present site, and the whole square between Spruce and Pine and Eighth and Ninth streets was afterward given to the institution by the proprietaries. The original design was a lunatic asylum, and it afterward took the present more comprehensive character. It is abundantly fur- nished, and has always been well managed. The celebrated picture by West, Christ Healing the Sick, was presented to the institution by the artist, and the revenue arising from its exhibi- tion is applied to the uses of the hospital.
In October, 1751, died James Logan, whose name occupies a prominent place in the early annals of Pennsylvania. For twenty years be- fore his death he had lived in retirement from public office, though frequently consulted, espe- cially upon Indian affairs. Down to the last the Indians retained their respect and affection for him; and the celebrated Indian chief Logan was so named by his father in honour of Logan, the friend of Penn, and the friend of the Indian. When the first declaration of war against the Indians was made in Pennsylvania, William Lo- gan, inheriting his father's kindness to the race, · withheld his vote, though the only one in the council who did so. James Logan would have been celebrated as a man of letters if he had not been so prominent in public life. The Lo-
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ganian Library, now incorporated with the Philadelphia Library, was among his bequests to Philadelphia, together with a house and thirty pounds per annum for its increase. The col- lection, at the death of the donor, amounted to nearly three thousand volumes. At the time of his death he was seventy-seven years old, and had passed over fifty years of his life in Penn- sylvania. He was the patron of arts and litera- ture, and respected for his virtues as well as admired for his talents; he outlived the tempo- rary clouds under which his attachment to the Penn family had caused him to pass in the popu- lar estimation.
In 1751 the English Parliament passed an act reforming the calendar, and commencing the year in January instead of in March, as previously. The assembly of Pennsylvania fol- lowed it by an act "to prevent disputes about conveyances," making valid all instruments dated as of the months in their numerical order, being the revival of an act under the new style which had been passed under the old.
The selfish policy of the home government in regard to the industry of her colonies was exhi- bited from the beginning. In 1700 these mea- sures took the form of law, and an act of Par- liament prohibited the transport of domestic woollens from one colony to another, or the ex- port of wool or woollen fabrics from the colonies
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to any foreign country. Twenty years after- ward, the Commons resolved that " the erection of manufactories in the colonies tended to lessen their dependency on Great Britain," and it was attempted to prohibit the production of iron in the colonies. The product of iron, even at this early day, was by no means inconsiderable in Pennsylvania, whence a supply was furnished to the other colonies. Though, owing to the strong remonstrances of the colonial agents, the pro- duction was not prohibited, still, for the benefit of the English iron masters, its importation from the colonies into Great Britain was burdened with very heavy duties. Subsequently, pig iron manufactured in the colonies was admitted into England free of duty. But the fabrication of steel and bar iron, which the colonists had com- menced, was rigidly restricted to the few works already in operation.
As early as 1724, the London ship-carpenters complained that their trade was hurt, and their workmen emigrated, since so many ships were built in the colonies. The Board of Trade de- spaired of a remedy. They could not forbid the building of ships in America. But the jealousy of the English government, lest the colonies should become independent of the crown, and the avarice of English merchants, manufacturers and corporations, did not rest until, by successive navigation acts and commercial restrictions, the
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colonies were driven into feeling that they were foreigners and not fellow-subjects. The navi- gation laws began with an ordinance, (1651,) restricting importations to English vessels, but still allowing a direct trade between Europe and the colonies. In 1660 foreign ships were ex- cluded from all Anglo-American harbours. In 1663, by another act, all the more valuable pro- ducts of the colonies were required to be ship- ped exclusively to England. In 1672 a transit duty was imposed on certain articles carried from one colony to another, the same rates being demanded that these articles would pay if car- ried to England direct. In 1696 the Board of Trade and Plantations was established, former laws.in regard to the trade and industry of the colonies were consolidated, new and more rigor- ous clauses were added, and, in addition to the inhibition of trade between the colonies and fo- reign countries, all direct trade with Ireland was prohibited. William Penn in vain suggested & Colonial Board, to be formed of representatives from the colonies, to meet annually, and regulate commerce and establish union for the purposes of defence. Ministerial policy would suffer no such union. A military dictatorship was pro- posed by the Board, but neither plan was adopted. The Board of Trade became the colonial depart- ment, and monopolized the public business rela- tive to the American possessions of Great Bri-
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tain. They were the supervisors of colonial
laws. Before the Board of Trade the colonial agents and proprietors were heard on appeals. The origin and name of this bureau exhibits the light in which the colonies were regarded; and to their fostering care the world is mainly in- debted for the successive inroads upon right and justice which finally dismembered the British empire, and led to the establishment of the great American Republic.
Under all these vexatious restrictions upon manufactures and commerce, Pennsylvania still flourished, having in her constitution and laws the germs, and in her people the spirit of true independence and progress. Manufactures still flourished though crippled, and restricted in many cases to the consumption of the province, and even limited to the demands of families and communities. Ship building began in Penn's time; and steadily proceeded, laying the founda- tion of the reputation which Philadelphia now enjoys of building ships second to none in the world. And it is a remarkable fact, now almost forgotten, that in 1753 and 1754 two attempts were made in a Philadelphia schooner to solve the problem of a North-West passage. The vessel was the Argo, Captain Swaine. The re- sults of the voyages were not important; but the fact remains-an evidence of the enterprise and liberality of Philadelphia merchants and
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citizens under circumstances of discouragement, . sufficient, it would seem, to crush the soul of commerce-to say nothing of the speculative spirit of discovery.
CHAPTER XIII.
Commencement of the dispute between Governor Morris and the assembly-Arrival of General Braddock-Services of Franklin in providing means of transportation-Action of the legislature-Aid to Massachusetts-Continued legislative difficulties-Disastrous folly of General Braddock-His de- feat-Services of Washington as a volunteer-Dispute about proprietary taxes-Consequent embarrassment-The project to give bounty lands condemned by the assembly-Indian , depredations-Continued disputes upon financial matters- Petitions and remonstrances-Proprietary donation-The Supply Bill passed-Excise Bill defeated-Franklin's Militia Bill-Course of the Quakers-Volunteer military-Declara- tion of war against the Indians-Labours of the Quakers to promote peace-Council at Easton-Resignations of Quaker members of the assembly-Close of Governor Morris's admi- nistration.
THE first dispute between Governor Morris and the assembly was upon the usual topic of dissension, a money-bill. IIc called upon the house for supplies for the king's service, and seconded his request with a detail of the opera-
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tions of the French, the weakness of the frontiers, and the temper of the Indians. The house voted forty thousand pounds currency, one-half for the use of the king, the rest to supply the torn and defaced bills of former issues. Provision was made for its redemption by the excise duty in twelve years. The governor insisted upon re- ducing the time to five, and the bill was lost. Increased demands for military munitions and for men were made the basis of another appeal from the governor to the legislature. The house referred him to the bill which they had already passed which awaited his signature, but in the meanwhile appointed a committee to borrow five thousand pounds on the credit of the assembly.
While a war of messages and replies was going on between the executive and the legislature, Major-General Braddock, with two regiments, arrived at Alexandria, March, 1755. Through the public spirit and address of Franklin, wagons, horses and drivers were provided to transport the British forces. Franklin was requested by the assembly to visit the camp, not as the agent of the assembly, but to offer his services as post- master-general. His activity and shrewdness accomplished all that was necessary. The as- sembly which had been convened to meet the exigency, responded at once to General Brad- dock's demands : the establishment of a post be- tween Philadelphia and Winchester, the Penn-
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sylvania quota of men, and her portion of the supplies. They gave no direct encouragement to the raising of troops, but applied themselves to meet the other requisitions. Every thing would have been promptly done but for a pitiful technical dispute, which the governor commenced, in relation to the journals of the house. Ten thousand pounds, required by Massachusetts for the northern frontier, were raised, by the sugges- tion of Franklin, by drafts on the loan-office, without the governor's aid, he having refused to sanction a bill passed by the house for the same object-or even to return it with his objections. It is but justice to the assembly to say, that ex- cept upon subjects where their jealousy of pro- prietary assumptions stood in the way, they cheerfully contributed to the public defence. Bills were passed forbidding the export of provi- sions to French possessions.
In June, 1755, General Braddock broke up his encampment at Will's Creek, and moved across the Alleghanies to attack Fort Duquesne, confident of his ability to take that post. Indeed no one, except a few of the sagacious and thought- ful, deemed that there was a doubt of his suc- cess. The general himself only feared that the enemy would abandon and dismantle the fort, and make it necessary to repair it or construct another. Preparations were on foot among some of the sanguine in Philadelphia to celebrate the
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victory by fireworks and rejoicings. Letters were received by Governor Morris from General Braddock, requiring him to provide for the de- fence of the frontier settlements, which he said would be attacked as soon as he had passed be- yond them. He also desired stores to be ready to forward to Fort Duquesne, when he should have taken possession. Governor Morris con- vened the assembly, and asked for the necessary supplies. The house requested to see Braddock's letter. The governor demanded a pledge of secrecy if it were communicated. The house resented this insult to their honour and discre- tion, and upon such a point of pertinacious etiquette adjourned without doing any thing whatever-the old dispute about bills for raising money being renewed. And this was while their own province was the seat of war.
Meanwhile, General Braddock was proceeding with pompous foolishness in his march through the wilderness ; "halting," says Washington in a letter written during the march, "to level every molehill and to erect bridges over every brook." Washington had resigned his commission in con- sequence of orders from the War Office that all officers holding royal commissions should take precedence of officers holding the same rank in the provincial service; but, at the solicitation of General Braddock, he joined him as a volun-
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teer aid-de-camp. Such of his suggestions as were followed were of great service. Had Washington and other Americans been further consulted, disaster would have been averted. Within seven miles of Fort Duquesne a handful of men put General Braddock's force to a com- plete route. Opening a fire upon the advancing troops under cover of trees and other objects, the French and Indians threw them into terror and confusion. The English and provincials bravely stood the shock for two or three hours ; the provincials in particular, to whom this mode. of warfare was not new, did themselves great credit. General Braddock in vain opposed old- world tactics against bush-fighting savages ; the- regulars, unable to see their foe, broke and fled, or fired upon their provincial allies, who had taken to the shelter of the trees to fight the enemy in their own way. Washington was the only officer of the staff alive and unwounded, and he had two horses killed under him, and four balls passed through his coat. General Braddock and the other officers behaved with great courage, sixty-four out of eighty-five and one half the privates being killed or wounded. Among the slain was the unfortunate com- mander. The route was complete, every thing was lost, and a party who only ex- pected to annoy and delay the march of a su-
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perior force were astonished at gaining a com- plete victory.
The remains of the forces were withdrawn from the frontier of Pennsylvania, and to the first consternation of defeat were added the frightful tales of settlers hurrying for safety back to the more densely settled portions of the province. The Indians now proved them- selves enemies without any considerable excep- tion.
At this dark hour it might have been ex- pected that there would have been unanimity between the branches of the government. The assembly immediately voted fifty thousand pounds to the king's use, to be levied by a tax on all estates, real and personal, throughout the province, the proprietary estates "not ex-
1 cepted." The governor returned the bill with one amendment-the striking out of the word not, leaving the property of the Penn family wholly exempt.
Thus, at a moment of imminent peril, was the dispute re-opened-a dispute to which the mildest term we can apply is the one which Franklin, himself a party to it, uses. It was indecent. Paper pellets passed between the governor and the assembly, while the province was in danger and unprotected. About three hundred only of the Indians maintained their attachment to the English, and these even were looking to the
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French as allies more to their mind, and surer friends. But the supply bill remained unen- acted. The governor then proposed to give bounty lands west of the Alleghanies to any who would volunteer against the French. The house disputed his authority to make the grant; and alleged, moreover, as the land given would still be subject to a quit-rent of four-and-sixpence, while land in Virginia was gratuitously granted under a quit-rent of two shillings, and even that suspended for thirteen years, the governor's pro- posal amounted to this :- that to those who would, at the hazard of their lives, reconquer the proprietary's country from an enemy, the proprietors would graciously sell a part at twice the price demanded by their neighbours. Frank- lin's pen was evident in this.
The terrified inhabitants implored for arms and ammunition, and certain gentlemen sub- scribed five hundred pounds, the estimated amount of the tax on the proprietary estate. That they offered to the assembly. That body declared they had no right to compound for the taxes on an estate, and sent the petition to the governor with the subscribers' names, " trusting, that with this security that the proprietors would be reimbursed," he would sign the bill taxing their property, and look to the subscribers for indemnification. The assembly adjourned with- out passing the supply bill; but they provided
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