A history of the Episcopal church in Narragansett, Rhode Island, including a history of other Episcopal churches in the state, Part 14

Author: Updike, Wilkins, 1784-1867. cn; MacSparran, James d. 1757
Publication date: 1847
Publisher: New York, H. M. Onderdonk
Number of Pages: 562


USA > Rhode Island > Washington County > Narragansett > A history of the Episcopal church in Narragansett, Rhode Island, including a history of other Episcopal churches in the state > Part 14


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" The Colony was not at this time all united under one govern- ment, and this law, therefore, might not be in force all over ยท the Colony. At any rate, it appears some negroes were imported ; for, in 1676, when an enumeration of people was made, for the purpose of establishing a watchguard, the blacks were of sufficient consequence to be ordered to be numbered separately.


"In March, 1675-6, the Legislature passed this order, that 'no Indian in this Colony be a slave, but only to pay their debts, or for their bringing up, or courtesy they have received, or to perform covenant, as if they had been countrymen, not in war.' Some of the Indian captives were, however, in the great Indian war of 1675-6, sold by the Colony ; not for life, however, but for a term of years, according to their circumstances, and for their protection.


"October, 1714, we find an act passed, to prevent slaves running away.


" July, 1715, an act was passed, to prohibit the importation of Indian slaves into this Colony. This act was continued in force, and re-enacted in the Digest of laws of 1766. It states in the pre- amble, that the increase of their nnmber discourages the immigra- tion of white laborers. It is probable that a great part of the slaves imported into Rhode Island, up to that time, had been Indians. The New England Colonies were in the habit of selling as slaves, the In- dian captives they took in their frequent wars. Other Colonies, probably, did the same. Of the guilt of this practice but little, if any, can be laid to the State of Rhode Island.


" In Feburary, 1728, an act was passed, requiring persons, manu- mitting mulatto or negro slaves, to give security against their be- coming a town charge.


"In June, 1774, an act was passed, prohibiting the importation of negroes into this Colony, the preamble of which we will quote :-


' Whereas, the inhabitants of America are generally engaged in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among which, that of personal freedom must be considered as the greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty themselves, should be willing to extend personal liberty to others, &c.' By this act, all slaves thereafter brought into the State, were to be free, ex- cept slaves of persons travelling through the State, or persons coming from other British Colonies to reside here. Citizens of Rhode Island,


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owning slaves, were forbidden to bring slaves into the Colony, except they gave bond to carry them out again in a year. This exception, however, was expressly repealed in February; 1784.


"By an act passed in the time of the revolution, in February, 1778, slaves were allowed to enlist into the army, and were declared free upon enlisting. Provision was made for compensating the owners. Under this law numbers of them did enlist, and obtained their freedom, and served with distinguished fidelity during the war.


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"In October, 1779, an act was passed, to prevent slaves being sold out of the State without their consent.


" It has been stated by a distinguished foreign writer, that it was common in the Northern States, when they abolished slavery, (as they did it prospectively, by enacting that all born after a certain time should be free,) for the owners of the slaves in those States to sell them off to the people of the States where slavery still existed ; and thus to abolish slavery, get rid of the trouble of the slave popu- lation, and make a profit at the same time ; and he refers to the State of New York for example.


" No such charge, it is believed, can be brought against Rhode Island. By the law of October, 1779, they effectually prevented such a practice.


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" In Feb., 1784, 'an act authorizing the manumission of negroes, mulattoes, and others, and for the gradual abolition of slavery,' was passed. The preamble is worth copying. 'Whereas, all men are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and the holding of mankind in a state of slavery as private property, which has gra- dually obtained by unrestrained custom and the permission of laws, is repugnant to this principle, and subversive of the happiness of mankind, the great end of all civil government,' &c. This act de- clares all children of slaves born after March 1st, 1784, to be free ; ! and makes regulations for their support. At the same session they prohibited the importation or sale of negroes in the State. The pro- visions for the support of slaves, were further altered in October, 1785.


" In October, 1787, an act was passed ' to prevent the slave trade, and to encourage the abolition of slavery.' This act refers to the fact of the slave trade having been carried on from this State,


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and censures it in strong terms as contrary to the principles of jus- tice, humanity, and sound policy. It imposes a penalty on every citizen who, as master, agent, or owner of any vessel, shall buy, sell, or receive on board his ship for sale any slave, &c.


"In June, 1790, a society was formed in Providence, and incorpo- rated by the legislature, for promoting the abolition of slavery .- It includes the names of most of the distinguished men of the State at that time.


" Upon this short history of Legislation in Rhode Island upon the subject of slavery, we will only remark, that slaves were never sub- jected here to severer punishments than whites for the same offences, as has been the case in some States ; and they enjoyed the protection of the laws for offences against their persons equally with the whites. And again, no law was ever passed to restrain the manu- mission of slaves, except just so far as was necessary to prevent their becoming chargeable to the towns where they lived. A mas- ter might desire to liberate his old and worn out slaves with a view of getting rid of the expense of their support, and this the law inter- fered to prevent ; but with this exception, there never was any re- straint upon the power of manumission, and our town clerks' offices contain the records of numerous manumissions made by slave own- ers of their own accord.


"It is believed that while slavery existed in Rhode Island, the slaves were always treated with humanity, and that they were gen- erally rather a burden than a source of profit to their owners. And the owning of them encouraged idleness and extravagance, and has been the cause of the ruin of many formerly wealthy families among us. ".


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"It was formerly usual with the people of the South, to acknowl- edge that slavery was an evil, but to consider it as a necessary evil, from which they knew not how to deliver themselves. Many of their leading men now take the contrary course, and whether in earnest or not, actually advocate the institution of slavery as a bles- sing. A Southern Governor has done this in a public message to the Legislature-has asserted that slavery has a necessary exis- tence in all states of society, and that white slavery exists at the North in fact, if not in name. Such conduct, and such insults as


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these, to the free laboring population of the Northern States have, it is believed, had full as much effect in increasing the number of abolitionists at the North, and exciting their feelings, as abolition societies, lecturing, or any other cause whatever.


"If the right of petition and of free discussion, had not been in- fringed, the efforts of the societies at the North, would probably have ' been entirely confined to influencing public opinion by the diffusion of information, and by fair and open argument, through the means of lecturing and the press. The committee believe it to be but jus- tice to the character of the northern people, to say, that any attempt on the part of any persons, to interfere with institutions in the southern states, by any other than peaceable and legal means, would be as resolutely opposed by the great body of the people of the North, including the abolitionists themselves, as it would be by the Southern States."


Of the negroes and slaves in Rhode Island the greater part were in a very few towns, Newport, North and South Kingstown, War- wick, Bristol, Portsmouth, and Jamestown. By the census of 1748-9 the town of South Kingstown had more negroes in it than any other town except Newport. This is also true of the census of 1774 and 1783.


The committee to take the estimate in 1780, reported the whole number of slaves in the State between the ages of ten and fifty, to be 518. Of these South Kingstown had 156, North Kingstown 78, Exeter 45, Warwick 41, Providence 40. Newport had, until just before, been in possession of the British, and was not included in the estimate.


Kings county, (now Washington,) which contained one-third of the population of the State, numbered more than a thousand slaves .--- The census of 1730 gives a less number, but it was popular to con- ceal numbers from the observation of the home government. Fami- lies would average from five to forty slaves each ; they owned slaves. in proportion to their means of support. The slaves and horses were about equal in number; the latter were raised for exportation. New- port was the great slave market of New England. There were some ! importers of slaves in Narragansett, among them were Rowland Ro -. binson, the son of Gov. Robinson, and Colonel Thomas Hazard. Mr. Robinson afterwards became conscience-stricken on this subject, and


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bought up and emancipated those that he had imported. Some of the large mansion-houses of the slave-holders, with spacious gable roofs, are now standing, the garret-rooms in which, with their out-houses were the sleeping places of the slaves. The distribution law after- wards subdivided the great estates, and most of these large mansion- houses were too expensive to be maintaintained by people of less pro- perty, and have been mostly replaced by small tenements. The slaves were in abject ignorance as a body ; they were treated with great humanity, but as if created to be of an inferior race.


The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel became early awak- ened to the moral and spiritual degradation of the slaves, and took an active interest in their enlightenment. Humphrey, in his History of the Society, printed 1730, says :- " The Society look upon the instruction and conversion of the negroes, as a principal branch of their care ; esteeming it a great reproach to the Christian name, that so many thousands of persons should continue in the same state of Pagan darkness under a Christian government, and living in Chris- tian families, as they lay before under, in their own heathen coun- tries. The Society immediately from their first institution strove to promote their conversion and instruction ; and inasmuch as their in- come would not enable them to send numbers of catechists sufficient to instruct the negroes, yet they resolved to do their utmost, and at least, to give this work the mark of their highest approbation. They wrote therefore to all their missionaries, that they should use their best endeavors at proper times, to instruct the negroes, and should specially take occasion to recommend it zealously to their masters to order their slaves at convenient times, to come to them that they might be in- structed." They opened catechising schools in 1704, and employed teachers, which had a happy influence in elevating the character of the slaves. "Dr. Fleetwood, the Bishop of St. Asaph, preached a sermon before the Society in 1711, setting forth the duty of instruct- ing the negroes in the Christian faith. The Society thought this so useful a discourse that they printed and dispersed abroad in the Plantations great numbers of that sermon in the same year; and . in the year 1725 reprinted the same and dispersed again large num- bers." They printed ten thousand copies of the letter of the Bishop of London " addressed to the Masters and Mistresses of Families in


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the English Plantations abroad," in 1727, and sent them to all the English Colonies and Islands, to be distributed to masters of families and other inhabitants, which produced great influence. The Address says :- " The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, have this affair (instruction of the blacks,) much at heart ; and having lately had it under their consideration, are unanimously of opinion that nothing would give quick and effectual progress to the work as the sending a catechist from hence, whose only business it should be, to instruct the negroes, within particular districts to be assigned to them, and who have no avocation of any kind, would be at full liberty to attend the most proper times and seasons for instruc- tion, and employing their thoughts wholly that way, would be far better acquainted with the proper modes of proceeding in the work, and also pursue those methods more closely than any occasional in- structor can be supposed to do." "Let me beseech you to consider them, not merely as slaves, and upon the same level with laboring beasts, but as men slaves and women slaves, who have the same frame and faculties with yourselves, and have souls capable of being made happy, and reason and understanding to receive instruction in order to it." The early planting of these doctrines in the minds of the people, soon mitigated the severity of slavery, and has produced the final work of emancipation throughout the extent of the British do- minions and one half of the North American States.


In conformity to the Bishop of London's letter, addressed to these missionaries and to all masters and mistresses, impressing upon them the great importance, as a religious duty, to teach their slaves and domestics to read and write, and to cause them to give a strict atten- dance to the weekly instructions of their pastors in their respective parish churches, Dr. McSparran attended weekly in his church for the purposes of their instruction, and addressed his parishioners in emphatic language, in condemnation of the prevailing error, that it was inconsistent to instruct, baptise, or admit slaves to the commun- ion.


Dean Berkley, who repeatedly visited Narragansett, accompanied by Smybert, Col. Updike, and Dr. McSparran, to examine into the con- dition and character of the Narragansett Indians, in his sermon be- fore the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, at their anniver- sary, in 1731, says :- "The native Indians, who are said to have been


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thousands within the compass of this colony, do not at present amount to a thousand, including every age and sect ; and these are nearly all servants or laborers for the English, who have contributed more to destroy their bodies by the use of strong liquors, than by any means to improve their minds or save their souls. This slow poison jointly operating with the small-pox, and their wars, (but much more destructive than both,) has consumed the Indians, not only in our colonies, but also far and wide upon our confines, and having made havoc of them, is now doing the same thing by those who taught them this odious vice."


" The negroes in the government of Rhode Island, are about half as many more than the Indians, and both together scarce amount to a seventh part of the whole colony. The religion of these people, as is natural to suppose, takes after that of their masters. Some few are baptized, several frequent the different assemblies, and far the great- er part none at all. An ancient antipathy to the Indians, whom it seems our first planters (therein, as in certain other particulars, af- fecting to imitate Jews rather than Christians,) imagined they had a right to treat on the foot of Canaanites and Amalekites, together with an irrational contempt of blacks as creatures of another species, who had no right to be instructed or admitted to the sacraments, have proved a main obstacle to the conversion of these poor people."


" To this may be added, an erroneous notion, that the being bap- - tized is inconsistent with the state of slavery. To undeceive them in this particular, which had too much weight, it seemed a proper step, if the opinion of His Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General could be procured. This opinion they cheerfully sent over, signed with their own hands; which was accordingly printed in Rhode Is- land, and dispersed throughout the Plantations. I heartily wish it may produce the intended effect."


The opinions of the Attorney and Solicitor which were printed and dispersed have been sought for, but cannot now be found.


In imitation of the whites, the negroes held an annual election on the third Saturday in June, when they elected their Governor .- When the slaves were numerous, each town held its election. This annual festivity was looked for with great anxiety. Party was as violent and acrimonious with them as among the whites. The slaves assumed the power and pride and took the relative rank of their mas- 22A


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ters, and it was degrading to the reputation of the owner if his slave appeared in inferior apparel, or with less money than the slave of another master of equal wealth. The horses of the wealthy land- holders were on this day all surrendered to the use of the slaves, and with cues, real or false, head pomatumed and powdered, cocked hat, mounted on the best Narragansett pacers, sometimes with their masters' sword, with their ladies on pillions, they pranced to election, which commenced generally, at 10 o'clock. The canvass for votes soon commenced, the tables with refreshments were spread, and all friends of the respective candidates were solicited to partake, and as much anxiety and interest would manifest itself, and as much family pride and influence was exercised and interest created, as in other elections, and preceded by weeks of parmateering, (parliamenteer- ing ;) about one o'clock the vote would be taken, by ranging the friends of the respective candidates in two lines under the directions of a chief marshall, (Guy Watson, who distinguished himself in the black regiment under Colonel Greene, at Red Bank, acted as chief marshall after the revolution, until the annual elections ceased,) with assistants. This was generally a tumultous crisis until the count commenced, when silence was proclaimed, and after that no man could change sides or go from one rank to the other. The chief marshall announced the number of votes for each candidiate, and in an audible voice proclaimed the name of the Governor elected for the ensuing year. The election treat corresponded in extravagance in proportion to the wealth of his master. The defeated candidate was, acccording to custom, introduced by the chief marshall, and drank the first toast after the inauguration, and all animosities were forgotten. At dinner, the Governor was seated at the head of the long table, under trees or an arbor, with the unsuccessful candidate at his right, and his lady on the left. The afternoon was spent in dancing, game of quoits, athletic exercises, &c. As the slaves de- creased in number, these elections became more concentred. In 1795, elections were held in North and South Kingstown, but in a few years, one was held in South Kingstown only, and they have for years ceased.


The servant of the late E. R. Potter was elected Governor about the year 1800. The canvass was very expensive to his master .- Soon after the election, Mr. Potter had a conference with the Gover-


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nor, and stated to him that the one or the other must give up politics, or the expense would ruin them both. Governor John took the wisest course, abandoned politics, and retired to the shades of private life.


In Narragansett resided the great landed aristocracy of the Colony. Their plantations were large ; some of them very extensive. Major Mason, of Connecticut, in a letter to the Commissioners of that Colony, dated August 3rd, 1670, persuading them to relinquish all further claims of jurisdiction over the Narragansett country, says : "Those places that are any way considerable, are already taken up by several men, in farms and large tracts of lands, some having five, six, and ten miles square-yea, and some I suppose, have much more, which you or some of yours may see or feel hereafter. These things I know to be true, as they did manifestly appear in view when the Commissioners were at Narragansett. I suppose you cannot be unacquainted with these things."


The original tract taken up and owned by Richard Smith, was three wide and nine miles long.


Mr. Isaac P. Hazard, in a communication states: " The farm of my great grandfather, Robert Hazard, extended from the Jencks farm (which it included,) to the south end of Boston Neck, and ex- tended across the Petaquamscutt river to near where the village of Peace-Dale now is, and I am not sure but it took in a great part of this village."


" He had extensive ranges for cattle and horses some where in the neighborhood of the 'Great Pond,' or ' Wordens Pond,' and I have heard my father say, that at one time, he occupied nearly twelve thousand acres. The principal value of his lands, however, con- sisted of about two thousand acres lying on Boston Neck and imme- diately on the west side of Petaquamscutt river, which separated it from the Boston Neck lands."


" My grandfather, Governor William Robinson's farm, embraced the north part of Point Judith, including Little Neck, extending South one or two farms below the farm now owned by my brother, Joseph P. Hazard, and westward to Sugar Loaf Hill."


Governor William Robinson owned -- acres ; he devised valuable farms to his sons. Col. Stanton owned one tract of four and a half miles long and two miles wide ; he kept forty horses, as


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many slaves, and made a great dairy, besides other productions .- After his death, his son Lodowick kept thirty cows on one hundred and fifty acres of it. Col. Champlin possessed in one tract over one thousand acres ; kept thirty-five horses, fifty-five cows, six hundred to seven hundred sheep, and a proportionate number of slaves .- Hezekiah Babcock, of Hopskinstown, improved eight hundred acres ; James Babcock, of Westerly, owned two thousand acres, horses, slaves, and stock in proportion. Col. Joseph Noyes had four hun- dred acres ; kept twenty-two horses and twenty-five cows. His son afterwards kept fifty-two cows on the same farm. Col. Updike, the Colony Attorney, owned three thousand acres. Col. Potter possessed acres, now constituting seven valuable farms. Mr. Sewall owned sixteen hundred acres on Point Judith, which is now divided into eight farms, now of the value of seventy-five thousand dollars. Robert Hazard owned sixteen hundred acres in Boston Neck, which now constitute six farms, of the aggregate value seventy-seven thousand dollars. The Gardiners, Niles's, and Bren- tons owned great tracts of valuable land. The ordinary farms con- tained three hundred acres. They were improved by slaves and la- boring Indians. The slaves and horses were about equal in number. Corn, tobacco, cheese, and wool were the staple articles produced, and horses were reared for exportation.


Douglass, in his summary, printed in 1760, says : " Rhode Island Colony in general, is a country pasture, not for grain ; by extending along the shore of the ocean, and a great bay, the air is softened by a sea vapor which fertilizeth the soil; their winters are softer and shorter than up inland ; it is noted for dairies, whence the best of cheese made in any part of New England, is called (abroad,) Rhode Island cheese."


" The most considerable farms are in the Narragansett country. Their highest dairy of one farm, communibus annis, milks about one hundred and ten cows, cuts two hundred loads of hay, makes about thirteen thousand pounds of cheese, besides butter, and sells off considerable in calves and fatted bullocks. A farmer from seventy-three milch cows in five months made ten thousand pounds of cheese ; besides cheese in a season, one cow yields one firkin of butter, from seventy to eighty pounds. In good land they reckon after the rate of two acres for a milch cow."


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Mr. Hazard, in the same communication, further states : "From my father and grandmother, I have heard that my great grandfather, Robert Hazard, had twelve negro women as dairy women, each of whom had a girl to assist her, making from twelve to twenty-four cheeses a day ; and since I have grown up, we had one of his cheese vats of the second size, according to the tradition in our family, which held nearly one bushel. My father has informed me that so superior was the grass in the early settlement of this coun- try, that nearly double the milk, or butter and cheese was obtained from a cow as at present, and that only twelve cows were allowed to each dairy woman and her assistants. One hundred and fifty cows being about the number he generally kept." 0




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