USA > Rhode Island > Washington County > Narragansett > A history of the Episcopal church in Narragansett, Rhode Island, including a history of other Episcopal churches in the state > Part 27
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The other benevolent donations were never applied for, and are now lost.
Mr. Case died at his mansion house on Tower Hill, South Kings- town, July 29, 1770, and was interred in the church yard of St. Paul's, in North Kingstown ; grave stones, with suitable inscriptions, were erected to his memory.
Phillippa Case, his wife, was the daughter of Charles Dickinson, of Narragansett. She died at Tower Hill, Jan. 26, 1798. " She was a lady of real piety and goodness." She was buried by the side of her husband.
"Sept. 16, 1770. Preached at St. Paul's, and bap- tized three children of William Davis, by the name of Charles, Chester, and Charlotte, at the request of George Rome, Esq., a gentleman of estate from old England."
Mr. Rome (pronounced Room) was an Englishman. He came
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over to Rhode Island in 1761, as the agent of the house of Halsey and Hopkins, and was afterwards appointed the agent of the British creditors generally. He was educated a merchant. He resided in Newport winters, and in Narragansett summers ; owned the estate late the homestead of Judge Ezekiel Gardner, in Boston Neck, in North Kingstown, which is still called the Room farm ; it consisted of about seven hundred acres, bounding easterly on the Narragansett bay. The mansion house was highly finished and furnished. The beds were concealed from view in the wainscots-the rooms might be traversed throughout, and not a bed for the repose of his guests be seen. This was matter for the astonishment of the colonial observer. When the hour for retirement arrived, a servant would just give a touch to a spring in the ceiling, and the visiter's bed, by means of a self-adjusting process, would protrude itself as if by the effect of magic, ready prepared for the reception of its tenant. His garden contained the rarest native and exotic varieties. In his letter below he styles his residence "my little country villa." He lived in splendor, and entertained his friends with sumptuous hospitality. In another place he styles his residence Bachelors Hall-" My com- pliments to Colonel Stewart : may I ask the favor of you both to come and eat a Christmas dinner with me at Bachelors Hall, and celebrate the festivities of the season with me in Narragansett woods ? A covey of partridges or bevy of quails will be entertain- ment for the Colonel and me, while the pike and pearch pond amuse you." He occasionally gave large parties, at which the ladies and gentlemen of Boston, Newport, and Narragansett, would equally mingle. Punch was the fashionable beverage at that period, and the entertainments at " Bachelors Hall" were extravagant.
Mr. Rome also owned large estates in Rhode Island. In the Stamp Act excitement, he strongly espoused the cause of the crown. In 1767, he wrote the subjoined letter to his friend at Boston, and the same was transmitted to England. In 1773, Dr. Franklin, the agent of the State of Pennsylvania at London, obtained the Hutchinson letters, so called, and transmitted them to this country, among which was the following letter of Mr. Rome's :-
Copy of a letter, returned with those signed Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, Dr. Thomas Moffat, &c., from London.
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NARRAGANSETT, DEC. 22, 1767.
SIR,
I am now withdrawn to my little country villa, where, though I am more retired from the busy world, yet I am still enveloped with uneasy reflections for a turbulent, degenerate, ungrateful continent, and the opposition I have met with in my indefatigable endeavors to secure our property in this colony, but hitherto without success. The times are so corrupted, and the conflict of parties so predomi- nant, that faction is blind, or shuts her eyes to the most evident truths that cross her designs, and believes in any absurdities that assist to accomplish her purposes, under the prostitution and prostra- tion of an infatuated government. Judge then, my dear Sir, in what a critical situation the fortunes of we poor Europeans must be among them.
We have not been able to recover our property for years past- how great soever our exigencies may have been-unless we soothed them into a compliance. We are unwilling to enter into lites-con- testation with them, because the perversion of their iniquitous courts of justice are so great, that experience hath convinced us we had better lose half, to obtain the other quietly, than pursue compulsory measures. We are also afraid to apply to a British Parliament for relief, as none can be effectually administered without a change of government, and a better administration of justice introduced ; and was it known here that we made such application at home, not only our fortunes would be in greater jeopardy, but our lives endangered by it, before any salutary regulations could take place. We are sensible of the goodness of the King and Parliament, but how far, or in what space of time our grievance, as a few individuals, might . weigh against the influence of a charter government, we are at a loss to determine.
In 1761, I arrived in America, which circumstance you probably remember well. With great industry, caution, and circumspection, I have not only reduced our demands, and regulated our connexions in some measure, but kept my head out of a HALTER which you had the honor to grace. (Pray, Doctor, how did it feel ? The subject is stale, but I must be a little funny with you on this occasion.) Much still remains to be done, and after all my best endeavors, my
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constituents, from a moderate calculation, cannot lose less than £50,000 sterling by the baleful constitution of this colony, and the corruption of their courts of judicature. It is really a very affect- ing and melancholy consideration.
Under a deep sense of the infirmities of their constitution, the innovations which they have gradually interwoven among them- selves, and stimulated by every act of forbearance, lenity and patience, we have indulged our correspondents until deluges of bankruptcies have ensued ; insolvent acts liberated them from our just demands, and finally, had our indisputable accounts refused admission for our proportion of the small remains, until colony creditors were first paid, and the whole absorbed. We have had vessels made over to us for the satisfaction of debts, and after bills of sale were executed, carried off, in open violence and force, by Captain Snip-Snap, of Mr. Nobody's appointment ; and when we sued him for damages, recovered a louse. We have in our turn been sued in our absence, and condemned, ex-parte, in large sums for imaginary damages, for which we can neither obtain a trial nor redress. They refuse us an appeal to the King in council ; the money must be paid when their executions become returnable ; and were we to carry it home by way of complaint, it would cost us two or three hundred pounds sterling to prosecute ; and after all, when his Majesty's decree comes over in our favor, and refunding the money can no longer be evaded, I expect their effects would be secreted, their bodies releas- ed by the insolvent act, and our money-both principal, interest, and expenses-irrecoverably gone. Is not our case grievous ? We have, in actions founded on notes of hand, been cast in the courts of judicature. We have appealed to his Majesty in council for redress, got their verdicts reversed, and obtained the King's decree for our money, but that is all ; for though I have had them by me for twelve months, and employed two eminent lawyers to enforce into execution, conformable to the colony law, yet we have not been able to recover a single shilling, though we have danced after their courts and assemblies above THIRTY DAYS in vain, to accomplish that purpose only. Consider, my dear Sir, what expense, vexation, and loss of time this must be to us, and whether we have not just cause of complaint.
We have also in vain waited with great impatience for years past,
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in hopes his Majesty would have nominated his judges, and other executive officers, in every colony in America-which would in a great measure remove the cause of our complaint. Nothing can be more necessary than a speedy regulation in this, and constituting it a regal government ; and nothing is of such important use to a nation, as that men who excel in wisdom and virtue should be encouraged to undertake the business of government. But the ini- quitous course of their courts of justice in this colony, deter such men from serving the public ; or if they do so, unless patronized at home, their wisdom and virtue are turned against them with such malignity, that it is more safe to be infamous than renowned. The principal exception I have met with here, is James Helme, Esquire, who was chosen Chief Justice by the General Assembly at last election. He accepted his appointment, distinguishes himself by capacity and application, and seems to be neither ashamed to admin- ister impartial justice to all-even to the native and residing credi- tors of the mother country. I have known him to grant them temporary relief by writs of error, and when he and they were overruled by the partiality of the court, and in vain-though with great candor and force-plead with the rest of the bench, that for the honor of the colony and their own reputation they ought never to pay less regard to the decrees of his Majesty in council, because the property was determined in Great Britain, than to their own. I have also heard him with resolution and firmness, when he discovered the court to be immediately partial, order his name to be enrolled as dissenting from the verdict. For such honesty and candor, I am persuaded he will be deposed at next election, unless they should be still in hopes of making a convert of him.
I wish it was in my power to prevent every American from suffer- ing for the cause of integrity and their mother country ; he, in a special manner, should not only be protected and supported, but appear among the first promotions. Is there no gentleman of public spirit at home, that would be pleased to be an instrument of elevat- ing a man of his principles and propriety ? or is it become fashion- able for vice to be countenanced with impunity, and every trace of virtue passed over unnoticed ? God forbid !
The colonies have originally been wrong founded. They ought to have been regal governments, and every executive officer approv-
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ed by the King. Until that is effected, and they are properly regulated, they will never be beneficial to themselves, nor good subjects of Great Britain. You see with what contempt they already treat the acts of Parliament for regulating their trade, and enter into the most public, illegal, and affronting combinations to obtain a repeal, by again imposing upon the British merchants and manu- facturers, and all under the cloak of retrenching their expenses, by avoiding every unnecessary superfluity. Were that really the case, I am sure I would, and every other British subject, esteem them for it ; but the fact is, they obtained a repeal of the Stamp Act by mer- cantile influence, and they are now endeavoring by the same artifice and finesse to repeal the acts of trade, and obtain a total exemption from all taxation. Were it otherwise, and they sincerely disposed to stop the importation of every unnecessary superfluity-without affronting the British legislation by their public, general, and illegal combinations-they might accomplish their purposes with much more decency, and suppress it more effectually by acts of their own legislation-imposing such duties upon their importation here as might occasion a total prohibition, or confine the consumption of them to particular individuals that can afford to buy-by which measures they would also raise a considerable colony revenue, and ease poorer inhabitants in the tax they now pay. But the temper of the country is exceedingly factious, and prone to sedition : they are growing more imperious and haughty nay, insolent-every day ; and in a short space, unless wholesome regulations take place, the spirit they have enkindled, and the conceptions of government they have imbibed, will be more grievous to the mother country than even the ostracism was to the Athenians.
A bridle at present may accomplish more than a rod hereafter, for the malignant poison of the times, like a general pestilence, spreads beyond conception ; and if the British Parliament are too late in their regulations, neglect measures for seven years which are essentially necessary now-should they then be able to stifle their commotions, it will only be a temporary extinction-consequently every hours indulgence will answer no other purpose than enable them in a more effectual manner to sow seeds of dissension, to be rekindled whenever they are in a capacity to oppose the mother country, and render themselves independent of her.
A42
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Have they not already, in the most public manner, shown their opposition to the measures of Parliament, in the affair of the late Stamp act ? Don't they now, with equal violence and audacity, in both public papers and conversation, declare the Parliamentary regulations in their acts of trade to be illegal and a mere nullity ? What further proof do we wait for, of either their good or bad dis- position ? Did you ever hear of any colonies, in their infant state, teach the science of tyranny reduced into rule, over every subject that discountenanced their measures in opposition to the mother country, in a more impetuous manner than they have done these four years past ? Have they not made use of every stroke of policy (in their way) to avail themselves of their dark purposes of their independence, and suffered no restraint of conscience or fear, not even the guilt of threatening te excite a civil war and revolt, if not indulged with an unlimited trade without restraint, and British pro- tection without expense ? for that is the English of it. Is this then a true, or mistaken portrait ? SAY, if it is their true one, ought not such pernicious maxims of policy, such wicked discipline, such ingratitude, such dissimulation, such perfidy, such violent, ruthless and sanguinary councils-where a Cleon bears rule and an Aristides cannot be endured-to be crushed in embryo ? If not, the alterna- tive can not avoid producing such a government as will 'ere long throw the whole kingdom into the utmost confusion, endanger the life, liberty, and property of every good subject, and again expose them to the merciless assassination of a rabble.
I am sensible that in all political disputes, especially in America, a man may see something to blame on both sides, and so much to fear, whichever faction should conquer, as to be justified in not intermed- dling with either ; but in matters of such vast importance as the present, wherein we have suffered so much, still deeply interested, and by which the peace and tranquility of the nation is at stake, it is difficult to conceal one's emotions from a friend, and remain a tran- quil spectator on a theatre of such chicanery and collusion as will inevitably (if not checked, and may sooner happen than is imagined by many,) chill the blood of many a true Briton.
It may be true policy, in some cases, to tame the fiercest spirit of popular liberty, not by blows, or by chains, but by soothing into willing obedience, and make her kiss the very hand that restrains her ;
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but such policy would be a very unsuitable portion to cure the mala- dy of the present times. They are too much corrupted, and already so much intoxicated with their own importance, as to make a wrong use of lenient measures. They construe them into their own natural rights, and a timidity in the mother country. They consider them- selves little bigger than the frog in the fable, and that Great Britain can never long grapple with their huge territory of 1500 miles fron- tier, already populous and increasing with such celerity, as to double their number once in twenty-five years. This is not perfectly con- sonant with my idea of the matter, though such calculation has been made ; and admitting it to be erroneous, yet, as they believe it, it has the same evil effect, and possesses the imaginations of the people with such a degree of insanity and enthusiasm, as there is hardly any thing more common than to hear their boast of particular colo- nies that can raise on a short notice an hundred thousand fighting men to oppose the force of Great Britain ; certain it is they increase in numbers by emigration, &c. very fast, and are become such a body of people, with such extensive territory, as require every bud of their genius and disposition to be narrowly watched, and pruned with great judgment, otherwise they may become not only trouble- some to Great Britain, but enemies to themselves. Now is the cri- tical season. They are like some raw, giddy youth, just emerging into the world, in a corrupt, degenerate age. A parent or a guardian is still necessary ; and if well managed, they will soon arrive at such maturity as to become obedient, dutiful children ; but if neglected long, the rod of chastisement will be so much longer necessary as to become too burthensome, and must be dropt with the colonies. They almost consider themselves a separate people from Great Britain al- ready.
Last month when I was attending the General Assembly, the Gov- ernor sent a written message to the Lower House, imparting his in- tention of a resignation at the next election, assigning for reasons, the fumes in the colony, and party spirit so high, and that bribery and corruption were so predominant, that neither life, liberty, nor property, were safe, &c., &c., &c. Now, Sir, whether the Govern- or's intention, as exhibited in this open, public declaration, was real, or feigned, to answer political purposes, it still evinces their decrepit state; the prostitution of Government, and melancholy situation of
·
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every good subject ; for it cannot be supposed by any candid inqusi- tor, that a declaration of that nature and form, would, if not true, have been delivered by a Governor to a whole Legislative body, in order to emancipate himself. If this truth is granted, and this allowed to be their unhappy situation, how much is it the duty of every good man, and what language is sufficient to paint in an effectual manner, this internal imbecility of an English Colony (in many other respects favorably situated for trade and commerce, one of the safest, largest, and most commodious harbors in all America, or perhaps in all Eu- rope, accessible in all seasons, situated in a fine climate, and abound- ing with fertile soil,) to the maternal bowels of compassion, in order that she may be seasonable, if she thinks it necessary to interpose, regulate, and wipe away their pernicious charter, rendered obnox- ious by the abuse of it.
I am afraid I have tired your patience with a subject that must give pain to every impartial friend to Great Britain and her colonies. When I took my pen, I only intended to communicate the outlines of such of my perplexities (without going so far into political matter,) as I thought would atone for, or excuse my long silence, and excite your compassion and advice.
Our friend Robinson has gone to Boston to join the Commissioners. My compliments to Col. Stewart. May I ask the favor of you both to come, and eat a Christmas dinner with me at Bachelor's-Hall, and celebrate the festivity of the season with me in Narragansett woods ? A covey of partridges, or bevy of quails, will be entertainment for the Colonel and me, while the pike and perch pond amuse you .- Should business or pre-engagements prevent me that pleasure, per- mit me to ask the favor of your earliest intelligence of the proceed- ings of Parliament; and your opinion whether our case is not so great as to excite your compassion and interposition, were it known. This narrative, with your knowledge of many of the facts, and of the disposition of the colonies in general, will refresh your memory, and enable you to form a judgment. Relief from home seems so te- dious, especially to us who have suffered so much, like to suffer more, and unacquainted with the reasons of the delay, that I am quite impatient.
Above twelve months ago, I received from three gentlemen in London (in trust for several others,) exemplified accounts for a bal-
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ance of above twenty-six thousand pounds sterling, mostly due from this Colony, not fifty pounds of which shall I ever be able to recover without compulsive measures, and what is still worse, my lawyer advises me from all thoughts of prosecution, unless a change of gov- ernment ensues. I am, therefore, obliged to send them his opinion (in justification of my own conduct,) in lieu of money ten years due. Poor satisfaction ! Our consolation must be in a British Parliament. Every other avenue is rendered impregnable by their subtlety and degeneracy, and we can no longer depend upon a people who are so unthankful for our indulgencies, and the lenity of the mother coun- try. I wish you the compliments of the approaching season, and a succession of many happy new years.
I am, Sir, with much regard,
Your most obedient servant,
G. ROME.
At the August session of the General Assembly, 1774, holden at Newport, a copy of the foregoing letter was read by the speaker (Metcalf Bowler, Esq.,) with those of Gov. Hutchinson, Dr Moffat, &c., after a short debate the further consideration thereof was post- poned to the next October session, and the Speaker directed to write to the Speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives for the original, which was accordingly done.
At the August Town Meeting in Providence, the people instructed their representatives to enquire into charges contained in said letter, of corruption and partiality against the Courts and the Legislative body ; to examine whether the fountain of justice in the Colony had been shut up, or the law withheld from any, and if so to remove from office those who had been instrumental therein. But if upon exami- nation it be found that the charges therein are false, groundless, and calculated to revile the administration of justice, then to exert them- selves by all constitutional means to bring the said G. Rome to an- swer for such scandalous aspersions, and vile abuse of this Govern- ment. Other towns passed similar instructions.
At the October session of the General Assembly, holden at South Kingstown, Mr. Rome was brought to the bar of the House on a war- rant on account of the aforesaid letter, sometime since returned from
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England, when the following questions were by order put to him, a copy of said letter being previously read in his presence :
Quest. Did you ever write a letter in substance and sense agree- ing, or nearly agreeing, with the copy of the letter you have row heard read, signed G. Rome ?
Ans. I do not think, upon the privilege of an Englishman, that the question is fairly stated, because I do not consider I am to be called here to accuse myself. When you, Mr. Speaker, are pleased to present to me any letter in my hand writing, I will most readily acknowledge the same, and grant the House all the satisfaction they are pleased to require, with the utmost candor and sincerity. As the question stands, I must protest against the same.
Quest. Will you, or will you not, make a direct answer to the question which has now been proposed to you ?
Ans. I have already made a direct answer by saying I cannot be legally called to the bar of the House to accuse myself.
These answers being by the House deemed evasive and a con- tempt, the said George Rome was committed to the common gaol of South Kingstown, where he remained till the House rose.
The gross charges of Mr. Rome of corruption and partiality against the Legislature, the Courts and Juries of the Colony, with the advice to annul the Charter, and create a Government more de- pendent on the Crown, produced an exasperation too powerful to be withstood ; and apprehending danger, soon after his release from prison, he fled on board of the Rose, man-of-war, then lying in the Narragansett Bay.
Previous to his departure, he with others conveyed their estates, but they were, nevertheless, siezed for the use of the Colony. The Legislature, at their October session, 1775, passed the following resolutions : " That the conduct of Gen. Hopkins in respect to taking possession in behalf of this Colony, of the estates of George Rome, Benjamin Brenton, the heirs of Andrew Oliver, dec'd, Jahleel Bren- ton, and Thomas Hutchinson, as persons inimical to the true interest of this Colony, be approved of, and that said estates be kept in pos- session of those persons appointed by the General Assembly in be- half of this Colony, and that they account to the Colony for the back and future rents and profits thereof."
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