USA > Rhode Island > Newport County > History of Newport County, Rhode Island. From the year 1638 to the year 1887, including the settlement of its towns, and their subsequent progress > Part 18
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But as yet Providence was not, like Aquidneck, a coherent settlement. Roger Williams had good reasons for wishing to keep clear of the eastern colonies, but there were a few among the associators of the town who had leaning toward a stronger civil authority and a closer alliance with the eastern colonies. Here was the field for Gorton's spirit of independence and con- troversy, and his companions are said to have " carried so in outrage and riotously as they were in danger to have cansed bloodshed." A few persons had attached themselves to Gorton and followed him up from Aquidneck, like himself after " fines, whipping and banishment." They abetted or were abetted in " riotous and insolent carriages" by certain of the townspeople of Providence who were opposed to that stronger government which was projected.
They had resisted the service of warrants, quarrelled on the streets with persons chosen to execute the same, and made a " tumultnons hubbub, " and " some few drops of blood were shed on either side." Here was occasion to draw in the Massa- chusetts authority. Immediately a number of the citizens wrote to the governor and assistants of the Massachusetts patent, inviting them "of gentle courtesy and for the preservation of humanity and manhood to consider our condition and lend us a neighbor like helping hand and send us such assistance our necessity urges ns to be troublesome unto you to help us to bring them to satisfaction and ease us of our burthen of them
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at your discretion." This petition begins " We the inhabitants" of Providence 17 November, 1641. There are thirteen signa- tures. That they were a weak minority or that they had other motives than appear in the petition, is not to be doubted. But Providence was not the place at which interference could be made with any show of decency, and Winthrop answered the petitioners that "except they did submit themselves to some jurisdiction, either Plymouth or ours (Massachusetts) we had no calling or warrant to interpose in their contentions; but if they were once subject to any then we had a calling to pro- tect them."
The hint was plain enough and soon availed of. In September, 1642, four of the townspeople of Providence, one of whom was a companion of Williams and all early settlers, two of whom had signed the petition of the previous year and a third the father of one of these signers, petitioned the general court of Massachusetts and were taken under its government and pro- tection. Benedict Arnold's name is given as having a company, for settlement probably, and William Arnold, his father, is ap- pointed "to keep the peace in their land," all of which points to an "imperium in imperio," a colony within the colony under the strong arm of Massachusetts. Winthrop says, "they were accepted under our government and protection partly to rescne the men from violence and partly to draw in the rest in these parts under ourselves or Plymouth who now lived under no government, but grew very offensive and the place was likely to be of use to us especially if we should have occasion of sending out against any Indians of Narragansett and like- wise an outlet into the Narragansett Bay; and seeing it came without our seeking and would be no charge to us we thought it not wisdom to let it slip."
Benedict Arnold was an Indian trader and their factor in the Massachusetts bay. The settlement which his father, William Arnold, was appointed to govern was at Pawtuxet where some of the party had already built houses in which they resided at their pleasure, having also lands and houses in Providence. Before this submission of Arnold to Massachusetts the settlers had occupied the land in common for grazing cattle, except snel portions as each fenced in for building honses and planting their corn. This freedom was now restricted, to which Gorton and his friends objecting and making opposition, Arnold com-
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plained to Massachusetts and in reply Governor Winthrop and his assistants notified their "neighbors of Providence" that whereas they had "gone about to deprive them (Arnold of Pawtuxet and others) of their lawful interest, that they and their lands" were under Massachusetts jurisdiction and would be maintained in their lawful rights, and that if there were dispute Providence might proceed against them in the Massa- chusetts court. This warrant was issued on the 28thi of Oc- tober, 1642.
Aware of the probable result of any such appeal, Gorton and his party resolved to make a settlement where there could be no dispute about jurisdiction in the acknowledged territory of the Narragansetts, and in the January following (1642) pur- chased for a consideration of one hundred and forty fathom of wampum from Miantonomi, chief sachem of the Narragansetts, the tract of land on Showhomett bay, known as Showhomett river, the deed being witnessed by Pumham, the local sachem of Showhomett. [Twelve fathom of wampumpeage from each one of the twelve purchasers, such was Miantonomi's price. ] Before leaving, however, Gorton's party, twelve in number, sent an elaborate theologo-polemic answer from Mooskawset (Gorton's plantation on the stream of that name near Pawtnxet), November 20th, 1642, to the Massachusetts warrant. This curious document is one of the queerest of the droll compound of politics and religion which was the staple public and private literature of the day: the Massachusetts court and church are arraigned before men and heaven; the Gortonists are as Moses and the Jews before Pharaoh; Brother Winthrop is another Pontius Pilate; and numberless of the recondite names of scrip- ture are dragged into service in this rambling complaint. Anathema Maranatha is the measure of their censure on "those in estate who had fallen away from the grace of God as their fathers had done before them." This letter, purposely sent to Boston at the time when the general court was sitting, was sub- mitted to an assembly of the ministers who, after much study and careful analysis, found in it twenty-six blasphemous par- ticulars and denounced the authors to their congregations as "worse than the barbarous Indians;" but the court did nothing until after they heard of Miantonomi's deed in the following Jannary.
In this deed it will be observed Miantonomi expressly styled
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himself sachem of the "Showomett." Absolute in power and anthority, the prince of the Narragansetts cared little whether his action was not pleasing to Pumham whom, as his inferior sachem, he could remove and restore at his pleasure by Indian Jaw and practice. But the sachems of Shawomet had acknowl- edged a degree of subjection to Massasoit. It is probable also that Pumham was loath to leave his beloved Neck. Taking advantage of this disposition of Pumham, perhaps himself exciting it, Benedict Arnold, early in the year 1643, took Pumham and Sacconoco, sachem of Pawtuxet, to Boston, where Pumham complained to the general court that he had signed the deed through fear of his superior sachem and had received no part of the wampum. Miantonomi and Gorton were sum- moned to appear. The nature of the tribal dependence Miantonomi did not or would not explain to their satisfaction. It was the interest of the court to break np these ties of alle- giance. In June Pumham and Sacconoco again went up to Boston and signed articles of submission.
Miantonomo no doubt made the sale in his straights for money for the summer campaign against the Mohegans. In September the unfortunate chief met his death, murdered by the advice of the Massachussetts elders. In this month also, the great offender being out of the way, the Massachusetts court summoned Gorton and his party to answer before them the complaints of their new subjects, Pumham and Sacconoco, to which Gorton replied that he and his companions were far out of their jurisdiction and could not and would not acknowl- edge subjection nnto any but only the state and government of old England. Upon which the general court immediately sent word that they would shortly send commissioners with a suf- ficient guard to receive satisfaction else they would right them- selves by force of arms.
Ilearing a few days later that an officer with a company of soldiers was on his way, the Gorton party sent a message to the commissioners warning them on their peril not to set foot on their lands in a hostile way. They received an answer which left no doubt of the intention of the commissioners to look upon those who did not submit "as men prepared for slanghter." The troops followed close at hand, accompanied by a number of Providence people : the Gorton party offered to submit to arbi- tration and a truce was agreed on until the Massachusetts au-
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thorities might be heard from, during which the soldiers be- haved roughly. Governor Winthrop replied that besides the title of land in dispute there were twelve of the Gorton con- pany " who had subscribed their names to horrible and detest- able blasphemies against God and all magistracy," and in- formed them that those who came up under conduct of the commissioners should suffer no violence but come they must.
As soon as the messengers came back the soldiers run in the cattle, and the Gorton people entrenching themselves, the troops opened fire upon them. The Gorton company did not return their fire and "finally consented to go down into the Massa- chusetts upon composition," whereupon they were led away prisoners, their cattle and swine were taken, and their houses left to the Massachusetts Indians to pillage. On the seventy miles march to Boston the commissioners had public prayers in the streets of the towns, at Dorchester Cotton and Mather tak- ing a hand in the pæans of triumph ; and so on to the door of the house of Governor Winthrop, who came out and blessed the troops, after which the prisoners were led to the common jail and held without bail until the court sat. They were then re- quired to make answer to four questions on abstruse points of doctrine to which, though they protested against the jurisdic- tion, Gorton was only too happy to reply. He made answer in writing and at the governor's orders signed his reply.
No fault could be found with the doctrine, but nevertheless votes were taken as to whether they should be punished by death and they escaped by a majority of two ; they were, how- ever, imprisoned, Gorton being sentenced to be set at work in irons in Charlestown ; and so he and his companions lingered the entire winter season, Gorton improving the opportunity to address a stiff religions doenment to the elders of the Charles- town church. Meanwhile the secrecy in which these proceed- ings were conducted was gradually broken and the people of the towns, who seem to have had more Christianity and more com- mon sense than their ministers and magistrates, because dissat- isfied with such a summary outrage. A general court was called and the prisoners were ordered to be banished, not only from the jurisdiction of Massachusetts but from Providence and the lands of Pumham and Sacconoco which they were com- manded to leave within fourteen days on pain of death.
Gorton declined to have his bolts taken off on these terms, but
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the magistrate ordered the smith to file them off and left him to go, or stay at his peril. The Boston people showing joy in their release, the governor ordered them out of the town before noon. They left at once withont providing for their journey and made their way to Shawomet to their own home. There considering the terms of their banishment and finding that their Shawomet land was not expressly mentioned as a forbidden refuge, they addressed a letter to the Massachusetts court asking if it were so included, and at the same time informing them that Massa- chusetts never had jurisdiction over the lands of Pumham and Sacconoco and of their own determination " to wage law with them and try to the uttermost what right or interest they could show to lay claim either to their land or their lives ; " to which bold threat Winthrop curtly answered that Shawomet was in- cluded in the terms of banishment and they must not come there under peril of their lives.
They then left their homes and went to Rhode Island. Their return greatly astonished the Narragansetts and gave them, ac- cording to Gorton's account, an exalted idea of their power. The Indians imagined, as they had heard of a great war in Eng- land, that there were two great parties there : the Wattacon- oges, as they called the English in their language, and the Gor- ton-oges. Whereupon the chief sachems, old Canoniens and Pessicus, who was first in anthority, sent over for them. Six or seven, including Gorton, answered the invitation and crossed the bay to Conanicut island where they were met by an armed band and escorted to the house of Canoniens, where they were courteously entertained, and then conducted to the house of Pessions, where they had a conference with the sachems and counsellors of the tribe ; the result of which was the determi- nation of the Narragansetts in a general assembly of the tribe to become subjects to the state and government of Old England ; Gorton and three others being appointed their commissioners and attorneys to convey this solemn act and deed of subjection to the king. This document is dated April 19th, 1644. On the 24th of May, Gorton of course being still their adviser, the sachems answered an invitation of the Massachusetts court, de- clining to go down to attend them and giving notice of their subjection to the king.
Thus adroitly did Gorton transfer the contest for sovereignty to England, but indissolnbly associated the title of himself and
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of his companions to the Shawomet lands with that of the native sachems from whom it was derived. In June the men of Shawomet in their turn gave formal notice of these proceed- ings to the general court and with it some valuable information and some seasonable advice. Meanwhile they lived in Rhode Island or Aquidneck, hiring houses and planting until the re- ceipt of the charter of Providence Plantations, which covered the disputed territory.
Failing in these attempts to overawe the settlers, the Massa- chusetts Bay and Plymouth governments raised a force to punish the Narragansetts for making war upon the Mohegans in revenge for the death of their prince, and were only dissuaded by the intercession of Williams and the probable fear of a general Indian rising. They then determined to ruin the Narra- gansetts in another manner and imposed on them a tribute of five hundred pounds, in default of which they were to surrender their territory. The Massachusetts government concluded to issue warrants against any occupation of the Shawomet lands. Gorton and his companions sailed from New York in April, 1644, with the submission of the Narragansetts and the appeal of the Shawomet settlers to the commissioners of foreign plan- tations in England against the intrusion and violent seizure of their lands by Massachusetts. The board of commissioners of foreign plantations had been established by parliament in 1643, and the earl of Warwick appointed governor-in-chief of all plantations in America. The decision of the board July, 1647, though not conclusive, for the controversy continued thirty-five years, was peremptory as to the rights of the Shawomet settlers to live upon their lands in peace.
In 1648 Gorton, satisfied that Winslow, the Massachusetts agent, could not work any harm, returned to New England and boldly landed at Boston, where the court ordered his arrest, but a letter from the earl of Warwick proved his safeguard. So angry were the authorities that only the casting vote of the governor enabled him to pass safely to Rhode Island. The settlers of Shawomet had not attempted any town incorporation before the colony charter of March, 1644. Their first act was on the Sth of Angust, 1647, when they chose a town council under the order of the general assembly. They had taken the name of Warwick in honor of the earl, president of the board of plantations, to whom they
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owed their restoration to their rights. In May, 1647, it was agreed in general assembly of the colony that Warwick should have the same rights as Providence.
In 1651, during the time of the dissensions of the island and the commission of Coddington, Gorton was chosen president of the towns of Providence and Warwick. The whole subject of the disputed territory came up again with renewed vigor on the arrival of the three royal commissioners to settle the disputes and bounds of the colonies. Cartwright, on the eve of his return to England in 1665, wrote to Gorton a letter as caustic in tone as it was true in tenor. " These gentlemen of Boston," said he, "would make us believe that they really think that the king has given them so much power in their charter to do nnjustly that he reserved none for himself to call them to ac- count for doing so. In that they refuse to let us hear com- plaints against them so that at present we can do nothing in your behalf. But I hope shortly to go to England when if God bless me thither I shall truly represent your sufferings and your loyalty."
Gorton died at the close of 1677. On what day is not pre- cisely known nor is it known where he was buried. The town of Warwick and the integrity of the soil of Rhode Island are his sufficient monument. His foresight in the submission to the crown of the Narragansett sachems, which was the origin of Kings Province and which maintained the antonomy of the Narragansett territory until it, by the natural order of things, fell under the authority of the Rhode Island colony, was an act of state policy of the highest order. Were his grave but known every Rhode Islander should drop upon it a stone as their tribute for the freedom they enjoy.
CHAPTER IV.
INDIAN RELATIONS.
BY JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS.
The Narragansett', Indians .- Pequot" War .- New England Confederation. --
- King Philip's War .- Canonicus. - Miantonomi .- Pessicus. - Canonchet .- Pumham .- Ninegret .- Massasoit .- Wamsutta .- End of the Narragansetts.
T T is estimated by the highest authority on this difficult sub- ject that at the time of the English settlement the region of country now known as New England was inhabited by about thirty-six thousand Indians of whom one-third were warriors. They were most numerous on the coast, about the shores of the bays and the mouths of the great rivers, where the abundance of fish assured them an unfailing supply of food. Of the several tribes who took their names from these bays or rivers the Narragansetts were the largest and most powerful. There is a tradition, accepted by historians, that three or four years before the landing of the Pilgrims a "devouring sickness" had raged from Narragansett to the Penobscot, which wasted the Indians to such an extent that the " living sufficed not to bury the dead." whose bones covered the ground in many places. This desolation, which prevailed mostly to the east- ward, did not diminish but rather increased the numbers of the Narragansetts, many flying from the plague in other quarters to this less afflicted territory. They were reckoned at this time at five thousand fighting men-the usual Indian method of computing population.
The Narragansetts, in common with their neighbors, are sup- posed to be a branch of the Delawares, and their language, a variety of the speech of that great race, was spoken over a region of country extending north and south from the Bay seat of empire about six hundred miles. They were erect in stature,
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with well knit frames, athletic limbs, high cheek bones, hazel eyes, straight black hair and of light copper colored com- plexion. They painted their faces in peace and war and in times of mourning: their decoration varying with the emotions they sought to portray. Terrible in war and versed in savage wiles, they were just in their dealings, punctual to their engage- ments, faithful in their friendships. They were monogamous although polygamy was not forbidden. They lived in wigwams adapted to the changes of climate. They were deft in the manu- facture of earthenware, and were moreover the principal makers of wampumpeage of both kinds, the white of the periwinkle and the black of the quohoa or hard shell clam, which together were the sole currency of the Indians over a vast surface of country, as also among the English, French and Dutch traders in North America.
Their population was so close that in a travel of twenty miles one could meet a dozen of their towns. They were not only thrifty, but rich in the accumulation of comfort. While they probably did not carry agriculture as far as it was understood by the Mohawks, they were better versed in manufactures of their rude kind. and had some notion of trade before the arrival of the English. The rule of their hereditary sachems was patri- archal rather than autocratic, and their sway was undisputed from the Pawcatnek to the Merrimac. Unlike the Mohawks they had no fortified places or palisaded enclosures: only their council house, fifty feet in diameter at the base of the gathered tent poles, differed from the wigwams in its greater size. Their neighbors, the Wampanoags on the north and east and the Massachusetts beyond, the Nianties and Nipmucks to the north and west, the Indians of Aquidneck and Block Island and the Montauks at the eastern end of Long Island, all paid them tribute. To the westward their proper domain reached to the river Pawcatnek where they were confronted and defied by the fierce Pequots, their hereditary foes, whose seat of power was at the mouth of the river which bore their name.
Precisely at what time the Narragansetts came into this region is not known. Roger Williams, asking as to the origin of the title Narragansett. was told that it was the name of "a little island between Puttisqumscutt and Mus- qnomaeuk on the sea and fresh water side." He went to see it and "about the place called Sugar Loaf hill, saw it
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and was within a pole of it but could not learn why it was called Nahiganset." Sugar Loaf hill is on the mainland near what is now South Kingstown. Petaquamscott was the name of a large rock near Tower hill. He was also told that " Canoni- eus' father and ancestors living in those Southern parts trans- ferred and brought their anthority and name into those Northern parts all along by the Sea Side as appears by the great destruction of wood all along near the Sea Side." By those "Southern parts" no doubt is meant the territory lying east of the Pawcatuck river which, at the height of their power, was the western border of the Narragansett kingdom. That the islands in the bay were conquered not long before Williams' arrival appears from a passage in the original deed of Aquidneck, by which "Canonicus and Mian- tonomi, the two chief Sachems of the Nahigannsitts (convey) by virtue of their general command of the bay as also the par- ticular Subjickgs of the dead Sachems of Acquednecke and Kitackmuckquett, the great island of Acquedneck lying from hence eastward in this bay." This strengthens, though it hardly establishes, the tradition which points out a spot on the island where a great battle ocenrred in which the earlier Indian inhabitants were overcome; this is a field in Middletown which abuts on the southwest on Southwick's Grove. Arrow heads have been repeatedly found here. The field is between the east and west roads about two miles out from Newport limits. The deed clearly shows, however, that the island of Conanicut, whence it issued, was the residence of the chief sachems and the seat of their government.
Hutchinson relates a tradition as to the warlike ancestor under whom the Narragansett tribe became a nation: "In the early times of this nation some of the English inhabitants learned from the old Indians that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem Tashtassuck. Tashtassuck had but two children, a son and a daughter; those he joined in marriage because he could find none worthy of them out of his family. The product of this marriage were four sons, of whom Canonicus was the eldest."
At the period when the Narragansetts first appear in colonial history their sachems were Canonicus, son of the chief who first extended his sway over the northern and eastern regions, al- ready advanced in years, and governing with him under his
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council, as " marshall and executioner," to use the quaint and meaning phrase of Roger Williams, Miantonomi, son of his youngest brother. Under their joint rule, wise and firm, the Narragansetts were prosperous and happy when the news reached them of the landing of the strange race at the eastward and the wonders brought with them: the useful implements of peace, the terrible weapons of war and the new domestic ani- mals. Disquieted, no doubt alarmed, at the continual arrival of the emigrant ships, they sent to the new comers a bundle of arrows tied with a snake skin in battle challenge. The wage was not accepted by the sage Pilgrims, nor was it necessary, for between the two there sprung up a third power whose strength was in their enmity and whose immediate interest was in peace.
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