USA > Tennessee > Bradley County > History of the rebellion in Bradley County, East Tennessee > Part 5
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Privately driving forward this plan till it would answer to call the people of Davidson county together in conven- tion, by a grand rally on that occasion they succeeded in persuading, a portion of the people at least, to commit themselves to their line of policy, and announce that they, with these leaders, were pledged against coercion. This effected, some of the most sacrificing rebels repaired to Charleston, South Carolina, and encouraged the rebel military authorities there to fire on Fort Sumter, or in
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any way they could, draw the Federal fire and bring on a battle, to make it appear that coercion was the inaugu- rated policy of the Government, when Tennessee would be almost a unit for the South, for she was pledged against coercion.
The bombardment of Sumter on the 12th of April, fol- lowed by President Lincoln's call for troops on the 15th, three days afterwards, furnished these rising rebels with the very occasions they desired. These events produced an excitement that shook the State from one end to the other. The whole rebel element of the State, especially Governor Harris and the rebel portion of his Legislature, were not only aglow with indignation, but were fired to a high pitch of frenzy at the thought that the Government was going to make war on the seceding States to coerce them into submission. But what was still more unfortu- nate, the conservative element of the Union or loyal party-the weak-kneed gentlemen-were frightened also, and by the aid of the initiating degrees which this ele- ment had already taken in rebellion as just stated, now stumbled over the great bugaboo of coercion into an error that not only sundered and broke up the solid ranks of the loyal party in the State, but bound its scattered frag- ments hand and foot, and left them a helpless prey to the intriguing venom of their secession enemies.
Excited by the ominous signs of immediate war between the two sections in the fall of Sumter, in connection with their surprise that the Government should call on Ten- nessee for two regiments of militia to send against their brethren of the South, and to aid in putting down the re- bellion by force, a few of the most eminent of these Union conservative leaders, such as Messrs. Neil S. Brown, ex- Governor of the State, Russell Houston, G. H. Ewing, C. Johnson, John Bell, R. J. Meigs, S. D. Morgan, John S. Brien, Andrew Ewing, John H. Callender, and Baylie Peyton, published at Nashville on the 18th of April, a warm and deeply appealing address to the people of the State, expressing their views of the crisis, and of the position that should be taken by Tennessee.
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The following is an extract from this probably well- meant but greatly misguided expression of interested patriotism :
"Tennessee is called upon by the President to furnish two regi- ments ; and the State has. through her Executive, refused to com- ply with the call. This refusal of our State we warmly approve. We commend the wisdom, the justice, and the humanity, of the refusal. We unqualifiedly disapprove of secession, both as a constitutional right, and as a remedy for existing evils. We equally condemn the policy of the Administration in reference to the seceded States. But. while we without qualification condemn the policy of coercion, as calculated to dissolve the Union forever, and to dissolve it in the blood of our fellow-citizens. and regard it as sufficient to justify the State in refusing her aid to the Government in its attempt to sup- press the revolution in the seceded States, we do not think it our duty, considering her position in the Union, and in view of the great question of the peace of our distracted country, to take sides against the Government. Tennessee ought, as we think, to decline joining either party.
"The present duty of Tennessee is to maintain a position of inde- pendence, taking sides with the Union and the peace of the country against all assailants, whether from the North or the South. Her position should be to maintain the sanctity of her soil from the hos- tile tread of any party."
The following is governor Harris' refusal to furnish the two regiments, which the government required at that time of Tennessee :
" Hon. Simeon Cameron :
"Sir :- Your dispatch of the 15th inst. informing me that Tennessee is called upon for two regiments of militia for immediate service is received.
"Tennessee will not furnish a man for purposes of coercion, but 50.000 if necessary, for the defence of our rights and those of our Southern brethren."
ISHAM G. HARRIS.
'Governor of Tennessee."
In the winter of 1862, shortly before the battle of Stone River, between Nashville and the Hermitage, the writer was conversing with an intelligent farmer, who explained the cause of his backsliding condition as a Union man by saying ; "What could I and such men as myself do, when Neil S. Brown and John Bell went by the board? both, condemning and rebelling against the policy of the Gov- ernment, Mr. Brown stumping the State against coer- cion .??
The step thus taken by these men was disastrous to the Union cause in Tennessee, in two respects. It helped to
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IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE.
break the solidity and compactness of the loyal party in the State, sending bewilderment and hesitation, more or less into its ranks, and starting many Union men upon the high road to secession and rebellion. Particularly did it have this effect in Middle and Western Tennessee. In the second place, this act of these men threw them and the whole conservative element that adhered to them, helplessly into the arms of the rebels. It was just so much strength added to the rebel cause. It was meeting the rebels at least more than half way, which emboldened them to assume that the other half was taken also, dis- honestly it is true, yet none the less to their benefit.
Basing themselves thus upon State independence, or State sovereignty, the principle of State secession was vir- tually admitted, and though they denied the right of secession in any case, yet, what did the rebels care for that, so long as they themselves neutralized this very denial by correspondingly opposing coercion. By taking this position, therefore, these men went completely over to the rebels, and bound themselves and their adherents hand and foot, a helpless, if not a willing prey at their feet. Denying the General Government the power to prevent secession by coercion, was equivalent to admitting the right of secession. With this accession to their strength and this encouragement, the rebels were now not afraid to ask whatever they desired, and to take any steps they pleased, to accomplish their objects. Occupying this posi- tion, these men consistently could offer no effectual resist- ance ; and thus dismembered and deserted, the great Union party was measurably discouraged and disheartened, and consequently proportionately weak in their opposition.
Thus while this address was issued on the 18th of April, on the 25th, only seven days afterward, Governor Harris had his rebel Legislature convened and instructed to take steps for immediate secession, which, notwithstanding all the necessary preliminaries, mutual consultation, appoint- ing commissioners, etc., was consummated by the adoption of the secession league on the 7th of May following, a lapse of only twelve days from the first hour of the session.
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HISTORY OF THE REBELLION
By this act the State with all her State Institutions, and the people, were officially transferred into the arms of Jeff. Davis. Her militia, with her whole military resources were, from that moment subject to the command of the Southern Confederacy, and were so considered, not only by the South, but by every rebel in the State, who consist- ently with the change, immediately prepared himself with revolver, bowie-knife, rifle or double-barrel shot gun, insolently assuming, as by authority, an attitude of hos- tility toward all Union movements and loyal expressions of the people, by which, together with the consciousness on their part, that Southern help was at hand and ready at any time, and would be immediately invoked if neces- sary, all Union action if not Union sentiment in Middle and West Tennessee, was effectually crushed out long before the Sth of June. In East Tennessee, the Union sentiment was so predominant that it took a little longer and a more persistent application of these means to over- come it.
By an act of this Legislature, convened on the 25th day of April, Governor Harris was authorised to raise, and equip a provisional force for the defense of the State, to consist of 55,000 volunteers-25,000 of whom, or any less number, as demanded by the wants of the service, were to be fitted for the field at the earliest practical mo- ment, the remainder to be held in reserve, ready to move at short notice; and should it become necessary for the safety of the State, the Governor might " call out the whole available military strength of the State ;" and was to determine when this force should serve, and to direct it accordingly.
Thus clothed with a semblance of power, Gov. Harris hastened the organization of the provisional force of 25,000 men, and before the day of election, June Sth, 1861, had the greater part of it on foot, distributing it in camps around Nashville, and in other places, armed and sup- plied as far as it could be with the munitions of the United States then in possession of Tennessee, and with such as could be obtained from Augusta, Georgia, from
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IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE.
where they were brought by General Zollicoffer. Thus on the morning of this election, for the first time in their lives, the people of Tennessee repaired to the polls con- scious that they were no longer a free people, aware that the Governor and Legislature with the treasury of the State in their hands, and with all the arms of the State in requisition, and a formidable army in their pay, had already joined the foul conspiracy of the South purposely to overthrow the General Government.
In the same act authorizing the Governor to raise these troops, passed May 6th, 1861, the County Courts of the whole State were empowered to have organized a Home Guard of minute men in companies of not less than ten for each Civil District in their respective counties. It was the duty of the officers of these companies to procure warrants from the Justices, arrest and bring to trial all suspected persons before the civil authorities. It was the duty of these companies to assemble for drill at least once a week, to council with each other and take precautionary measures, and to hold themselves momentarily ready for a call to active service. A general commander was ap- pointed in each county whose duty it was, in case of an emergency, to take charge of the Home Guards in his county and superintend their operations.
On the 16th of May, Governor Harris proclaimed to all volunteer organizations in the State who were in posses- sion of State arms and did not hold themselves ready for immediate service at his command, to return the arms forthwith to the State arsenal at Nashville. The object of this was to disarm all bodies and organizations through- out the State who were friendly to the old Government.
Thus for a month previous to the election were the Union people of the State, in every county, if not in every district, awed and guarded by rebel military forces, and subjected to the tyranny, abuse, and proscription of these rebel military organizations in their very midst. .
From the 16th to the 24th of April, rebel military ope- rations had so far progressed in the west of the State that there were planted on the Mississippi five or six batteries
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HISTORY OF THE REBELLION
of heavy guns, including mortars, columbiads, and 32 and 24 pounders, commanding the river from Memphis to the Kentucky line. Under the control of Major General G. J. Pillow, as commander-in-chief, with Brigadier Generals Cheatham and Sneed, were concentrated at the same time not far from fifteen thousand rebel troops in West Ten- nessee. About eight thousand Mississippi troops of all arms, also, sometime before this election passed up the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to Corinth and Grand Junc- tion, on their way to rendezvous near the Kentucky line, to be commanded by General Clark, acting in concert with General Pillow. With these troops was a command of cavalry with two light batteries. At least seventy-five or one hundred heavy guns had been placed in battery in Tennessee, and other large guns were in the State and ready for use before the election. In addition to these preparations a command under Brigadier General Foster had assembled at Camp Cheatham; and General W. R. Caswell had collected and equipped over a thousand men in East Tennessee ready to repel any hostile movements in that division of the State.
The following is from the Cleveland Banner, and from a number dated May 10th, 1861, within two days of one month before the election :
" TENNESSEE MUSTERING HER " BRAVEST AND BEST." -- The Nashville Union and American says the unparalleled unanimity with which the men of Tennessee are responding to the summons to war, makes the heart of every true Tennesseean beat quicker and prouder. The Governor has not yet issued any official call to the volunteers of the State, and yet. in anticipation of such call, 117 companies have already been reported to the Adjutant General, as ready for service. This is exclusive of 44 companies mustered in by General Anderson in West Tennessee, and of Colonel Pete Turney's 1100 men, which have been received into service of the Confederate States and have already gone to Virginia.
We do not overstate the case, when we estimate that 75,000 as good and efficient troops. as ever met an enemy, can easily be raised in Tennessee, and this will not include more than one-half the men capa- ble of bearing arms in the State.
The Black Republican tyrants and Vandals can never make much, in glory or profit, by invading such a State as this. These gallant men are as ready, too, to rush to the defence of their Southern sisters as they are to defend their own homes and soil. Tennessee is mar- shaling her chivalry for the heroic era into which we have entered. These troops know no such word as defeat. Death is to them far preferable to such a fate.
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IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE.
Under such a condition of things in Tennessee, added to which are the facts that her great lines of railroads were then also at the service and subject to the control of - the Confederacy, and even then were alive with her war preparations against the Government; especially the great rail thoroughfare connecting Virginia with the Cot- ton States, passing through Knoxville and Chattanooga, literally swarming with rebel troops on their way from the South to the rebel army in the East, with other facts that might be given, the appointment of a State election at which her citizens as a free people were to ratify or re- ject secession, a thing already consummated, and which nothing on earth now but the subjugation of the whole re- bellion could fully restore, was a farce, an unmeaning, hy- pocritical performance, certainly, the like of which had be- fore never been known in the history of the country. Even had no fraudulent votes been cast by the rebels, under these circumstances, the trial would have been but an insulting mockery.
In regard to fraudulent votes, however, a glance at the table of returns given in this chapter will convince any one that rebel fraudulent voting on that day was perpe- trated proportionately with the abominableness of the rest of the transaction.
The whole number of rebel votes cast for Convention, according to this table was 39,307, and for Separation 102,172, an increase of rebel votes in four months of 62,855. The whole number of Union votes cast for No Conven- tion was 72,156, and for No Separation 47,307, a decrease of Union votes in four months of 24,918. Now, even ad- mitting that this Union decrease indicates the exact number of Union men that went over to the rebels between these elections, and voted with them for sepa- ration, there would still be an increase of rebel votes during this four months of 37,937. It is not the fact, however, that this number of Union men deserted their friends, and voted for Separation. It is admitted, as indicated in another place, that many Union men, by one means and another, especially about the time that Sum- 5
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HISTORY OF THE REBELLION
ter fell, were drawn into the rebellion, and doubtless voted for Separation. Not more, however, than ten thousand, in all probability, during this four months, even in the whole State, made a clear stride to the rebel ranks, and voted with the rebels for Separation. This would leave, this estimate being anything like correct, an increase of rebel votes, during the four months between these elections, of about 52,855. Now, that the rebels made a strenuous effort and polled all the votes in their power for the Convention, on the 9th of February, will not be denied; and the secret that enabled them on the Sth of June following, to exceed their February vote by 52,855 is yet, in all probability, a great deal better known to themselves than to anybody else. If there is any other principle than that of fraudulent voting on which this remarkable difference can be accounted for, the fact has escaped our knowledge, and probably always will es- cape it.
This fraudulent voting is also shown upon the same principle by reference to the votes cast in some of the counties at different times. Wilson County, Middle Ten- nessee, for instance, gave for Convention 462 votes; but for Separation 2,329. The same is the case with many other counties. The increase of almost two thousand rebel votes in Wilson County during the short space of four months, to say the least, is a very suspicious circum- stance.
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IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE.
CHAPTER V.
UNION FLAG RAISED AND LOWERED.
IMMEDIATELY after the election, on the 9th of June, 1861, from which time the rebels considered that the people had ratified the secession of the State, the clouds of rebel- lion, more ominously than ever, began to lower upon East Tennessee; and Bradley felt that she was elected for her part of the scathing.
On the 25th of April, 1861, a Union pole was raised upon the Public Square in Cleveland, in front of the Court House. As soon as the pole was erected and firmly placed in the earth, a beautiful Union flag, presented by Miss Sally Shields, was elevated, and soon waved grace- fully from its pinnacle, the stars and stripes unfurling themselves in the breeze, a visible evidence that the peo- ple of Bradley were yet enthusiastically attached to the government of their fathers. Being previously notified, the people from the different parts of the county as- sembled to enjoy and participate in the ceremonies, and to listen to an address delivered on the occasion by John L. Hopkins, Esq., of Chattanooga, the whole constituting a scene of Union interest and excitement, not soon to be forgotten by the lovers of true liberty in the village of Cleveland. The pole was a beautiful hickory, and a piece of bark taken from it at the time, and on which are in- scribed in legible characters the date of the occasion, the name of the young lady who presented the flag, the name of the orator of the day, etc., is still in possession of Mr. C. M. Gallaher, a merchant of Cleveland.
This flag was permitted to wave above the dwellings and the people of Cleveland, from the time it was raised till June following, either a few days before or a few days after the election just alluded to. About this time a rebel
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regiment of Mississippians, the first that passed Cleveland from the South, on its way to the eastern rebel army, while the train conveying it stopped at the depot, a quarter of a mile south of the Court House-espied this flag proudly flapping against the northern sky, and soon began prepa- rations to haul it down from its proud position. Some of these Mississippians immediately fired upon the flag, one of the shots taking effect upon the Court House, where the marks of the bullet are yet to be seen on the blind of one of the front windows. A few of the Union people of Cleveland were inclined to resent the insult, and not allow their flag to be disturbed. Others, taking a cooler and more considerate view of the subject, saw it would be impossible for the people to arm and organize in time to meet eight hundred or a thousand rebels, thoroughly equipped, and at that instant ready to march upon them, consequently they submitted with the best grace they could-gently lowered the flag themselves and conveyed it to a place of safety.
As already stated, from this June election, and partic- ularly from the event just narrated, things in Bradley grew worse and worse for the Union cause. Rebel citi- zens gave their Union neighbors to understand that no more Union flags would be allowed to float above the soil of Bradley. The loyal people, however, thought other- wise. They had faith to believe that the same flag which they had then been compelled to strike at the insulting demands of Southern traitors, would, at some future day, triumphantly wave and unfold its brilliant colors to their gaze in the same spot from which it had just been dis- placed. No further attempts, however, were immediately made to accomplish this desirable object; but the flag was secreted among Union families at different places in the county, its locality being changed from house to house, as dangers thickened and followed it up, for nearly three years. For two years it was concealed in the house of Mr. John McPherson, of the ninth district. While here, and probably while at other places, when Union neighbors and Union refugees from different parts of the
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IN BRADLEY COUNTY, EAST TENNESSEE.
county were present, moved with a desire to see the old flag, some of the family would slyly withdraw it from its place of concealment, and after all had sufficiently feasted their eyes upon the sight, and volunteered their remarks naturally suggested by the hazards through which this emblem of national liberty, as well as themselves, were passing, it would be as carefully returned to its seclusion, there to wait in silence, and like all other things noble to abide its time of public glory.
On the 10th of February, 1864, not long after our forces had driven Bragg from before Chattanooga, and taken possession of the State from this place to Knoxville, Gen. Grosse, from Indiana, and Col. Waters, of the 84th Illinois, assisted the Union people of Bradley to raise this same flag which they had concealed and protected with so much devotion, in the same spot from which Mississippi traitors had dislodged it. These gentlemen delivered, each, a patriotic and encouraging address to the people on the occasion.
It was a high day in Cleveland, when the blue coats of the North and the blue coats of Tennessee, mingling with the crowd of men, women, and children, loyal Bradley sent up the Stars and Stripes, announcing the redemption of their rebel-smitten and traitor-ridden county.
A FALSE ALARM.
On the 6th of July, 1861, from some accidental circum- stance, a report spread over Bradley that a rebel regi- ment, apparently from Chattanooga, had appeared in the vicinity of Georgetown, or near a place called Swafford's Springs, in the north-western part of the county. The report carried the idea that this rebel force meditated some evil against the rights of the Union people of Brad- ley. Having taken this form it spread like wild-fire till it reached every Union section if not every Union family in the county. This occurred on Saturday, and notwith- standing the people were closing up their week-day affairs, and receding towards the quiet of the Sabbath, this news threw the whole Union element of the county
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into commotion, and set it to heaving like a tempest. Mr. Hiram Smith, of the fifth district, like many more of other districts, mounted his horse and rode post-haste nearly the whole night to rally the people to the rescue; and Sunday morning, instead of finding them at their different places of worship, found seven or eight hundred of them armed with every conceivable weapon which in the ex- citement of the moment they could lay their hands on, hurrying from their different points, and organizing to beat back a fancied rebel foe. One point of rendezvous was Smith's Mills, we believe, in the twelfth district.
Sometime during the day on Sunday, however, it was ascertained that this report was an utter fabrication ; that no rebel force was or had been in the vicinity of Georgetown, or anywhere in that direction, consequently, these Union warriors had nothing to do but enjoy a hearty laugh at the awkwardness of their position and return to their homes. The editor of the Cleveland Banner, in his next number after this Union demonstration, devotes to this subject nearly two columns of burlesque and rebel censure, from which the following is a short extract:
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