USA > South Carolina > Documentary history of the American revolution: consisting of letters and papers relating to the contest for liberty, chiefly in South Carolina, from originals in the possession of the editor, and other sources, V.2 > Part 8
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Resolved. That the brigade-majors be appointed as heretofore by the commander-in-chief, or commander in a separate department, out of the captains in the brigade to which he shall be appointed.
That the brigade quarter-master be appointed by the quarter-master general out of the captains or subalterns in the brigade to which he shall be appointed.
* In addition to their pay as officers of the line.
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Resolved, That two aide-de-camps be allowed to each major-general. who shall, for the future, appoint them out of the captains or subal- terns.
Resolved, That in addition to their pay as officers of the line, there be allowed to an aid-de-camp, $24; brigade-major, $24 per month; brigade quarter-master, 815 per month.
Resolved, That when any of the staff-officers appointed from the line are promoted above the ranks in the line, out of which they are respec- tively appointable, their staff appointment shall be vacated. The pre- sent aid-de-camp and brigade-majors to receive their present pay and rations.
Resolved, That aid-de-camps, brigade-majors and brigade quarter- masters, heretofore appointed from the line, shall hold their present ranks, and be admissible into the line again in the same rank they held when taken from the line; provided, that no aides-de-camp, brigade- majors, or brigade quarter-master, shall have the command of any officer who commanded him while in the line.
Resolved, That whenever the adjutant-general shall be appointed from the line, he may continue to hold his rank and commission in the line.
Resolved, That when supernumerary lieutenants are continued under this arrangement of the battalions, who are to do the duty of ensigns, they shall hold their rank, and receive the pay such rank entitles them to receive.
Resolved, That no more colonels be appointed in the infantry; but where any such commission is, or shall become vacant, the battalion shall be commanded by a lieut .- colonel, who shall be allowed the same pay as is now granted to a colonel of infantry, and shall rise in promo- tion from that to the rank of brigadier, and such battalion shall have only two field-officers, viz .: a lieut .- colonel and major, but it shall have an additional captain.
May 2, 1778.
Resolved, That no persons hereafter appointed upon the civil staff of the army shall hold, or be entitled to, any rank in the army, by virtue of such staff appointment.
June 2d, 1778.
Resolved, That the officers hereinafter mentioned be entitled to draw one ration a day, and no more; that where they shall not draw such rations they shall not be allowed any compensation in lieu thereof: and
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to the end that they may be enabled to live in a manner becoming their. stations.
Resolved, That the following sums be paid to them monthly, for their subsistence, viz. :- To every colonel, $50 ; to every lieut .- colonel, $40; to every major, $30; to every captain, $20; to every lieutenant and ensign, $10; to every regimental surgeon, 830; to every regimen- tal surgeon's mate, 810; to every chaplain of brigade, $50.
Resolved, That subsistence money be allowed to officers and others on the staff, in lieu of extra rations, and that henceforward none of them be allowed to draw more than one ration a day.
Ordered, That the committee of arrangement be directed to report to Congress, as soon as possible, such an allowance as they shall think . adequate to the station of the respective offices, and persons employed in the staff.
Extract of the minutes.
CHAS, THOMPSON, Sec.
EAST FLORIDA.
The following intelligence and letter were brought from St. Augus- tine by a Georgia gentleman who had been detained at St. Augustine for some time. The President laid them before the Council March 11, 1777, and also the Proclamation of Tonyn's, dated Feb. 10, 1777 :
.
ST. AUGUSTINE, February 20, 1777.
SIR :- A sense of duty and humanity for the people at large, induces me to transmit to you the enclosed Proclamation and intelligence for their information. and I doubt not in justice to them, you will make as public as possible.
I am, sir, your most obedient and humble servant,
PAT. TONYN.
JOHN RUTLEDGE, EsQ.
His excellency the Governor having received the following intelli- gence desires the same may be made public.
NEW YORK, December 19, 1776.
Since the success of his Majesty's forces on Long Island, Gen. Howe has made very considerable progress, and has never yet met with a check, the rebels make no stand; their strong posts at and near King's
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Bridge were relinquished the moment they were attacked. Fort Wash- ington, which they deemed impregnable, surrendered with all its stores, cannon, &c., and above 2,500 prisoners, among whom were some of their best troops, if any of them with propriety can be called good.
A detachment of the army under Lord Cornwallis after the surren- der of Fort Washington crossed the Hudson River and easily took pos- session of Forts Lee and Constitution, which are situated directly oppo- site to Fort Washington, the garrison retreating with usual precipitation, and Gen. Washington, collecting as well as he could such of his scattered forces as were in the Jerseys, took post at Brunswick, from whence, however, he retreated on the approach of Lord Cornwallis, and was soon after forced through that Province, and over the Delaware. Philadel- phia had not any security left, but the passage of this river, which, from the want of boats, was found impracticable, and the season too far ad- vanced to construct other means of crossing it.
It is computed that the rebels have lost about 25.000 men in the course of this campaign. The success of his Majesty's arms induced their Excellencies the Commissioners, in order to spare the effusion of more blood, to publish their proclamation of the 30th of November, of which a considerable number in the provinces of New York, Pennsyl- vania, Connecticut, Rhode Island and the Jerseys, have already availed themselves, and many others of real property, are making this sub- mission.
NEW YORK, Jan. 14, 1777.
The king's troops were lodged in cantonment about the middle of December. The enemy getting once more in force, took advantage of this situation, and met with some success against three Hessian bat- talions at Trenton, who withdrew from that post with the loss of between 400 and 500 men.
A very considerable number of prisoners have fallen into our hands during the campaign-among others, Gen. Lee. Col. Harcourt, with a small party of light dragoons, surprised him and his party, and brought him off.
Lieut .- Gen. Clinton was detached with a corps the beginning of December to Rhode Island, and took possession of that important place on the 8th of the said month, without the least resistance. Every thing is quiet here, and the harbor well blocked up, to prevent any of the rebel vessels escaping.
Sir Guy Castleton has driven the rebels entirely out of Canada, con- structed a naval force on Lake Champlain, with which he totally de-
DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF
stroyed that of the enemy, and proceeded with his army to Crown Point; but the season being too far advanced, he retired to winter quar- ters in Canada.
By command of his Excellency, (Signed) DAVID YEATS, Sec.
LETTER TO THE CONVENTION OF GEORGIA.
[Original MS.]
SAVANNAH, January 22, 1777.
SIR :
By the Legislature of South Carolina, we are appointed Commissioners to make to the Convention of this State a proposition relative to the common welfare of the two States. Through you, sir, we beg to have this notified to the Convention, and that we request to be honored with an audience to-morrow, at any time they shall be pleased to appoint.
We are, sir, your most humble servants,
W. H. DRAYTON. JOHN SMITH.
To NOBLE WIMBERLY JONES, Speaker.
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REPLY.
[Original MS.]
SAVANNAH, January 22, 1777.
GENTLEMEN :
I laid your letter this afternoon before our Convention, who, after considering the same, directed me to inform you, that they will be ready to receive you on to-morrow morning, 10 o'clock.
I am, gentlemen, your obedient and very humble servant,
W. JONES, Speaker.
The Hon. WM. HENRY DRAYTON and JOHN SMITH, Esq.
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W. H. DRAYTON TO COL. BULL.
[Original MS.]
February 8, 1777.
DEAR COUSIN :
I am sorry to find that you have not yet heard anything from our uncle, respecting his ideas upon his situation at the present crisis, and this induces me to trouble you with this letter.
You will know to what a low ebb our affairs were reduced at the Northward; and that it is the received opinion that they were so re- duced by the underhand management of persons on the other side of the question, from principle, or hopes of regaining their offices. In short, our moderation to such persons almost ruined our cause. You know, also, the inclination of our public, to expel such persons from among us, and the difficulty of any discrimination of persons, lest while every man endeavored to save his friend, the measure itself be defeated.
At length, driven thereto by recent danger, we have brought in an ordinance for the banishment of crown officers and suspected persons, upon a contingency therein expressed. Only five persons in the Gene- ral Assembly appeared against it. You were not present in the debate, and I will, therefore, tell you what I said introductory to my support of the ordinance. My situation was truly disagreeable. I spoke but once, the last in the debate; and, considering the lead I have taken hitherto, it would have been justly and injuriously remarked, if on such a question I had been absent or silent. The conclusion of my last charge to the grand jury must have condemned me. I arose deeply impressed with a feeling I had never before experienced, and having observed that I was more tenderly interested in the debate than any man in the room, I lamented that the time was come when the public welfare called upon us to adopt measures that might effect the tran- quility of our nearest relations ; that I was sensible the present measure might effect, in its operation, a gentlemen to whom I was nearly related by blood-to whom I owe the greatest obligations, and to whom I bore the most respectful affection; that I was fully aware my appearing in support of such a measure would open the mouth of calumny to re- proach me as an ingrate-a man void of natural affection. That it was out of my power to avoid reproach; but that as it was my inclination and duty, so it was in my power to avoid giving just occasion for cen- sure. That there were various duties, public and private, each rising
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in gradation; that it was a first principle in society, that our duty to our country was the first of the social duties; that America had engaged in the present war upon this principle, and that our independence was to be supported only by carrying that principle into practice. In short, that in this particular case, as in all others, I firmly trusted that my conduct was, and would be, a sufficient refutation of every calumny. I then proceeded to support the ordinance, which I held to be abso- lutely necessary.
Having in this manner supported the 'uniform vigor of my public conduct. to find a flaw in which my private enemies have always sought, and having thus discharged my duty to the public, I lost no time, you know, to discharge my duty to our respected relation. I sought you through the town, told you what had happened, and laid down the only means by which, in my opinion, our uncle could with credit preserve his tranquility. Many weeks ago I informed him such an event was to be expected, and I have never mentioned this conversation to any person but yourself. Let us consider what our uncle may do.
We know his situation. His good sense and integrity stand con- fessed. I will not determine upon his opinion respecting the present controversy. But, without any imputation, he may resign to the King of Great Britain, by a letter containing some such representation as the following. We will send the letter to Congress, and they, by a flag of truce, will send it to Lord Howe to be forwarded,
His infirmities of body, his advanced age, and the calamities of his country, which he can neither remedy nor alleviate by a continuance in office, impel him to resign a commission which he had accepted and hitherto held, only because it enabled him to serve his country. That his laborious services under the crown, from his early youth, entitled him to a retirement from public business in his advanced age; and that his infirmity of body, distress of mind and age, demanded a release from labor.
Is there an idea in that representation inconsistent with fact, or in- jurious to his character? Can such sentiments and corresponding con- duct endanger him under the crown, or give offence to posterity ? No ! But even such sentiments will satisfy his countrymen and cotemporaries. How really fortunate, therefore, is his situation, who at such a time as the present can procure not only safety but tranquility, on both sides, by a conduct satisfactory to his countrymen, without incurring blame in the eyes of posterity !
I am persuaded no man has our uncle's tranquility, welfare and honor, more at heart than you have, and I am satisfied you do not, on
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these points, think amiss of me. I am also convinced that upon the subjeer of this letter no person can discourse to him so freely as your_ self. His situation is perilous with respect to his tranquility, and no time ought to be lost, or importunity omitted, in representing such a conduct, and pressing him to adopt it, as may ensure his tranquility.
If he resigns, let his letter be by you delivered open to the Presi- dent, who will seal and forward it to Congress. The letter ought to be dated before Wednesday next. These things done, he will not be interrupted in his retirement. If there shall be occasion for your pro- ducing the letter, I shall ask you for it on Wednesday. If I do not then ask you for it, you may return it back, observing a profound silence to me and to every other person upon the subject, whether you erer received such a letter or not. For while by importunity I am inclined to do a violence to his judgment to preserve his tranquility, I am unwilling that he should unnecessarily do any thing against his free inclination. Adieu.
WM. H. DRAYTON.
PROPOSED UNION BETWEEN SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.
[Original MS.]
SNOW HILL, S. C., June 8, 1777.
SIR : In compliance with your request, I do myself the pleasure of committing to paper some of the principal circumstances and arguments relative to the late proposition of an union between South Carolina and Georgia.
By our General Assembly, which is a pretty numerous body, it was unanimously resolved, that an union between the two States would tend effectually to promote their strength, wealth and dignity, and to secure their liberty, independence and safety. Commissioners were sent to Savannah to treat of an union, and I was honored by being sent upon this business.
Immediately after I arrived in Savannah, I found that every gentle- nian in public office, with whom I conversed, was strongly against an union. However, I had the pleasure to find some gentlemen of fortune, though not in office or convention, who heartily approved the measure.
DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF
The convention was adjourned when I arrived, the beginning of Janu- ary last, but upon their meeting, I notified that I had important mat- ters to lay before them as commissioner from South Carolina. I then was assured and I gave full credit to it, that I should fail in my appli- cation, but I proceeded in the discharge of my duty.
Being admitted to an audience in convention, after a short introduc- tion of what I had to say, I stated that chance had originally placed the present districts of South Carolina and Georgia under one government at Charles Town ; and although these districts, then forming but one. had been separated and placed under two governments, yet nature pointed out that the two should again form but one; for their climate, soil, productions and interests were the same. That if they continued two States, we had only to recollect the history of mankind, and the na- ture of things to foresee that from such causes their counsels and con- duct would clash ; and, of course, jealousies, and rivalship would daily increase between them, to the natural prejudice of their internal im- provement, common production and foreign commerce. That there might be dangerous disputes about boundaries and the property of the Savannah River; since on these subjects many people in Carolina and Georgia thought very differently; a natural and great obstruction to the rise of the value of property. But that on the other hand, by an union, all such jealousies, rivalship, prejudice, danger and obstruction would be removed. Improvements of every kind, especially in agricul- ture, inland navigation and foreign commerce would be studied and ad- vanced with rapidity. The expenses of Government would be lessened, to the great ease of the people, because only one establishment of civil officers would be paid in the room of two. The public defence would be more powerful, and at a less expense under one Government than under two, which might be jealous of, and therefore often desirous to thwart each other, and at any rate certainly liable undesignedly to defeat each others plans, to the ruin of the people concerned. And thus, sir, you see many important advantages that would be common to the two States by an union. But there are others which would be peculiar to Georgia.
By an union, the land in Georgia would rise in value, because the Carolina planters would be encouraged to extend their improvements into Georgia, and the merchants carry that trade immediately to Geor- gia, which otherwise must continue to be carried on as it always has been, and especially of late, through Carolina. The Georgia currency, always hitherto of inferior value to that of Carolina, (some more than
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"0 per cent.,) would be put upon an equal footing with that of South Carolina. The town of Savannah, in particular, and the adjacent lauds, would be of much more importance and value, because Savannah river would be immediately cleared, a measure that would encourage and occasion an immense increase of agriculture upon all the land within reach of its navigation, and hence an amazing increase of pro- duce and river navigation, all of which would centre in Savannah. Thus, in a state of separation from South Carolina, Savannah could reasonably expect, and that but by slow degrees, and at a distant day, only the one-half of the produce of a well-improved cultivation of the hands on that river, but by an union, she would in a very short time receive the whole of that improved cultivation and trade; and her own commerce would be increased almost beyond imagination, although she would lose the seat of Government. Finally, I may add, that in a state of separation in all probability Savannah will be ruined, because it will be our interest to preserve our trade to our own people. A town will rise on the Carolina side of Savannah river, which will be sure to preserve our half of the trade of that river, and by being wisely sup- ported, it may draw to it the other half, also; and let it not be said, we cannot find a situation for a town, because it ought to be remem- bered, that history is full of instances of towns having been built and made to flourish, in situations that had been deemed impracticable for such purposes. Rivers and lands make wealthy towns, for these are natural causes; the presence and expenses of a few officers of Govern- ment are but as drops of water in the ocean; these go but a little way towards filling a Government post with loaded ships. The principal material for the building of such towns are policy and opulence. I thank God Carolina is known not to be in want of either.
In short, sir, it was in vain I declared that Georgia should not be liable to pay a shilling of the public debts of South Carolina; that we would not be unwilling even to aid Georgia in the discharge of her own; that we would condition against the taking up of great tracts of land south of Savannah river; and that we were desirous of granting in the treaty of union, whatever they could reasonably ask for in case of an union. It would be the duty and interest of the inhabitants north of Savannah river, to promote the prosperity of those south of is equally the same, as it was the duty and interest of the people of Georgin north of Ogeechee, to aid those south of that river. Upon the whole, that we sought to promote the general welfare, and that we knew such an end would not be obtained but by an union having jus- tice and equity for its basis.
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Having discoursed upon such topics about an hour, I delivered a written proposition as a ground-work to proceed upon, and then de- parted. The Convention then determined (as it was said) to consider the subject the next day; and in the meantime, in the evening, I re- paired to Dr. Jones, their speaker, and informed him, that as the public body of Georgia had heard at large the Carolina reasonings upon the expediency of the union, I thought it equitable that the representatives of Carolina should also hear at large the Georgia reasonings upon the same subject, in order that if objections were made, they might, by knowing, have an opportunity of endeavoring to obviate them -- and I desired he would in the morning take the sense of the Convention on this subject. He did so, and informed me that I was not to be ad- mitted as a public person to hear their reasonings. Thus, while 1 found they had shut my mouth, I was made sensible that they thought their objections would appear to be more weighty by being secured against the possibility of a reply. And so Mr. Button Gwinnett ap- peared as the champion against me, when he had taken care to deprive me of an opportunity of exposing the fallacy of his arguments.
However, I took notes of his principal answers to what [ had said; and in an hour after. in presence of an officer of high military rank, and of three or four members of the Convention, I produced those notes, and asked if they were just ; and they agreed with me that what he had said, was either gross misrepresentations of what I had advanced, or no answer to my arguments. In the afternoon the Convention de- livered to me a paper containing their rejection of the proffered union, founded, as I apprehend, upon a reason which does not exist in nature. For, they declared, they could not treat of an union, because of such a particular article (which they specified) i., is they said, the Confedera- tion of the United States, to which they had acceded. A Confedera- tion, sir, which I do assure you never existed as a public Act of the General Congress, binding upon the States; but which, nevertheless, the Convention were taught to receive as a public Act of Congress, and to consider as such. The Convention were certainly innocent, but some individual is culpable. I received the paper, and in silence quitted the room.
I am, sir, your most humble servant,
W. H. DRAYTON.
HUMPHREY WELLS, Esq., near Augusta, Ga.
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FORM OF THE REMONSTRANCE AND PETITION OF THE INHAB- ITANTS OF IN THE STATE OF GEORGIA.
[Original MIS.]
To the Honorable the
of Georgia :
HUMBLY SHEWETH : That, whereas it is the undoubted right of the people to remonstrate to their representatives against such public mea- sures done or pursued, as may be thought by the people to be prejudi- cial to the publi : interest ; and to petition for such measures as may be thought likely to promote their welfare, so, at this juncture, we respect- fully desire your attention to this our remonstrance and petition.
It is with the deepest concern that we have beheld the progress of public measures in this State ; because those measures have progressed without placing the government upon a respectable footing, or the con- ducting of it into hands in which we can confide; for, while South Car- olina, long since has enjoyed the blessings of regular government lodged in the most respectable hands in the State ; her ports, by the wisdom of her administration, filled with shipping; her manufactures encouraged and increased ; her people supplied with foreign goods even directly from Europe, and vent provided for almost the whole of her produce ; Georgia having had as much time as South Carolina, and better opportunity, seeing our attention has never been called off to defend our government against civil insurrections, to have procured, yet possesses no such ad- vantages ; ever has been and is distracted by dissentions among those in authority ; and is in a manner destitute of trade and commerce.
We have seen Continental money sent hither for Continental pur- poses, particularly for the payment of the troops, diverted from such services and withheld after repeated applications from General McIntosh for payment of the troops, even while the enemy attacked our Southern frontier in January last ; whereby the troops, having great arrears due, were wantonly made dissatisfied and driven to a disobedience of orders, and to desertion, to the great prejudice of the service and the danger of the State.
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