USA > Texas > Henderson County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 39
USA > Texas > Freestone County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 39
USA > Texas > Leon County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 39
USA > Texas > Anderson County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 39
USA > Texas > Limestone County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 39
USA > Texas > Navarro County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 39
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"Just as the Cherokees had brought their council to a close, they heard the clattering of horses' feet on the opposite side of the river, and to their astonishment they discovered a large body of mounted Indians rapidly approaching. It seems that the Wacos, at the commencement of the fight, had dispatched a runner to the camp of the Tehuacanas, who were their allies, to tell them to come as speedily as possible to their assistance. The Tehua- canas promptly responded to the call and dispatched 200 warriors to the assistance of their allies. These were the Indians the Cherokees saw approaching. The Wa- cos, being now reinforced by these 200 Te- huacana warriors, fresh and ready for the fray, changed the aspect of affairs consider-
ably; and as there was no possibility of fighting with any hopes of success the combined forces of the Wacos and Tehna- canas, there was no alternative left the Cherokees but to retreat. The Telinacanas immediately crossed the river and took up their position in some post-oak timber, where they kept up a continuous yelling, but prudently did not venture within range of the Cherokec rifles.
"Just before they had taken position in the post oaks they had captured a young Cherokee lad, about twelve years old, and killed him. They then scalped him, and tying the scalp to the end of a spear they held it up in view of the Cherokees. This boy was the only son of one of the Chero- kee warriors, and when he beheld the scalp of his murdered boy he was frantic with rage. His eyes flashed fire, and withont a moment's hesitation he threw off his ap- parel and seized a knife in one hand and a tomahawk in the other. The chief, who noticed this, said to him, 'What are you going to do?' 'Die,' replied the Indian, ' with iny brave boy, -die slaying the cow- ardly thieves who have killed the only one that was left to me of all my kindred!' and saying this, and without heeding the remonstrances of the chief, he rushed soli- tary and alone upon the 200 Tehuacana warriors! His onset was so sudden and. unexpected that he succeeded in killing and wounding several before he was killed himself!
"The Cherokees, having lost two inen and a boy, before mentioned, retreated to a cedar brake, remaining there until night, when they crossed the river and traveled down it a mile or two. They then turned
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into the river, which was quite low, and waded up it six or seven miles, thus effect- ually hiding their trail from the Wacos and Tehuacanas. Although they failed to recapture their stolen horses, as they had anticipated doing, they carried back with them to their villages on Red river fifty- five scalps taken from the heads of Wacos slain in battle.
"The Cherokees, chagrined at failing to whip the Wacos for stealing their horses, attributed their defeat to the arrival of the Tehuacana reinforcements, and they deter- mined to whip the latter for their inter- ference. Accordingly, in the early part of the summer of 1830, they fitted up a party of about 120 effective warriors for this ex- press purpose.
"The Tehuacanas were divided, living in different villages, one of their finest being situated in what is now Limestone county, and where the residences of Messrs. Lloyd and Moore now stand. There are some springs at this place, around which there is quite an amount of loose lime- stone on the surface as well as in the ground. The entire country around is one of great beanty. Here these Tehua- canas had erected small enclosures of these stones, about three feet in height, leaving occasional spaces about two feet square re- sembling the mouthis of furnaces. These they rudely covered with buffalo skins and poles. The enclosure served as a place of retreat in time of attack.
"The Cherokees, having learned the situation of this place, and the great esti- mate the Tehuacanas placed upon it, de- termined to attack it. The Cherokees were
led by an Indian well acquainted with the country, and soon reached the place.
When the Cherokees first discovered the Tehuacanas, they were playing ball around the fortress. The Cherokees prepared for action, while the Tehuacanas rushed the women and children into their retreat and prepared for defense. They greatly out- numbered the Cherokees, but this did not check the latter. The shooting now began, the Cherokees taking position behind trees and advancing from tree to tree. They took good aim, resting their guns against the trees. Their shots told with deadly effect, and one by one the Tehuacanas were melting away beneath their unerring aim. Whenever one was wounded he would take refuge among the women and children.
" The Tehuacanas becoming sick of this, all rushed into their place of retreat behind the breastworks. The Cherokees now rushed forward to complete their work of destruction. The besieged party were lying flat on the ground, and, as the Cherokees advanced, the Tehuacanas let them have a number of arrows, which laid many of them low.
" The Cherokees now fell back and drew off a short distance. One of their old warriors advised that they hold a consulta- tion before they proceeded further. Ac- cordingly they held a council, whereupon one of their leaders said that their business was revenge, and have it they must, and as long as there was a live Cherokee left they would continue their efforts; that it would never do to return and report a defeat: it would be a lasting disgrace.
" The old warrior who advised holding the consultation made the following propo-
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sition: That a party of them go a short distance off and ent some dry grass; that they load themselves with this grass, which would be a good shield, and then approachı each hole in the fortress from the sides, and stop up the port holes with the grass. This they would set on fire, and they would in this way roast the inmates alive. The plan was agreed upon and carried out. The smoke and flames rolled into the for- tress in such quantities as to produce com- plete strangulation, and the inmates were forced to nnroof the fortress and leap out amid the blinding columns of smoke. The Cherokees were stationed around, and slew them as they leaped out. The Cherokees would rush on the frightened and smothered Tehuacanas, and with their tomahawks and scalping knives they dealt death on every hand. A great number of warriors, women and children were suffocated to death on the inside. Many of the women and chil- dren were prisoners, and but few of the men escaped. All the horses, buffalo skins, camp equipage, etc., fell into the hands of the Cherokees, who returned to their camp, making a wonderful display of their booty."
Thus revenged, the Cherokees were des- tined later to live in harmony with the Tehuacanas in McLennan territory, under the eye of the Indian agent of the Gov- ernment. The Tehnacanas gave their name to the creek springs and hills about which they lived.
At this time and on to the time of the revolution in 1836, the Tehuacanas had headquarters at Tehnacana Springs, in the present territory of Limestone, for they re- built their council honse, and the Keechis
were to the eastward along the west bank of the Trinity, and these two were friendly. Across the Trinity in east Texas there were the Cherokees' headquarters, Shawnees, Kickapoos, Delawares, Caddos, Ionis and Anadarcoes. The nearest and first Indian trading house west of the Trinity was set up at Hall's Bluff (West Point), in Free-" stone county, in 1834, by James Hall.
This was the situation into which the pioneers of the upper Navasota were to come, and be the victims of one of the greatest and most famous tragedies in the annals of Texas. It will be well to take a glance at the character of such pioneers.
SETTLEMENT BY THE WHITES.
In 1841 an English historian and trav- eler in the young Republic of the Lone Star wrote of the American frontiersman, interestingly, these words: "That portion of the moneyed aristocracy of Europe who in sumptuous drawing-rooms and spacious halls indulge in the luxury of ostentations sympathy for all races but their own, do not appreciate the character of the Anglo- American, who has made his home in soli- tudes unbroken by any hinman sound save the whoop of an invisible foe. Accus- tomed to hear him denounced as a man- slayer and a land-robber, they take no. thought of the spirit which has impelled him onward, the qualities he is constrained to display, and the social ameliorations of which he is the pioneer. He loves the wilderness for the independence it confers; for the sovereignty which it enables him to wield by dint of his personal energies. The forest is subject to his ax, its inhabi- tants to his rifle. Had the same man
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drawn his first breath in the land of his forefathers, he might have been a stunted and starving hand-loom weaver, or at the best a laborer, faring sumptuously, with a wife and six children, on an uncertain weekly stipend of eight British shillings. In the grand old woods where rises the sinoke of his log house, he is lord of an untrammeled mind and iron frame. The roof that shelters his litte ones is the work of his own hands; the venison that smokes upon the board, and the deer-skin that fur- nislies his hunting-gear, are the spoil of his practiced eye and untiring step. Alone he ventures on the Indian's hunting-ground, and, in defiance of the law of the red man, bears away a share of the prey. Perhaps the chase absorbs too much of his time, perhaps he falls a victim to the jealousy of the savage, still his career has not been in vain; he has made a lodgment in the waste; he has opened a track for the vanguard of civilization, the ranks of which will expand for the reception of his posterity. In a few years, where the short, sharp crack of the out-settler's rifle startled the silence of the pine forest, the voice of Christian wor- ship is heard in the language of old Eng- land; institutions kindred to our own pre- dominate; industry, in its varied branches, prospers ;; and a fresli accession is made to the extending empire of morality and knowledge."
The picture of the pioneer lie portrays still more vividly: "The American front- iersman may be said to exist in a state of continual warfare; lie experiences tlie toils of active service in clearing and culti- vating his ground, its anxieties in guard- ing against a treacherous enemy, and its
perils in encountering that enemy and the beasts of prey. Confident in what he dares do and can endure, with all the feelings of his nature roused to vengeance by some sanguinary Indian outrage, he sallies forth in pursuit of the exulting savage. Fol- lowing unweariedly on his trail, he trav- erses the prairies, swimming streams, noting every impression on grass, sand, twig and tuft, reckless of fatigue, hunger and cold, until he overtakes the remorse- less foe, whom, at great numerical disad- vantage, he is almost certain to defeat. To men of this class a campaign is a party of pleasure, and they require only the ex- ercise and discipline of the regular soldier. to make the best troops in the world. Mounted on a favorite horse, armed with the trusty rifle and accompanied by their dogs, they can explore their way through the woods by the sun and the bark of trees, clad in their usual homely dress. An otter skin cunningly folded and sewed is the depository of tobacco, ammunition and means of kindling a fire; a wallet slung behind the saddle contains suste- nance for man and horse. On the march, a small daily allowance of maize suffices the latter, which, at the evening encamn p- inent, is stripped of his furniture and ' hobbled' (two of his legs fastened togeth- er), and thus left to indulge his appetite on the abundant herbage. It is of such materials that the active militia of Texas is composed."
So it was composed long before 1841. In fact it began to be so composed when on March 24, 1325, the colonization laws were passed that allowed Austin and others to in- troduce American families by the hundreds.
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HISTORY OF NAVARRO, HENDERSON, ANDERSON,
In that year began the more vigorous efforts of Americans to take advantage of the new colonization laws of the States of Coahuila and Texas, and on April 15, 1825, Robert Leftwich (sometimes spelled Leftwick) made a contract as agent for a Tennessee corporation - the Nashville Company - to introduce 800 families within six years, under the empresario system, a contract which would terminate in 1831. " The trouble this company had with its first agent, Robert Leftwick," said Sterling C. Robertson, writing to the Government in 1834,* " is too well known to the supreme government to be referred to here. It suffices to state that they were great and costly. Afterward when Hosea H. League was appointed agent of this company, and made manager of the same by the government, the association, ani- mated with renewed hopes, made great preparations to fulfill its contract with the government. But another misfortune soon befell it. The agent was accused in Austin's Colony with being an accomplice to a homicide, was imprisoned and guarded for the long space of sixteen months, suf- fering bitter and rigid persecution, until the people, outraged at the violation of the law and justice, presented the alcalde with a petition with 600 or 700 signatures, asking his release from prison. This per- secution was so bitter and unreasonable that the alcalde could do no less than look upon it as a strange and notable thing. Meanwhile the association, in the autumnn of the year 1829, dispatched your humble servant to your honorable body with a
number of families. On entering the country he encountered great difficulties, the military commandant at once demand- ing their passports, which, unfortunately, some of the families did not have, the Mexican Colony being nearly 300 leagues distant from the point from which they started. Others did not consider passports necessary, thinking our contract sufficient, having observed that a simple certificate
from Colonel Austin sufficed to admit persons coming into his colony. And was it not natural to conclude that the laws of the country were open alike to all? I procured a license from the military com- mandant at Tenoxtitlan to remain on the boundary of our grant while I explored the country and selected the mnost favor- able point for a settlement, hoping to re. ceive a resolution from his Excellency, General Teran, and from the government that I flattered myself would be favorable. On my return I found the response from the government, stating that they hoped our colony would remain, and that they were desirous of having it do so. Thus favored with the protection of the govern- ment and the good will of the commandant at that point, I arranged everything for the comfort of the familes that I had in- troduced into the country and returned to the United States of North America in December of that year (1829) in order to bring other families. Early next year I introduced, directly or indirectly, into the country over 300 families. I also contracted with many families living near our front- ier to transfer them to our colony, so that if no impediment had been thrown in the way we would have established at our own
* Translated from the Spanish of the original archives by Henry Austin, of Belton.
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cost and expense almost the total 800 fan- ilies, being the number stipulated in our contract. But shortly before my arrival I received notice for the first time given in the law of April 8, 1830. Many fami- lies had already arrived and all of them had sold their effects and disposed of their homes and left their friends and native land. What could they do? To return was ruinous. Confiding in the kindness and good faith of the government in the contract they had made with us and in the important principle in the constitution prohibiting the passage of a retroactive law violating the obligation of contracts, they came to this country with all their property and their hopes. It is difficult to express the surprise, confusion and desperation of these families, when, after arriving, they learned that they were ex- pelled from the country and would not be permitted to settle in it. It was utterly incomprehensible to me. Having returned to Tennessee to bring out other families, assured by the authorities of the country of the protection of the government, be- lieving and knowing that we had a con- tract with it iu almost exactly the same words as the one made with Colonel S. F. Austin, and that new settlers from the United States of North America were ad- mitted almost daily into the colony of that gentleman, under the principle that the contract made with him was made previ- ous to the passage of the act of April 8, 1830, and knowing also that ours was made drior to his, and that we had commenced the settlement as early as 1826, I was con- founded; and not until long afterward did I know that all this was occasioned by
false information given to the govern- ment in this business. In a visit made me by his Excellency, General Teran, he in- formed me that notice had been given the government that we had introduced only eight families into the country. In this state of affairs, with such a great number of families introduced and denied the right of settlement in conformity with our con- tract, sustaining immense expenses, scat- tered and terrorized by false rumors, set afloat to induce the settlers or immigrants to deny that they were from Tennesse, I presented myself to Mr. Austin, soliciting his intervention and kindly offices with the government in our favor, ignorant of the language of the country or of the fact that he was the cause of all our misfortune. This gentleman, pursuing the same insidious policy that had ever characterized his ne- farious and perfidious designs, received me with smiling countenance and prom- ised me upon his word of honor, before witnesses, to use all his influence to obtain from the government permission for the settlement of said families in our colony, and a prolongation of the time in which to fulfill our contract occasioned by the difficulties we had before labored under with the government and authorities of the country.
"Knowing that he had just been elected a deputy by the sovereign Congress of the State, and informed of his great and al- most infallible influence with the govern- ment (a thing which made him so despotic with these unfortunate people), we consoled ourselves with the hope of being able to obtain the protection of the government by the means of his interposition. But
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what was his conduct after having compro- mised his honor? Before the expiration of the time given for the fulfillment of our contract, he succeeded in engrafting our colony with the one he had obtained him- self ! His friends denied this pertidy, and he himself on his return also denied it un- til the fact was made public by the parties who had seen his contract with the gov- ernment."
At this point Mr. Robertson's story may be interrupted to give such parts of his application and contract as are pertinent. Mr. Austin states in his request for con- tract: "Part of the lands above marked Out are comprised in the colonization con- tracts of the managers Stephen F. Austin of June 4, 1825, and 20th November, 1827, and parts are in the contracts of Robert Leftwick for the Nasliville Company, con- cluded or made April 25, 1825, which con- tracts terminate six years from the dates thereof; so that I ask that this new contract to Stephen F. Austin and Samuel M. Will- iams may take effect twenty days from the termination of the aforementioned con- tracts, and endure six years from that day for the respective parts." This was written on February 4, 1831. The contract signed by Governor Jose Maria Viesca on Febru- ary 25th following, states: "Art. 2d. Although in the above demarcation there are comprised other contracted lands made by the government with Austin and Rob- ert Leftwick, yet there is no obstacle in the way of confirming this, as said Austin ex- cepts anything that may interfere with his former contract; and although Leftwick was to fulfili the terms of his contract by the 15th of April of the present year, he
has not complied up to this time with his agreement, nor any part of it."
Returning to Mr. Robertson's statements made in 1834, after Austin and Williams had had control for about three years, and had sold large surveys to Mexicans and others in the disputed territory, it reads: " After he confessed that he had denied it on account of the difficulties of the posi- tion in which he was placed, and that he had hoped that I would meanwhile leave the country, disgusted with so many ob- stacles (see the declaration), using every artifice to cause me to flee the country, menacing me with disgrace and punish- ment from the government, that he had an order for my expulsion, that if I went away he would provide for the necessities of the unfortunate families, and receive them into his own colony (see the declara- tions). Thus has Mr. Austin ever advanced his own interests by the labor of others and prospered by their misfortunes. We had introduced about 300 families in the country within the time, allowed by our contract, commencing as early as the year 1826, undergoing immense expense and fulfilling both the spirit and letter of the colonization laws of 1824 and March, 1825. But we were not permitted to settle them in our own colony (see order No. 1 from the political chief), and we have had no reward whatever.
" Mr. Austin never introduced a single family into Texas at his own expense, and settled his colonies with families excluded from the contracts of the empresarios by Art. 16 of the aforesaid law, and with those introduced by us and other empresarios, thus failing to comply with articles 8 and
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12 of aforesaid law (see declaration No. 9). But it is notorions that Mr. Austin was allowed to receive families that we were prohibited from introducing, as can be proven by letters seen by various persons written by General Teran about this mnat- ter."
Omitting some further contrasts, Mr. Robertson recapitulates, and asks that the Austin and Williams contract of February 25, 1831, be void as far as the Leftwick contract was concerned, and to extend his time. In his appeal he had numerous dep= ositions taken from the colonists who liad joined Austin's colony, and on these he bases his statements. The Austin munic- ipality council examined his case and sent a memorial to the government approving his claims, saying: "That this council, in accordance with the facts laid before it by S. C. Robertson, relating to the said Nashville Company, is of the opinion that said contract was not forfeited or violated by said company, but that prior to the pass- - age of the law of April 6, 1830, the said Robertson had introduced, with the object of colonizing on the lands of said Nash- ville Company, at least 100 families, who, according to the opinion of this body, under Art. 8 of the colonization law of March 24, 1825, of the State, was a fulfillment of the contract as far as said 100 families were concerned. That this body is of the opinion that when the law abolishing Art. 11 of the law of April 1830 took effect, said Nashville Company possessed the privilege or riglit of having one year in which to ful- fill their contract from the date of the abolishment of said Art. 11; since the effect and operation of said law was opposed
to said contract, said S. C. Robertson was prohibited positively by an order from his Excellency Generals Manuel de Alier and Teran from settling the families he had in- troduced. That by the industry, persever- ance and indefatigable labors of said S. C. Robertson in his efforts to establish said Naslıville Colony, he had gained the gen- eral and universal admiration not only of the public, but also of this body, and we are well satisfied that a very great major- ity of the people of Texas anxiously desire that he be recognized as the head of said colony." After speaking of the strained situation of the county, R. M. Williamson and W. B. Travis, respectively president and secretary of the council, signed it.
The government granted the appeal in full, saying among other things: "Know- ing that the contract with the partners of Austin & Williams made with the govern- ment February 25, 1831, was merely con- ditional, nor could it be otherwise in regard to the lands set apart for the Nashville Company, and in virtue of the information furnished by the council of San Felipe de Austin, to the effect that said company had introduced at least 100 families prior to April, 1830," the appeal is granted on May 22, 1834, and William H. Steele is appointed commissioner. Robertson Col- ony was again ready for settlement.
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