USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina under the proprietary government, 1670-1719, V.2 > Part 12
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CHAPTER XXIII
1713-16
IMMEDIATELY upon Colonel Barnwell's return, the Ind- ians in North Carolina resumed hostilities with greater rage and more atrocious cruelties. The Governor of that province again appealed to Virginia and South Carolina for assistance.1 Another expedition was quickly organized. and. as before stated, the command would doubtless have been given to Colonel Barnwell, but he was still disabled by his wounds.2 In his absence, it was entrusted to Colonel James Moore, son of the late Governor of that name, who had been a famous Indian fighter. The forces of the new expedition were ordered to rendezvous at the Congaree, and Governor Craven went up to inspect their equipment and to encourage them. Colonel Moore ad- vanced with 40 white men and about 800 Indians, and after a toilsome march arrived on the Neuse. Governor Pollock of North Carolina had. in the meanwhile, been gaining time by negotiations with the Indian chief, Tom Blount. About the middle of January, 1713, Colonel Moore ad- vanced upon the enemy, but was detained by a heavy fall of snow until the 4th of February. The Indians had built a fort near the village of Snow Hill, the seat of Greene County, which they called Nahucke. Into this, on Moore's approach, they retired, and on the 20th of March he laid
1 Hawks's Hist. of No. Ca. vol. II. 544. 2 Hist. Sketches of So. Ca. (Rivers), 254, note.
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siege to the place, and in a few days became master of it. A large number of the Indians were killed, and 800 pris- oners fell into the hands of the conquerors. Moore lost but 58 men. of whom 36 were Indians. The South Caro- lina Indians, acting precisely as they had done under Barnwell in the previous expedition, secured as many slaves among the captured as they could, and forthwith set out for Charles Town, but 180 remained with Moore. Small as was this force, Moore, in conference with Pollock, determined to keep it in the settlement, and to follow up the blow with another. But the enemy were too much intimidated to afford an opportunity. Such as escaped from Nahucke fled to another fort about forty miles dis- tant, but did not dare to await there Moore's approach. They abandoned the fort. The greater part of them as- cended the Roanoke, and finally, leaving the province, joined the Five Nations of the Iroquois in New York. thenceforth making the Sixth.
There seems to have been some fatality attending the position of Palatine of Carolina. Since the long presi- dency of Earl Craven, from 1681 to 1697, during the seventeen years which had elapsed, i.e. from 1697 to 1714, there had been four Palatines, - Earl of Bath, Lord Gran- ville, Lord Craven, and the Duke of Beaufort, each of whom died in office. The Duke of Beaufort had been Palatine but three years, when, on the 5th of July. 1714, his death was announced, and John Lord Carteret. grand- son of Sir George Carteret, the first Proprietor of that name. was chosen to succeed him.1. This was the statesman afterwards celebrated as the Earl of Granville. to which title he succeeded mpon the death of his mother. Lady Grace Granville, the daughter of John Granville of Bath. who had been Palatine from 1697 to 1702. Lord Carteret
1 Coll. Hist. Soc. of So. Ca., vol. 1, 186.
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was at this time but twenty-four years of age ; but on the threshold of his brilliant career.1 He was to be the last Palatine of Carolina.
The announcement of the death of Duke of Beaufort, the Palatine, was followed soon after by that of the death of Queen Anne, which took place on the 1st of August, 1714. On the 4th of September. the Lords Proprietors sent out orders for the proclamation of King George I.2 The Proprietary Government under the charter had begun very nearly with the restoration of the House of Stuart ; it was to outlast the rule of that race by but a few years. Queen Anne and her war were no more. Peace had been established in Europe. The proclamation of the new King and the oath of allegiance were not made, says Rivers, with the indifference formerly so remarkable in the colony, but with the ardor of those almost in sight of their monarch from whom they looked for relief and hap- piness. Indeed, says that author, in their warmth of loyalty they forgot the rules of climax. " We. a people." said they, "separated by the immense ocean. can't be
blessed with your royal presence. But, like the sun who sheds his glorious beams on all, we may feel the favorable influence of your government. Like Augustus, may your reign be long in peace ; may you be loved at home and feared abroad ; and when Providence calls you from that earthly diadem that now environs your royal
1 " Lord Granville, they say. is dying. When he dies the ablest head in England dies too. take him for all in all." - Chesterfield to his Son. December 13. 1762. Walpole pronounced him to be a greater genius than Sir R. Walpole, Mansfield, or Chatham. - Memoirs of George II, III, 85. " I feel a pelle." said Chatham. " in declaring dott to his patronage, to his friendship and instruction Lowe whatever I am." - Port. HUist., XVI, 1007. See " Sketch of his Character," by Lecky, England in the Eigh- teenth Century, vol. I. 40%.
" Coll. Hist. Soc. of No. Ca., vol. 1, 186.
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head may there never be wanting, even to latest posterity, one of the illustrious House of Hanover to fill the British throne." 1
Events were fast hurrying on the colonists of Carolina to appeal to the protection of the new King from the foes against whom the Lords Proprietors could afford them no assistance, and forcing them to ask to be taken under the direct care and rule of his own Royal Government. The Indian outbreak in North Carolina had been suppressed ; but an uprising soon followed in this colony which carried its desolation and horrors almost to the gates of the town.
Chief Justice Trott was in England at this time. Upon the completion of his work upon the codification of the laws of the province, he had applied to the Lords Proprie- tors for leave of absence for his affairs in Great Britain, and on the 13th of August, 1713, leave was granted him. his commission and salary to continue during his absence ; the Governor and Council were to appoint some one to act in his place in the meanwhile.2 He does not appear to have immediately availed himself of the leave, and it was not until the next year that we find him in London. There he soon thoroughly ingratiated himself with the Proprietors, attained the most complete ascendency over them, and obtained from them the most extraordinary grant of powers-powers greater, indeed, than those of the Governor himself, and this notwithstanding that the Proprietors had at this time so excellent a Governor in Carolina as Craven. On the day on which they ordered the proclamation of his Majesty King George. the 8th of Sep- tember, 1714, they issued orders making Nicholas Trott a member of the Council, without whose presence there
1 Hist. Sketches of So. Ca. (Rivers), 256 ; Commons Journals.
2 Coll. Hist. Soc. of So. Ca., vol. I. 162.
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should be no quorum for the transaction of business, and without whose consent practically no law should be passed. He was to be consulted by their Lordships upon every proposed measure, and on his part he agreed to carry on a regular correspondence with their Secretary, and to give him the best intelligence with respect to their provincial affairs. They added to the power, dignity, and emolu- ments of the office of Chief Justice. They empowered him to make his own Provost Marshal of the court; in- creased his salary to £100 per annum, and gave him £100 for proclaiming the King ; ordered an official costume for him, as Chief Justice, and twenty constable's staves to be prepared, with the King's arms on the top and the arms of the province underneath. They ordered two tran- scripts of his compilation of laws to be made, one to be forwarded to them and one to remain in his hands, for which the Treasurer of the province was to pay £80. Sir John Colleton appointed him his deputy, and the Proprietors at the same time appointed his son-in-law, William Rhett, then Speaker of the Assembly, Receiver General.1
Armed with these great powers, Trott returned to Carolina. The Governor, Council, and Assembly could not believe that the Proprietors had been guilty of such a piece of folly and tyranny as to ordain that thenceforth the Governor and four councillors should not have power to pass laws unless Trott was one of the quorum! They required that Mr. Trott should produce the strange letter, and it was accordingly read to them. " A power in one man." said Craven, "not heard of before !" " An ex- orbitant power." replied the Assembly, "unheard of in any of the British dominions, for anght we know in the
1 Call. Hist. Sur. of So. Ca., vol. 1. 162-186 ; Hewatt's Hist. of So. Ca., vol. I, 209 ; Hist. Sketches of So. Cu. (Rivers), 256. 2 31
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whole world !" Mr. Speaker Rhett dissented to the address of the Assembly to the Governor upon the sub- ject, which contained the expression of a hope that Craven would not resign because of the want of confidence the Lords Proprietors indicated. The Assembly refused to allow the dissent to be entered in the journal. " We can't but almire," they said to the Governor, " that any person acquainted with your acceptable administration should be so forsaken of all divine influences - should so abandon his reason, so diametrically contradict the common sense and the unquestionable experience of the more general sentiments of the whole province as to attempt unjustly to misrepresent your Honor to the Lords Proprietors." 1
Mr. Joseph Boone, who. it is to be supposed, had in some way purged his contempt of the House in the mat- ter of his libel upon Governor Johnson, was now sent back to England to protest against this extraordinary grant of power to Trott. and with him was sent Mr. Richard Berresford, a churchman. They were not only to protest to the Proprietors against the veto power of Trott and his appointment at will of Provost Marshals, but to endeavor also to obtain redress in several other matters. They were to obtain, if possible, some measures for settling the price of lands on a lasting foundation ; for the allowance of the bank. act; to secure Craven's continuance in office : to secure the printing of the laws of the province ; the allowance of County Courts in every county; leave for laying out Beaufort in lots at the dis- posal of the Governor : they were given discretionary authority to confer upon any other matter. Their in- structions concluded with this significant clause : ~ And in case the proprietors do not redress our grievances after all necessary measures have been taken with them, we
1 Hist. Sketches of So. Ca. (Rivers), 258.
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direct you to apply yourselves to a superior power in order that the same may be redressed."1
And now there was to fall upon the province a most ter- rible calamity. Some years before the Yamassees had de- serted the Spaniards who had executed some of their chiefs, and, with apparent implacable hatred against their former friends, removed to South Carolina to the territory lying near Port Royal. During the whole of Queen Anne's war they were the allies of the Carolinians, and in re- venge for their own wrongs, marauding bands continually went forth to the southward to lurk in the woods near St. Augustine, or make midnight attacks upon unguarded houses. The honor of the party was at stake. they con- sidered, if they returned without scalps, Indian slaves. or Spanish captives whom they afterwards put to death with every revolting circumstance of inhumanity and savage torture. While availing themselves of the alliance of these Indians, endeavoring at the same time to check their barbarities, the Carolinians offered them a reward of five pounds for every Spanish prisoner brought un- harmed to Charles Town, whom they returned in safety to their friends upon the payment of their ransom.
But on the other hand. the regulations in regard to the Indian trade had not been properly enforced during Queen Anne's war, and there had doubtless been abuses which the commissioner on the reestablishment of peace had endeav- ored to remedy and restrain. Besides occasional encroach- ments on their lands, the abuses consisted in fraudulent transactions in buying skins and captives. the seizure of Indian property on pretence of debt, and the demand of exorbitant prices of articles of traffic-contraband rum in- cluded, the wrongful detention in bondage of many who claimed to be free, personal ill treatment. immoralities, and
1 Hist. Sketches of No. Ca. (Rivers), 258; MSS. Journals.
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the instigation of feuds. The nature of many abuses, and the reluctance of the Indians in seeking a formal trial before commissioners perhaps hundreds of miles away, rendered impossible the satisfactory adjustment of difficulties how- ever wise the laws might be that made to that end ; while on the other hand, anxiety on account of debts justly due, retaliation for injuries, cherished enmities, and a thirst for bloody revenge had not wholly ceased to exist at any period throughout a long series of years. Whatever were the grievances of the Yamassees, it was evident they had been encouraged by the intrigues of the Spaniards; for on the day they began their outbreak against the English, they sent all their women and children to St. Augustine for protection, and on their defeat, retreated thither them- selves with scalps and plunder, and were received as in triumph with the ringing of bells and salutes of artillery.1
For some time before the outbreak, it had been noticed that the chief warriors of the Yamassees made frequent visits to St. Augustine. and returned with presents of hats and jackets, and with knives, hatchets. firearms, and ammunition.2 They partook of food with the Governor, and renewed by ceremonies their friendship and alle- giance. Yet so sure were the Carolinians of the antipathy of the whole Yamassee nation to the Spaniards, that they anticipated no danger to themselves.
It was customary for the traders to court the favor of some influential chieftain among the Indians, with whom in some instances, savages though they were, no danger, difficulty, or personal sacrifice could weaken the holy claims of friendship. One of these, Sanute, had become the friend of John Fraser. a Scotch Highlander, who lived and traded among his people. Sanute had been to St.
1 Reports, Carroll's Coll., vol. II, 354.
2 Hewatt's Hist. of So. Cu., vol. 1, 192.
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Augustine, and on his return he brought some sweet herbs to his friend's house, and bruising them in a basin of water, requested the privilege of washing therewith the face of Mrs. Fraser, as a testimony of his sincere friend- ship ; and placing then his hands upon his breast, assured her that all in his heart she should for the future know. About nine days before hostilities began, he appeared again and told her a terrible slaughter of all the English was determined upon. and would take place as soon as the bloody stick, the emblem of war, should be returned by the Creeks who, with the Yamassees, the Cherokees, and many other nations, were uniting with the Spaniards, who had assured them that though peace now existed, yet soon war would be declared by Spain against the English. Sanute then urged Mrs. Fraser and her husband to fly with their child in all haste to Charles Town and offered them the use of his own canoe. Placing his hand upon his heart, he declared he had told them all he knew ; if still they would not go, he promised to save them from torture by claiming the last office of a friend in taking their lives with his own hands. Fraser doubted ; but his wife being terrified. he hastened with her and most of his effects to Charles Town. unfortunately without communi- cating to others the intelligence he had received.1
Other intimations of the approaching danger. spreading through the province, induced Governor Craven to dis- patch Captain Nairne, agent for Indian affairs, and Mr. John Cochran, gentlemen well acquainted with the Indians, to know the cause of their discontent. These agents went at once to the chief warriors at Pocotaligo,
1 The family tradition, however, has always been that Fraser extended the information, but that his friends and neighbors, like himself. doubted its truth. They did not act upon it, as the importunities of his wife in- duced him to do for her sake.
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and offered speedy satisfaction for any injuries of which they might complain. The Indians feigned a friendly disposition. at night prepared a good supper for their visitors, and Captain Nairne and his party went to sleep in apparent tranquillity. But at break of day April 15, 1715, the massacre began. The round-house or council- room was beset. Captain Nairne, John Wright, and Thomas Ruffly were murdered. Mr. Cochran, his wife, and four children were at first kept prisoners and afterwards slain; Seaman Burroughs, a captain of militia, a strong and active man, rushed through the midst of the assailants and escaped. though wounded on the cheek. Swimming the river and running several miles, he gave the alarm to the planters in the neighborhood of Port Royal. In the meantime the houses of all the traders and other whites in Pocotaligo were attacked, and more than ninety per- sons there. and on adjacent plantations, fell victims to the fury of the savages.
The Indians divided themselves into two parties; one attacked Port Roval and the other St. Bartholomew's. Fortunately, a merchant ship happened to be in Port Royal River. on board of which the Rev. Mr. Guy, with most of the inhabitants of St. Helena, about 300 in number. took refuge by the timely warning of Mr. Bur- roughs. While only a few families were here massacred, in St. Bartholomew's about 100 people fell into the hands of the Indians who came down as far as Stono, burning churches and houses in their way. The Rev. Mr. Osborn and some others escaped to Charles Town. Mr. William Bray, his wife and children, and several others. finding friends among the Indians. were at first spared ; but while attempting to escape were all put to death.1
1 Hewatt's Hist. of So. Ca., vol. I, 218; Ramsay's Hist. of So. Ca., vol. I, 158-161 ; Hist. Sketches of So. Ca. (Rivers). 258-264.
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Governor Craven, in this terrible calamity, showed him- self as bold and vigorous a Governor as he was a wise and judicious administrator in the times of peace. The most spirited measures were adopted, both for offence and de- fence. Martial law was proclaimed, and embargo laid on all ships. Robert Daniel was appointed Deputy Gov- ernor and left in town, while the Governor, collecting a troop of horse and accompanied by a party of volunteers, set out himself at their head for Pocotaligo. Gathering as many as he could in Colleton, at the head of 240 men he marched directly against the enemy, after dispatching a courier to Colonel Mackay with orders to raise imme- diately what forces he could and to proceed, by water, to meet him at Yamassee Town. The Governor halted for the night near the Combahee River, within sixteen miles of the enemy's town, and was attacked early the next morning by about 500 of the Yamassees. Notwithstand- ing the surprise. he soon put his men in order and, after an engagement of three-quarters of an hour. routed the enemy with the loss of only one man killed and a few wounded ; while of the Indians, besides the wounded some of their chief leaders were slain. Without guides for crossing the river, and observing the great number of the enemy, the Governor returned to Charles Town.
Colonel Mackay, in pursuit of his orders, on his part surprised the Indians and drove them from their town, in which they had stored up quantities of provisions and plunder. While in possession of this place, learning that the enemy, 200 in number, had posted themselves in another fort. he sent 140 men to attack it. At this time " a young stripling named Palmer," who had been out on a seout with sixteen men. coming to Mackay's assistance, at once scaled the fort and attacked the Indians within their trenches, but was forced to retreat ; yet a second
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time he effected an entrance with his men and completely drove the enemy from the fort, who fled but to be shot down by Colonel Mackay's forces.
While the activity of the Carolinians checked the in- cursion on this quarter, a body of 400 Indians from the northward came down towards Goose Creek. A party of them entered Mr. John Herne's1 plantation near the Santee, and after being hospitably entertained with pro- visions. treacherously murdered him and began their dep- redations. Upon news of this, Captain Thomas Barker, collecting ninety horsemen, advanced to meet them. Trust- ing to an Indian guide, he was led into an ambuscade. in a thicket of trees and bushes, where the enemy lay con- cealed on the ground. The Carolinians had advanced into the midst of the enemy before they were aware of any danger. The Indians, springing from their lair and pour- ing in a volley. instantly killed Captain Barker and several of his men and put the rest to flight. So great was now the panic that almost the whole parish of Goose Creek were fleeing the town. Upon one plantation, however, seventy white men, with forty negroes. had thrown up a breastwork. but while unwarily listening to feigned pro- posals of peace. they permitted the fort to be surprised and only a few escaped a horrid butchery. The incur- sion was now fortunately checked. The savages, march- ing triumphantly onward, were met by Captain Chicken and the Goose Creek militia, and, after a long and obsti- nate engagement. on June 13 were defeated and driven back and the province thus secured in this direction.
All plantations and settlements beyond twenty miles from the town were deserted. More and more alarming rumors reached the Governor. No hopes were now enter- tained of assistance from the Catawbas, the Cherokees, or
1 The name is also found spelt Hearne, and now Hyrne.
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the Congarees. All were connected with this formidable conspiracy, which extended from St. Augustine to Cape Fear. Fears were, indeed, entertained of the total destruc- tion of whites. The Indians could number from 8000 to 10,000 warriors. There were on Carolina's muster-rolls but 1200 men fit to bear arms. Nevertheless Governor Craven, relying on the defences of the town. determined to send his forces into the wilderness to meet the enemy. He summoned the Assembly May 6, and thus addressed them : "Expedition is the life of action . . . bring the women and children into our town. and all provisions from all the exposed plantations ; try to secure some of the Indians to our interests ; garrisons and military stores must be provided. Virginia and New England must be solicited for arms and aid."1 In response to this ad- dress, the Assembly promptly, on the 10th, passed an act to confirm and justify the action of the Governor in pro- claiming martial law and appointing a Deputy Governor. and all the measures taken by the Governor, Deputy Governor, and members of Council for the defence of the province.2 On the same day, another act was passed to empower the Governor and Council to carry on the war. by which the Governor and Council were em- powered to impress, for the public service, all ships. vessels, arms. ammunition, provisions, and military stores. Commissioners were appointed to seize goods and mer- chandise to the amount of £2500, from the proceeds of which to purchase arms and ammunition. They were also authorized to impress medicines and drugs for the sick and wounded. Martial law. as then proclaimed. was allowed : but to extend no further than to military affairs.3
Governor Craven. on May 23, addressed a communica-
1 Hist. Sketches of So. Ca. (Rivers), 266 ; MSS. Journals.
2 Statutes, vol. II, 628. 3 Statutes of No. Ca., vol. II, 624.
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tion to Lord Townshend, Secretary of State to the new monarch, informing him of the calamity to the province, and appealing to him for assistance. " It is a great pity, my Lord." he wrote, "so fine and flourishing a country should be lost for want of men and arms, a country - so beneficial to the Crown by its trade and once so safe to other colonies by reason of the vast number of Indians it was in alliance with. I have no occasion, therefore, to press your Lordship to consider that if once we are driven from hence, the French from Movill (Mobile) or from Canada or from Old France will certainly get foot- ing here if not prevented, and then, with their own Indians and with those that are now our enemies, they will be able to march against all or any colony on the main and threaten the whole British settlements." 1
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