USA > Pennsylvania > The history of Pennsylvania from its earliest settlement to the present time > Part 13
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HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
[1755.
for the appeals for arms by granting one thou- sand pounds for the use of the western inhabit- ants, to be disbursed by a committee, with the governor's sanction. At the next session, held in September, the subject of a demand from Massachusetts for supplies came before the house. The assembly asked for the letter of the governor of Massachusetts. The governor com- municated its tenor. The house refused to act without a sight of the document, declaring that " great inaccuracies and want of precision having been frequently observed in the governor's man- ner of stating matters," they could not legislate on such data. But one of the members pro- ducing a private letter from a friend in the Mas- sachusetts government to himself, upon that in- formal paper the house appointed a committee to receive private subscriptions, and adjourned. Subscriptions were received and forwarded. Truly the people had great patience with their legislature.
A new assembly was elected, but substantially of the same character. After a formal meeting the assembly adjourned to December, but was summoned to meet on the third of November by new alarms. Inroads were made into Pennsyl- vania by marauding parties of savages, who could for some time scarce believe that the fron- tier was unguarded, and kept aloof, fearing that the apparent want of protection was an artifice
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221
INDIAN DEPREDATIONS.
1755.]
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to beguile them into an ambuscade. But when they were convinced of the defenceless state of the frontier, the most barbarous and appalling murders were committed. Settlements were de- stroyed, and not only isolated families, but whole communities were broken up and massacred. The Moravian brethren at Gnadenhutten were attacked, and eleven men, women and children were killed, some being burned to death in their dwellings. The Shawanese and Delaware In- dians, who had been humanely refused permis- sion to fight against the French and hostile Indians, now went over to the enemy. For the heads of the chiefs of these tribes, a reward of seven hundred dollars was proclaimed by citizens of Philadelphia with the governor's approbation. During the month of November nearly a hun- dred persons were killed by the Indians, and forty frontier settlements were broken up.
The governor desired of the assembly, money and a militia bill. After wasting some time in the discussion of the causes of the Indian defec- tion, and the effort to fix the blame of it upon the proprietaries, the house took up the money bill again, being overwhelmed with petitions from all parts of the province, in some of which the assembly was entreated to forbear unneces- sary disputes, and yield to the governor rather than endanger the lives of the people. A bill was passed for levying a tax, embracing the pro-
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222
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
[1756.
prietary estates, but releasing them from the tax, or refunding it, if the proprietors refused to assent to it. The governor declined to approve this bill, but proposed an act to tax the estates - of the proprietors by a joint-commission, to be appointed by himself and the house, with a clause suspending its operation until it was ap- proved by the king. The house refused to ac- cept this proposition, on the ground that the go- vernor had no right to prepare a money bill, and threatened to petition the throne for his removal.
The outside pressure on the contentious go- vernment continued. The mayor, and some of the leading citizens of Philadelphia, changed their form of petition to terms which the house denounced as « presuming, insolent and impro- per." The inhabitants of the outlying districts of Philadelphia county came down in a body of four hundred, waiting first upon the governor, and then upon the house. Executive and legisla- ture accused each other of the delay which the sturdy remonstrants complained of. The peti- tioners, crowding the hall, begged the legislators to stop these unseasonable debates, and protect their constituents. Even the few Indians who remained faithful to the province, implored the whites to take up arms, build forts and furnish supplies, and give them an immediate answer, that in case of refusal they might consult their
223
PROPRIETARY DONATION.
1756.]
own safety by following their countrymen over to the enemy for safety.
The house were at length relieved from their dilemma, and their pride was saved by a fortu- nate circumstance. The news of Braddock's defeat awoke the proprietors to the danger of their province, and they immediately despatched to the governor an order for five thousand pounds, to be applied to the use of the colony. The house passed the supply bill with the go- vernor's amendment, releasing the proprietary estates from taxation, and regarded the donation made by the Penns as an equivalent. The sum given by the proprietors was to be paid from the arrears of quit-rents.
One thousand pounds were collected and paid over. To give the co- lony at once the benefit of the remainder, the receiver-general prepared a bill for the emission of currency, to be redeemed as the rents were collected. In this bill he stated the five thou- sand pounds to be a " free gift." The house added, with characteristic pertinacity, "in con- sideration of being exempted from the payment of their taxes toward raising the sum of sixty thousand pounds, granted by the assembly for the king's use." The governor refused his sanc- tion, the bill was lost, and the four thousand pounds were left to be received as collected. It was certainly rather a strong assumption in the house to undertake to define the motives of men
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224
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
[1756.
across the Atlantic in a legislative enactment. Another contest occurred between the governor and assembly this year (1756) in relation to the finances. The excise bill being about to expire, the house framed another. The governor amend- ed it by a provision that the executive should have a joint control with the house over the proceeds of the tax. The house refused to accept the amendment, and the bill was lost.
No laws were passed during the administration of Governor Morris, except such as related to the defence of the province. Among these was a Militia Bill, prepared by Franklin, which re- ceived only four dissenting votes. It was care- fully drawn, and entitled " An act for the better ordering and regulating such as are willing and desirous to be united for military purposes ;" and in its preamble it recited that the assembling of volunteers "without authority or call from the government, and without due order and direction among themselves, might be attended with dan- ger to our neighbouring Indian friends and allies, as well as to the internal peace of the province." The complexion given to the bill was that of an act to direct those who were re- solved to fight rather than a measure to compel or even encourage enlistment. Indeed, compul- sion was declared to be a violation of the funda- mental law of the province. But the preamble also contained an assertion in regard to the
225
COURSE OF THE QUAKERS.
1756.1
principles of the Friends, which we are asto- nished that any of the Society assented to. " Whereas this province was first settled by (and a majority of the assemblies have ever since been of) the people called Quakers, who, though they do not, as the world is now circumstanced, condemn the use of arms in others, yet are principled against bearing arms themselves," &c. Nothing but the pressure of danger could have compelled Friends to vote that which is wrong in one is not in another. And at this very crisis appeared the "Testimony of Friends" against contributing money for warlike purposes. They declared their willingness to pay taxes or contribute money for benevolent purposes, and to cultivate friendship with the Indians. " Yet, as the raising of sums of money and putting them into the hands of committees, who may apply them to purposes inconsistent with the peaceable testimony we profess and have borne to the world, appears to us, in its consequences, to be destructive of our religious liberties, we appre- hend many among us will be under the neces- sity of suffering rather than consenting thereto by the payment of a tax for such purposes."
Under the militia law, and by the efforts of Franklin and other influential men, voluntary associations were formed; and Franklin, with five hundred and sixty men, undertook the erection of defences along the north-western
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226
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. [1756.
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frontier. These defences were erected at an expense of eighty-five thousand pounds, in part paid by the assembly, and in part by private subscriptions. The frontier was, in fact, better defended than that of any other colony, after the work of defence was once undertaken. There were associated companies ready to march when- ever called upon, and there was money in the treasury to pay their expenses. And to the ge- neral defence Pennsylvania afforded recruits in greater number than any other colony, while her outlay of money, direct and indirect, was fully equal. Formal grants were prevented by the - discussion of what were deemed important prin- .- ciples, yet the funds were nevertheless raised.
Franklin returned to the city at the earnest re- quest of his friends in the assembly, and there found that the military organization was going on rapidly. A regiment was formed, mustering twelve hundred men, of which Franklin was elected colonel. It was reviewed by the colonel on Society Hill, and the Pennsylvania Gazette of March 25th, 1756, declared it as the general opinion that "so grand an appearance was never before seen in Pennsylvania." The military feeling was predominant. The governor pro- posed to declare war against the Delaware and Shawanese Indians. A motion was made in the assembly to address the governor and petition him to suspend the declaration ; but after much
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227
DECLARATION OF WAR.
1756.]
debate it was suspended indefinitely. Many of the Quakers attended the house and prayed that body to join them in a remonstrance, but the assembly postponed the consideration of their petition. The Quakers then drew up a charac- teristic and eloquent memorial to the governor against the measure, but it was ineffectual. War was declared by the governor and council, only one member, William Logan, dissenting. And it is matter of deep regret that the declaration was accompanied with an offer of reward for scalps.
But while the executive took this measure the assembly, true to the pacific principles of the founder of the colony, lent all their efforts to the work of averting the necessity of war. They laboured with diligence and discretion to propi- tiate the savages. Through their kindness to the friendly Indians, the Six Nations were in- duced to mediate between the Shawanese and Delawares and the English. The leading Qua- kers were active, inviting the friendly Indians to their tables, and persuading them to use their influence with the others to induce them to re- turn to their old friendship for " Onas" and his successors. Sir William Johnson, at a conference in New York with the Six Nations, aided in the work of pacification. Conferences were held and hostilities suspended, the conferences being principally under the direction and influence of the Quakers. In July, 1756, a council was held
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HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
[1756.
at Easton, at which Teedyuscung, a celebrated Delaware chief, represented the Indians, and in that and in subsequent conferences displayed great firmness and shrewdness. The Quakers attended as umpires. Nothing was finished at this convention, but another one was determined upon to meet in November. But before that time arrived Morris had ceased to be governor.
During the last year of Governor Morris, several Quakers resigned their seats, unable to reconcile the discussion of war questions with their consciences, and the same course was also taken by "Friends" in the next assembly. The affairs of the colony were discussed in England by pamphlets and by newspaper correspondents, and Governor Morris and his friends had no small share in the discussion. Appeals to the crown brought the internal affairs of the pro- vince before the English people. Governor Morris procured and forwarded to London a pe- tition of inhabitants of Pennsylvania to the king, representing the defenceless state of the province, and praying his interposition. The petitioners were heard by their agent before a committee of the privy council. The committee in a report reviewed and condemned the course of the assembly in relation to the public de- fence; the militia law was declared improper and inadequate; and the report declared that there was "no cause to hope for other measures
229
1756.] WILLIAM DENNY GOVERNOR.
while the majority of the assembly consisted of persons whose avowed principles were against military services." The militia bill was refused the royal sanction. A copy of the report of the committee, approved by the council, was sent to the assembly, and certain members resigned as above stated.
Pending the negotiations with the Indians, Governor Morris presented his personal claims on the assembly, having received nothing from the province for his public services since the first session after his arrival. But the house thought his services deserved nothing. Though the Delawares and Shawanese Indians were nego- tiating, the French and Western Indians were still devastating the frontiers. These inroads increased in audacity and savage cruelty ; and of the three thousand settlers west of the Sus- quehanna, able to bear arms, not a hundred re- mained, except such as were enrolled in the volunteer militia. The governor asked for money to keep the troops in pay and supplies. The as- sembly sent up a bill for raising forty thousand pounds ; but the old dispute about taxing the proprietary estates was revived, and a new war of messages and addresses was cut off by the arrival of William Denny, the new governor.
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HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
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CHAPTER XIV.
Destruction of the Indian town of Kittanning-Important effects of this victory-Movements of the Quakers-Friendly as- sociation-Negotiations with the Indians-Formal declara- tion of war between England and France-Governor Denny's instructions-Temporary submission of the house-Impolicy of the Penns-Review of the instructions by Franklin-His mission to England-His vindication of the province through the London press-The Historical Review-The proprietaries appear before the Board of Trade-Franklin appears for the province-The question decided in favour of the assembly- Franklin's advice in relation to the war-Pitt prime minister -Operations of the army-Capture of Louisburg, Fort Frontenac, and Fort Duquesne-Ticonderoga, Niagara and Quebec-Capitulation of Montreal-Close of the war- Royal disapprobation and provincial indifference-Renewed Indian murders-The frontiers depopulated-Relief of Fort Pitt- The Paxton Massacre-Danger of the Moravian Indians- Manly conduct of Philadelphia-Vigorous measures to close the war-Expedition of Colonel Bouquet to Muskingum- Restoration of prisoners-Peace with the Indians.
OFFERING a reward for the head of a man, savage or civilized, has no great tendency to dispose him to peace ; and while the negotiations with the Indians were in progress, Captain Ja- cobs and Shingas, the two Delaware chiefs for whom the reward was offered, were scattering arrows and death on the frontier, their head- quarters being the Indian town of Kittanning, on the Alleghany-the site of the present town
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231
ATTACK ON KITTANNING.
1756.]
of the same name. Against this place Governor . Morris, who, warm in his contests with the as- sembly, was no less active in his duties as go- vernor and commander of the forces, had planned an attack. The plan he communicated to the new governor.
The officer to whom the expedition was en- trusted was Colonel John Armstrong of Cumber- land county, and a command in the regiment was held by Hugh Mercer. Both of these men were afterward distinguished in the war of the Revolution. The town of Kittanning was within thirty miles of Fort Duquesne and the contempt which the Indians had at this time acquired for the inefficiency of the operations of the English, led them to deem themselves in perfect security at .this distant point. From thence war parties sallied, lighting up the whole frontier with burn- ing dwellings. With a force of about three hun- dred men Armstrong surprised Kittanning on the morning of the 8th September. The Indians resisted manfully, but were defeated, between thirty and forty being killed in the attack or burned in their houses. They were offered quarter but refused it, declaring they were men and would not be taken prisoners. The attack was opportune, as on the very day it occurred the savages were to have been joined by a party of French Indians, to set out on an expedition against the whites. Eleven English prisoners
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HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. [1756.
were found in the town and released. Large quantities of goods, presents from the French, were burned; and the powder, of which every house contained some, exploded from time to time as the buildings burned, projecting the bodies of the Indians in the air. The effect of this action was to drive the survivors of the hos- tile tribes to the west of Fort Duquesne as their residence, thus making the French lines their frontier. The city of Philadelphia addressed a letter of thanks to Colonel Armstrong and his officers, and presented him with a piece of plate. A commemorative medal was also struck.
This victory had an important influence on the negotiations which were pending with the Delawares. Pursuant to appointment, Teedyus- cung and other Indian chiefs met Governor Denny and Colonel Croghan at Easton in No- vember. The Quakers, determined to put an end to the war, if possible, by removing the cause, were present in large numbers. An as- sociation called the Friendly -Association , for preserving peace had been formed by members of the society and others. This association was liberal in its contributions of money, and active in its pacific exertions. They put Teedyuscung upon his guard, advising him at every step, and protecting him against his own infirmities. At their suggestion, and notwithstanding the oppo- sition of Governor Denny and Colonel Croghan,
233
1757.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH INDIANS.
Charles Thompson, afterward secretary of the Continental Congress, appeared as the secretary of Teedyuscung, to take minutes of what was done and said in the council. Mr. Thompson was present as the reporter of the Peace Asso- ciation. The regular secretary of the council was the secretary of the governor, but his minutes being disputed by the Indians, Mr. Thompson's were called for. The Indians pronounced them true, and forthwith adopted him into their family, giving him a name which signifies "The man who speaks the truth." And this, by the way, was always Mr. Thompson's character.
Another council was held in the summer of 1757, and another in the fall of 1758 : Teedyus- cung being always present as the representative of the Delawares and other small tribes. He succeeded, against the governors of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, Sir William Johnson, the ge- neral Indian agent for the British provinces, and against the chiefs of the Six Nations, in esta- blishing the fact that the Delaware Indians had been wronged. Much intercourse with the whites had given him a very respectable know- ledge of English, and he did not mince words. The Peace Association were his counsellors. He charged that the Indians were defrauded in various modes-by the "walking purchase ;" by running lines by the compass, which the Indians knew nothing about; by buying of one king the 20*
234
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
[1757.
property of another ; and by affixing the Indian names to forged deeds. And he alleged that the Six Nations gave lands to the Delawares, and then sold them to the whites from under their feet. He said that when they had a dispute with the English, the latter sent for the Six Nations, and corrupted them with presents. Then the Six Nations (as already mentioned in a previous chapter) called them hard names, and drove them from the land without a hearing.
The sale of Indian lands, made in Albany by the chiefs, it appears was made under a misap- prehension. The sale was defined as of all the land south-west of a west-north-west line from the mouth of Penn's Creek to the western boun- dary of the state. When the line was run, it was found to strike the northern boundary, and the Indians were thus entirely unseated. It has been well remarked that "the blood of Brad- dock's soldiers was added to the price of the land." That Teedyuscung could establish his charge relative to the forged deeds is not credible. There was no need of such a fraud, when the simpler mode of "putting an enemy in their mouths" could be resorted to. A bargain closed with an Indian drunk, might well be scouted as forgery by an Indian sober. Penn made all such contracts null and void by law ; and if his course had been adhered to, no Indian wars in Penn- sylvania would have been formidable. As the
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1758.]
WAR WITH FRANCE.
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result of the conference of 1758, all the land west of the Alleghany, purchased in 1754, was restored to the Indians; an additional compensa- tion was given for what they relinquished, and all causes of misunderstanding were supposed to be removed. The Quakers caused a medal to be struck in commemoration of this treaty. They were reproved by the governor for their interfe- rence, and informed that their conduct had given dissatisfaction in England. Sir William Johnson complained that they intruded upon his office ; and many of their fellow-creatures visited them with the reproach of partiality to the Indians, and treachery to their own race. It is evident, however, that they did a good and a just work; and the governor further consulted them in the propitiation of distant tribes, in which service none could succeed as well as they.
After a long period of actual hostilities in their colonies and on the ocean, war was formally declared between England and France in May, 1756. The chief direction of the war in Ame- rica was given to Lord Loudoun, who was ap- pointed governor of Virginia, and colonel of the royal American regiment. The assembly of Pennsylvania was duly notified by the governor of these changes, and the royal instructions were communicated that they should appropriate the funds raised for the public service under the direction of the governor-in-chief, and, that the
236
HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA. [1758,
American regiment might speedily be raised, provide for the payment of the masters of such servants as should enlist. Governor Denny, who came into office after these events, found no pro- vision made by the legislature. But the tired members were willing to conciliate. They con- gratulated him upon his accession, made him an appropriation of a thousand pounds, and asked him for a copy of his instructions.
By the tenor of his commission it appeared that he was to deprive the assembly of the sole control of the public money ; to refuse assent to any emission of currency, unless provision were made to secure the quit-rents from loss by its depreciation ; and to exempt unoccupied and un- improved lands and proprietary quit-rents from taxation. The house, after receiving this state- ment of the tenor of the proprietary instructions, appealed to the governor to know if he should adhere to them in cases when the measures of the house, though not in accordance with the proprietary instructions, still had the approbation of his own judgment. Governor Denny answered that he could not recede from them without the risk of his honour and his fortune. The house " then wisely changed the plan of their operations. They passed, under protest, the excise bill, a portion of the proceeds of which were to be ap- plied by a committee of the house, with the ap- probation of the governor. And the public
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237
IMPOLICY OF THE PENNS.
1758.]
necessity being urgent, they passed also a bill for levying one hundred thousand pounds tax upon all property in the province, the proprietary estates excepted, the governor obstinately with- holding his assent unless that condition were incorporated in the act. But these proprietary victories in the province, being the assertion and maintenance of anti-republican principles and selfish policy, recoiled upon the victors in a way
which they might have anticipated. Wisdom should have admonished them better. Thomas and Richard Penn, at this time the proprietaries, had neither in the province nor in England the strength of their father. The weight of the per- sonal character of the founder, and his connection . with the Society of Friends, gave him a party and adherents in the province, and respect at home. But the sons left the Quakers; and the influence of that body in Pennsylvania was de- cidedly rather with the people than with their hereditary governors. The English government had long been tired of proprietary machinery in the colonial relations ; and true policy should have prompted the Penns to have made friends in some quarter. They apparently chose to stand alone.
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