USA > South Carolina > Documentary history of the American revolution: consisting of letters and papers relating to the contest for liberty, chiefly in South Carolina, from originals in the possession of the editor, and other sources, V.2 > Part 9
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We have seen the public treasure squandered by the passing by a bare majority. in a thin convention, extravagant and unjust accounts for public services and pretended services ; to the great encouragement of even bare-faced frauds and impositions upoif the public.
We are alarmed with well-authenticated informations, that no less a sum than about £7,000 sterling of public money, has been misapplied ; 6
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for which, no account can be given; and about which, as far as we can learn, no proper inquiry has oven been made.
We have lately, to our astonishment seen a resolution of the last Convention to raise 15 battalions of 500 men each, as minute-men ; al- though by a report to the Convention in June last, it appeared that all the effective male inhabitants in Georgia, did not amount to 2,000 men.
Finally, it is with the deepest concern, set from the strongest convic- tion we add, that inasmuch as the public affairs have been for so long a time as we have experienced, so destructively conducted; we are of opinion that, that which has been the cause thereof, is but too likely to continue the same effects, unless the most effectual remedy be applied.
To which end, at this, the first meeting of this honorable , we have thought it our duty to lay these things before you, our repre- sentatives, chosen for the sole purpose of promoting the real happiness of the people; and, at the same time, respectfully to point out that public conduct, which we think will tend most effectually to remove our fears ; relieve our distresses ; advance our prosperity ; increase our strength; secure our liberties; and insure our safety. Inestimable ob- jects, and which we are confident may be procured by an union with South Carolina, whose just overtures upon that subject, were hastily and unadvisedly rejected by the late convention.
Wherefore, as we do most ardently desire such an union, we do humbly and most earnestly petition that you will be pleased to take such measures as may be best calculated to accomplish, as speedily as may be, an union of South Carolina and Georgia under one government.
And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c.
Done this day of 1777.
FORM OF THE ADDRESS AND PETITION OF THE INHABITANTS OF IN THE STATE OF GEORGIA.
[Original MS.]
To the honorable the General Assembly of South Carolina :
HUMBLY SHEWETH : That being impressed with a just sense of the good consequences, that would result from an union between South Car- olina and Georgia, under one government, we beg leave to present to you our thanks for your invitation to the Legislature of this State to treat of an union, and to lament that it was by them rejected, and that
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THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
in such a manner, as to deprive your commissioners even of an oppor- tunity to answer those matters that were objected.
Convinced that nature and good policy dictate, that South Carolina and Georgia ought to be united so as to form but one State, we have presented a remonstrance and petition to our new house of Legislature respecting this subject, a copy whereof is hereunto annexed, and we do humbly petition, that you will be pleased to resume your deliberations upon the subject of such an union, that by God's blessing, South Caro- lina and Georgia may be united into one State and ruled under one common government, and, as in duty bound, we shall ever pray, &c. Done this day of 1777.
PROCLAMATION BY HIS HONOR JOHN ADAM TREUTLEN, ESQ., CAPTAIN-GENERAL, GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, IN AND OVER THE STATE OF GEORGIA.
[Original Circular.]
Whereas, it hath been represented unto me, that William Henry Drayton, Esq., of the State of South Carolina, and divers other per- sons, whose names are yet unknown, are unlawfully endeavoring to poison the minds of the good people of this State against the Govern- ment thereof, and for that purpose are by letters, petitions and other- wise, daily exciting animosities among the inhabitants, under the pretence of redressing imaginary grievances, which by the said William Henry Drayton it is said this State labors under, the better to effect, under such specious pretences, an union between the States of Georgia and South Carolina; all which are contrary to the Articles of Confede- ration entered into, ratified and confirmed by this State as a cement of union between the same and the other United and Independent States of America. and also against the resolution of the Convention of this State, in that case made and entered into: Therefore, that such per- nicious practices may be put an end to, and which, if not in due time prevented, may be of the most dangerous consequences, I have, by and with the advice and consent of the Executive Council of this State, thought fit to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred pounds, lawful money of the said State, to be paid to any person or persons who shall apprehend the said William Henry Drayton, or any other person or persons aiding and abetting him in such unlaw- ful practices, upon his or their conviction; and I do hereby strictly
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charge and require all magistrates, and other persons, to be vigilant and active in suppressing the same, and to take all lawful ways and means for the discovering and apprehending of such offender or offend- ers, so that he or they may be brought to condign punishment.
Giren under my hand and seal, in the Council- Chamber, at Sacan- nuth, this fifteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy- seven.
JOHN ADAM TREUTLEN.
By his Honor's command,
JAMES WHITEFIELD, Secretary.
GOD SAVE THE CONGRESS.
TO HIS HONOR, JOHN ADAM TRECTLEN, ESQ., CAPTAIN-GENERAL, GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE STATE OF GEOP- GIA, AND TO THOSE MEMBERS OF HIS EXECUTIVE COUNCIL WHO ADVISED THE ABOVE PROCLAMATION.
That terrible performance which, by-the-by, most wise and respected rulers, was torn down, as it were, from under your noses, almost as soon as it was stuck up in Savannah, reached this place only last night ; and with all imaginable tenderness, I beg leave to assure you, that it is only to your own handy work you are indebted for this public repre- hension.
In plain terms I tell you, your proclamation is a compound of non- sense and falsehoods. It is illegal and void in itself, for your law does not consider that an offence which you proclaim to be so. The King of Great Britain's late proclamation, even although by the advice of the House of Commons, to apprehend Wheble, the printer, is a case in point. The party was apprehended; but a magistrate of London, knowing that an apprehension under such a proclamation was illegal, discharged him. But, to satisfy you how I regard your proclamation, and the people of Georgia what an empty thing it is, I do hereby promise to furnish the necessary sums of money to institute and prose- cute an action of damages for false imprisonment, against the party who shall apprehend any one in consequence of it; and I hint to you, that the famous cases of the journeymen printers against the king's messengere, are in terrorem.
The Confederation you speak of is an imposition upon the people of Georgia-no other of the States of America but yours having ratifed or even considered of any such thing, or have had it to consider of.
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Pray, how did you blunder upon it? The Congress never sent it to you. Why, they have not even concluded upon such a thing them- selves, nor does the resolution you mention warrant your assertion rela- tive to "letters, petitions, animosities, imaginary grievances," about "all which," to use your own words, it is absolutely silent. Why, you really bring yourselves into utter contempt, proclaiming, as you do to the people, things that are not. Let me whisper in your ears, that this proclamation of yours is not the first instance of your doing so.
You say I was " daily exciting animosities amongst the inhabitants, under the pretence of redressing imaginary grievances;" but you can not prove that I, even for an hour, endeavored to excite animosities. I was not among your inhabitants eight and forty hours. Twelve of these I spent in bed, the others at private entertainments by invitation, or while I travelled an unavoidable route; during the whole time of which, even the subject of an union. or your mal-administration, was scarcely mentioned. To some gentlemen of Georgia, who applied to mc in my own State, I spoke in plain terms of the real grievances under which they labored. Upou their desire, I threw the matter into the form of a petition for a redress of them; and do you dare to threaten petitioners, or the promoters of petitions, for redress of grievances, with imprisonment? You would deserve to be hanged for doing so, but that you know not what you do.
In the year 1679, Charles II. issued a proclamation against petitions "for specious purposes relating to the public," " for that they tended to promote discontents among the people, and to raise sedition and rebellion." But, when the Parliament met, they voted that the subject had a right to petition, and " that to traduce petitioning as tumultuous, is betraying the liberty of the subject, and tends to the introducing of arbitrary power." Lord Chief Justice North drew the proclamation, and the Parliament ordered him to be impeached for it. He escaped condign punishment only because of his great caution in the draft of the proclamation, in which he only commanded all " magistrates, and other officers to whom it shall appertain, to take effectual care that all such offenders against the laws be prosecuted and punished according to their demerits." These magistrates and other officers saw no demerit in petitioning for redress of grievances; they, therefore, issued no pro- cess against persons promoting such petitions. But you (as traitors or stapletuns only would do) traduce petitioning, and order petitioners to be apprehended-a step that Lord Chief Justice North did not even dare to advise.
As things are situated in Georgia, and as that Government is con-
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ducted, I think I am bound to proclaim to your people-and turn about, you know, is but fair play-that in my opinion, which, I believe, will go farther with them than yours to the contrary, their property is not secure under your Government-a disgrace and detriment to the American cause -- that the life and liberty of the subject are in the greatest danger under your management, or we should not, among many other enormities, have seen George JI'Intosh, Esq., who I consider. as an abused gentleman, arbitrarily ordered into a distant State, to be tried by those who have no such jurisdiction in such a case, and far out of the reach of a jury of his vicinage; circumstances of tyranny, and total disregard to the most valuable rights of the people, that not only ought to alarm every honest and sensible man in Georgia, but fill such with indignation against you ; that I highly approve the proposed union, and will promote it to the utmost of my power, notwithstanding (as you think) your formidable proclamations. That now, having the very great honor of addressing you, I snatch the opportunity to make even yourselves co-operate in advancing my plan of an union; and to make you instruments to convey to the inhabitants of Georgia my most friendly and pressing recommendations, that while their Assembly shall be sitting, they will redouble their efforts to procure a redress of their grievances, and an union with this State; and this my declaration, that I am inclined to think you are concealed Tories, or their tools, who have clambered up, or have been put into office, in order to burlesque Government-and I never saw a more extravagant burlesque upon the subject than you exhibit-that the people might be sick of an American administration, and strive to return under the British domination, merely for the sake of endeavoring to procure something like law and order. I respect the people of Georgia; but, most wise rulers, kissing your hands, I cannot but laugh at some folks. Can you guess who they are?
And so, you would fain use me ill? It is well for you that I am in a most excellent humor. See how handsomely I will treat you. " A good book says, " Bless them that curse you." Let me assure you I obey the precept most devoutly. Could you have expected such a return?
I have now answered your proclamation, with what, as great folks should use great titles, I call a declaration. If you are content, I am satisfied, and we may possibly be good friends yet. However, if you have a mind to amuse the public with any other productions of your masterly pens, and wish to draw me in, to contribute to the entertain- ment, I have no objection to be of the party; but I warn you before-
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Land. that whatever I contribute shall be entirely at your expense. This is but equitable; so if you are for such a frolic, I am, with all due respect to your dignities, and compassion to your follies,
Tout à vous, WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON.
CHARLESTOWN, S. C., August 1, 1777.
A. WM.SON TO HON. W. H. DRAYTON, ESQ.
[Original MS.]
WHITE HALL, April 13, 1777.
SIR :
As the multiplicity of public business absolutely prevents my being able to attend at Ninety-Six as a juror, I enclose for your Honor's Perusal. a letter received from Geo. Galphin, Esq., on Friday ; as, also, copies of the talks he last received from the Creeks. He mentions in case the Congress he intends holding with the Creeks takes place about the time appointed for the Cherokees to come to Dewitt's Corner, that he and Col. Hammond must attend as Commissioners from this State at the Congress with the Creeks, by which means we shall fall short two out of the number appointed from this State to treat with the Chero- kees, which may prove a disadvantage, in case the others do not attend.
Col. Mason informs me that he came up with an intention to recruit for the 3d regiment. and that many of the prisoners have promised to enlist with Capt. Hopkins, of the 3d regiment, who I have now ordered en a part of duty which he cannot have effected before Wednesday next. In this case he may be disappointed, if the prisoners are tried and discharged before his return. I promised Col. Mason that I would mention this matter to your Honor, and request you will postpone such persons' trial till near the last of the sitting of the court, by which period Hopkins will be at Ninety-Six.
I last night received a letter from Capt. Tutt, wherein he informs me that some Indians had carried off six horses belonging to the volunteer companies, who were arrived a few days before to reinforce Fort Rut- Wave, and that he had dispatched Capt. Rainey, with thirty men, to take their track, and endeavor to come up with them, which he thought he would be able to effect, and take satisfiction of them. I apprehend this robbery is done by some of the disaffected Indians who lately lived
-
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at Seneca; and if Capt. Rainey comes up with them, it may be a lucky circumstance, and prevent them attempting carrying off the horses in future. When court is over I expect to have the pleasure of your com- pany at Whitehall.
It is his Excellency the President's express orders that Conner, who enlisted and afterwards run away to the Cherokee Nation, as also P. Hawkins, Robertson or any other prisoners who are committed to Ninety-Six gaol for seditious practices against the State, should be sent to Charlestown, together with those now under sentence of death in Ninety-Six goal. When you have perused the papers you will please return them,
I am, sir, your most humble servant, A. WM.SON.
-
A. WM.SON TO HON. W. II. DRAYTON, ESQ.
[Original MS.]
WHITE HALL, April 25, 1777.
DEAR SIR :
I am ordered by his Excellency, the President, to send down to Charlestown immediately, under a strong guard, all the prisoners in Ninety-Six gaol, who are convicted on the Sedition Act, and are under sentence of death, together with the seditious persons lately committed, and the charges against them on oath. As I apprehend before the re- moval of these last it is necessary to obtain a writ of habeas corpus, I inform your Honor thereof, in order that the needful may be inme- diately done, as I intend Capt. Hopkins, who escorts them to Charles- town, shall set off on Saturday morning next.
Iam, with great respect, dear sir, your most humble servant,
A. WM.SON.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT FROM H. LAURENS.
[Original 38.]
September 10. 1777. A QUESTION IN CONGRESS TO BORROW MONEY OF FRANCE.
First question to draw bills on the Commissioners for ten millions of dollars, passed in the negative, as did a second for five millions; but
---
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THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
on the 9th September a question was put and carried, for drawing bills on our Commissioners at the rate of five livres of France for a Spanish dollar, for payment of interest at six per cent. per annum, of all money already brought into the loan-office, or that shall be brought in before the Ist of March.
It i's expected that upon this encouragement money-holders will bring supplies into the loan-office, and that we may, without another emission of paper, raise before the 1st of March twenty millions of dollars, the annual interest of which will be about £270,000 sterling, besides the risks of loss and delay by remittances.
It is true the Commissioners have given Congress assurances of money received and promised, sufficient to pay the interest of five mil- lions of dollars annually, and added, "we hope" to find sufficient by subsidies to pay the interest of twenty millions, if we should be obliged to borrow that sum. At the same time they inform us, that upon application to the Court of France to borrow two millions sterling, they were told it was "impossible " to spare such a sum; that they had been strongly pressed, and that the minister was "anxious" to contract for the delivery of 20,000 hhds. of tobacco, as a ground for raising money by taxes; that they had actually engaged to deliver 4,000, and had received a very considerable advance on the stipulation, and carnestly "entreat" Congress to enable them to comply with their part of the agreement, which, while our ports are stopped, will be impossible.
It appears to me that the foundation of drawing bills is not substan- tial, the practice dangerous, and the measure, except for articles abso- lutely necessary for carrying on our defensive war, not necessary.
The Commissioners speak positively of money advanced, and ex- pected by periodical payment only, for payment of the interest of five millions -- which sum, and a much larger, I apprehend, will be consumed by a variety of other demands on them, which it is impossible for our mode of transacting business, and our total ignorance of the public debt contracted and increasing, to form an estimate of. This forbids, in the strongest terms, the act of borrowing more money abroad. They say in a subsequent dispatch, that we may rely on punctual payment of Congress bills, drawn for the discharge of the interest of sums bor- rowed, but refer, I apprehend, only to the five millions per annum; and then they recommend that the interest should be reduced to five and four per cent .- but Congress, upon a question, confirmed six per cent. against five, and have put former loans upon a level with such as may be hereafter made.
The Court of France, on failure of our part of the contract for
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tobacco, our continued demands on them for money, for ship-building, cloths, arms, and many other articles, will have ground for complaint. and may make a pretext of failure on our side for withholding further payments to the Commissioners.
The drawing bills of exchange is to all intents and purposes emis- sions of paper money upon the very worst terms, aggravated by six per cent. per annum. It is putting our debt out of sight for a little time, but it will infallibly return upou us with accumulated force.
Although France has peremptorily told us it is impossible to lend us two millions sterling, we are hastening to make a demand for that, and for aught we know, a much larger sum.
We should pay proper regard to the conduct of the Court of Ver- sailles, in refusing to receive our Commissioners openly in their ambas- sadorial characters-in "avoiding every act which should seem to acknowledge our independence" -in "refusing, positively," the naval aid which we had applied for-in neglecting to consider or give any answer to our plan for a treaty, and in betraying part of our proposals, and possibly the whole of them, to the British Ambassador-in a taunting, sarcastical remark to one of our Commissioners, that we had not bid high enough -- in imprisoning one of our captains, seizing his vessel, ordering a restitution of his prizes, and, in a word, in carefully avoiding to give "umbrage" to the English.
To borrow money from a foreign power, is to mortgage our soil; that the boasted generosity of the King of France, in feeding us lightly, and demanding no security, is, when compared with the conduct above- mentioned, liable to suspicion of being insidious. It will be the in- terest of the French minister to ensnare us by degrees into a considerable debt, and the knowledge of the negociation will be a strong incentive to the British for protracting the war.
That by altering the tenor of our loan certificates, making the pay- ment of capital at one instead of three years, and of interest quarterly or half-yearly, money-holders would be induced to bring supplies into the office; that the expectation which the public have been held in, of an emission of bills of exchange for five or ten millions of dollars, had been no small impediment to the loan.
When the loan-office certificates are put on a beneficial plan, if money shall not be brought in sums equal to the public exigency, it will be a proof that past emissions are not excessive. The demand for money at this time is not confined to the capital towns and cities within a small circle of trading merchants, but spread over a surface of 1,600 miles in
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THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
length, and 300 broad; nor is it now the practice to give credit for one and more years for seven-eighths of the whole traffic. Every man is now a money-holder, and every article is paid for in cash-it is hence obvious, that an immense sum is necessary for a complete circulation. No man would be so void of understanding as to keep Continental bills idle, and at a risk of loss in his desk, when he might, upon the same security, improve them at six per cent. per annum.
The sudden rise of price for domestic necessaries of life, is not wholly owing to great emissions of paper, but, in fact, principally to the total stoppage of imports, and the consequent scarceness and dear- ness of such articles as our real wants cannot, and too many which our luxury will not, forego.
Borrowing of a foreign power will not increase the value of our paper money; it may, and probably will, be the source of extending the depreciation to several years beyond the term when we might, if we were in debt at home only, have redeemed it.
Such and many other arguments I used upon this occasion, particu- larly recommending taxation, and the most vigorous exertions for open- ing our ports, and promoting exportation. The question being put, and the yeas and nays demanded, there appeared 21 yeas, and 5-Col. Harrison, Mr. Jno. Adams, W. Duane, W. Middleton and Mr. Laurens -nays. "The enemies very near each other, and within thirty miles of this city" (Philadelphia).
[Original MIS.]
SAVANNAH, January 4. 1778.
*DEAR SIR:
You request in your letter that I would candidly give my opinion of your conduct, while you acted under me in a military capacity; what I think of your ability in discharging the duties of your department; and, also, that I would recollect. if possible, all that passed between us relative to the acceptance and resignation of your appointment to it.
When I was ordered to your State, several respectable characters requested to attend me as Brigade-Major, but, as I had made it a rule to appoint to office, whenever in my power, the inhabitants of that par- ticular State where I was immediately acting, in preference to all others,
# Direction lost, but believed to be Major Ladeon.
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DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF
I declined accepting transfers; and never, as I recollect, deviated from this rule, but in the instance of Major Connor, whom I found estab- lished in that rank, and who, after your resignation, and Gen. Arm- strong's departure, I therefore adopted. . Gen. Lee, when he appointed me to command in your State, desired .me to nominate some person as my Major of Brigade; at that time, you were personally unac- quainted with me, but I had observed you very active in, and atten- tive to, duty, always attending parades, relief of guards, and, in short, so assiduous and useful, that I was induced, without either your request or the least recommendation of you, to offer you the place of Brigade-Major. You told me that, provided Colonel Pinckney had no objection, you would, during the existence of actual service, cheerfully accept it, because you might, by that means, have an oppor- tunity of obtaining a knowledge of discipline, which would render you useful to your country as a militia officer ; but that you did not desire to derive cither emolument or reward from the appointment. You, ac- cordingly, served me in South Carolina and Georgia, I believe, about five months; in the first of these you not only acted as Brigade Major, but did a great deal of duty in the militia; in the latter, you served Gen. Lee, in the absence of Col. Bullet, in the capacity of Adjutant General, without in the least neglecting the duty of your particular ap- pointment ; and it is but justice to you to say, that I found you active and capable in a post both difficult and fatiguing, and that you acquitted yourself to my entire satisfaction. The General often spoke of you in terms of approbation, and strongly recommended to me to keep you in the army if possible. When he returned to Charleston, and all actual service had ceased, you requested leave to resign, and, upon my earnestly urging you to continue with me, you reminded me of the conditions upon which you had been appointed-repeating, that as your principal view, in entering the regular service, was to gain a knowledge of dis- cipline that would render you serviceable as a militia officer, in which capacity you conceived you could be most useful to your country, you were desirous of returning to your duty in the corps to which you belonged, where you would, with pleasure, exert yourself to the utmost of your ability.
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