USA > Texas > Henderson County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 6
USA > Texas > Freestone County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 6
USA > Texas > Leon County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 6
USA > Texas > Anderson County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 6
USA > Texas > Limestone County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 6
USA > Texas > Navarro County > A memorial and biographical history of Navarro, Henderson, Anderson, Limestone, Freestone and Leon counties, Texas from the earliest period of its occupancy to the present time, together with glimpses of its prospects; also biographical mention of many of the pioneers and prominent citizens > Part 6
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
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HISTORY OF NAVARRO, HENDERSON, ANDERSON,
tion, the creed of the old Native party was enlarged, and made to include pro- scription of Roman Catholic citizens, while the opposition to naturalized aliens was intensified. The "Know-nothings" cast over their proceedings a cloak of mystery. They constituted, in fact, a secret political society, applied tests of a religions charac- ter, and endeavored to pit the different races against each other. All these prin- ciples were contrary to the constitution of the United States. In Texas the "Know- nothings" for a short time acquired con- siderable influence. Numerous lodges were organized, and in 1855, L. D. Evans was returned by the party to Congress from the Eastern district. On the re-election of Pease the same year, he was opposed by their candidate, Dixon, who obtained no loss than 17,968 votes, being between 4,000 and 5,000 more than had ever before been cast for governor. However, on their failure to elect their candidate, the career of the "Know-nothings" in Texas was brought to a close. The unconstitutional- ity of their doctrines, and the violence to civil and religious liberty entailed in their intolerant principles, were denounced by their more enlightened opponents; the Democratic party called upon the people in the name of liberty and the constitu- tion to disconntenance the secret organiza- tion, and their influence rapidly waned.
In 1857, Texas was called upon to mourn the loss of two men who had ardently espoused her cause for independence, -.- Thomas J. Rusk and James Hamilton, of South Carolina. The former emigrated to Texas in 1835, since which time he was conspicuons in the affairs of that country
to which he rendered valnable service in various positions of trust, particularly as United States Senator, in which capacity his rare qualities of mind and heart ren- dered him a brilliant and powerful cham- pion. General James Hamilton was a native of South Carolina, of which State he was governor. In the struggle of Texas for independence he boldy advocated her cause, and contributed both his services and means to her support. In recognition of his services he was vested with the rights of Texan citizenship by a special act of Con- gress. In 1857 he sailed from New Or- leans for Galveston, in hopes of retrieving his fortunes in the country for whose canse he had exhausted his means, but lost his . life in a wreck at sea. The State Congress went into mourning out of respect to his memory.
On December 27, 1857, Hardin R. Runnels-the successful Democratic can- didate-was inaugurated governor, having defeated his competitor, Sam Houston, by a poll of 32,552 votes, against 23,628 cast in favor of the latter.
When Runnels entered office, symptoms had already made their appearance that the time of the great national disruption was rapidly approaching which a few years later tore asunder the United States and deluged the country in blood. The varions causes leading up to this struggle are too numerous to mention here, and are matters of national history. From the time of the Missouri Compromise in 1820, which measure was introduced into the Senate by Henry Clay and adopted by the Government, many bitter controversies had arisen between the free and slave
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LIMESTONE, FREESTONE AND LEON COUNTIES.
States. The latter regarded the measure . as an encroachment on the part of the Federal Government on the constitutional right of future sovereign States to control their own domestic affairs. In 1850, the statesman submitted other compromise res- olutions to the Senate, designed to arrange amicably the controversies between the free and slave States on the same trouble- some subject. These resolutions declared that Congress in establishing Territorial governments should impose no restrictions on the people of such territories with re- spect to slavery. A memorable discussion followed, resulting in the passage of bills admitting California into the Union as a free State, and in the organization of the Territories of Utah and New Mexico with- out restriction as to slavery. The fugitive slave law was enacted at the same time. Again, in 1854, on the establishment of Kansas and Nebraska as Territories, Sena- tor Douglas, from Illinois, introduced into the bill, brought before Congress on that occasion, an amendment which virtually repealed the Missouri compromise. The principle of non-intervention by Congress with the institution of slavery in the States and Territories had clearly been recognized by the legislation of 1850. Both Kansas and Nebraska would have been free Terri- tories under the Missouri compromise, but the bill was passed with the amend- ment, May 25, 1854.
Nevertheless it met with great opposi- tion. Resolutions were passed by the legislatures of various States denouncing it; memorials from abolitionist societies were addressed to Congress and clergy- men petitioned for its repeal. Moreover,
it was soon apparent that the introduction of slavery into Kansas from the South would meet with violent opposition from the people of that Territory. Intense sec- tional agitation prevailed; and it was re- garded as a foregone conclusion that Kan- sas would be admitted into the Union only as a free State unless some action were taken by the combined South.
Governor Rnnnels addressed a message, January 20, 1858, to the legislature, call- ing attention to the aspect of affairs in Kansas, and clearly advocating the doc- trine of secession. On the 8th of the same month a Democratic State conven- tion had been hield at Austin, at which it was resolved that there were grounds for serious apprehension that the doctrine of non-intervention was in danger of being repudiated by the United States Congress ; and a request was made to the State legis- lature to provide for the appointment of delegates to a convention of the Sonthern States on the occasion of one being as- sembled. But bolder resolutions than these were offered. T. J. Chambers pro- posed that it should be resolved that any action on the part of the Congress of the United States teuding to embarrass, delay and defeat the admission of Kansas as a member of the Union, under any pretext referable to the question of slavery, would be a usurpation of power and a violation of the compact of the Union; that, in case of such an event, the representatives of Texas in the United States Congress were requested to give notice of the in- tention of the State to resume her inde- pendence and withdraw from the Union.
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HISTORY OF NAVARRO, HENDERSON, ANDERSON,
Sister States "attached to the benign do- mestic institution of slavery" were to be invited to join her in that measure.
In response to the governor's message the legislature of Texas, having submitted the subject to the committee on Federal Relations, passed, on February 16, 1858, a joint resolution in which it was declared that the governor should be anthorized to order the election of seven delegates to meet delegates appointed by the other Southern States in convention whenever the executives of a majority of the slave- holding States should express the opinion that such convention was necessary to pre- serve the equal rights of such States in the Union. An appropriation of $10,000 was inade to defray the expenses of the delegates, and the governor was author- ized, in case an exigency arose, in which it would be necessary for Texas to act alone, to call a special session of the legis- lature to provide for a State convention.
At the election in September, 1859, tlie same two candidates competed for the ex- ecutive office. Runnels being nominated by the Democratic party, Houston ran as an independent candidate, and was elected by a majority of 8,757 votes over his op- ponent.
The election of Houston was a victory of the Unionist party in Texas over the Confederate party. At this time the ma- jority of the Texans were opposed to sep- aration from the Union; and though the late governor had been elected by the maneuvering of the Democratic party, which won the confidence of the people by its crusade against the Know-nothings, they presently became alarmed at the de-
velopment of the secession intentions of the Democratic leaders. In 1858 a va- cancy occurred on the Supreme Bencli, and the Democrats nominated Buckley, who bore no enviable character, and was of well-known disunion proclivities. He was defeated by an overwhelming majority by Bell, an avowed Unionist. In the canvass of 1859 the Democratic convention met at the town of Houston; Confederate senti- ments were expressed in it, and the Afri- can slave-trade was held in favor. The Democratic party had thrown off the mask, and the result was the defeat of their candidate by a large majority.
Houston took his seat at a time when intense political excitement prevailed all over the United States. Kansas had be- come a field of strife between the free-soil and pro-slavery parties, and emigrants from Missouri and the South engaged in deadly contest with settlers from the Northern States. The polls were taken possession of hy armed bands, and elec- tions were carried by illegal voting. Counter-constitutions were promulgated in turn by antagonists, and for several years the condition of the Territory was anarchical. Finally, in July, 1859, a con- stitution prohibiting slavery was adopted by a convention which met at Wyandotte, and was ratified by popular vote October 4th following.
This defeat, aggravated by the raid of John Brown on Harper's Ferry during the same month, exasperated the Southern States, and in December, 1859, both branches of the Legislature of South Car- olina passed unanimously startling reso- lutions on the subject of Federal rela-
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LIMESTONE, FREESTONE AND LEON COUNTIES.'
tions, resolving that it was their deliber- ate judgment, in general assembly, that the slave-holding States should immedi - ately meet and adopt measures for united action; that the resolutions should be communicated by the governor to all the slave States, with the earnest request that they would appoint deputies and adopt measures to promote said meeting; and that for the purpose of preparation for an emergency the sum of $100,000 should be appropriated for military contingences.
Upon receipt of these resolutions, Gov- ernor Houston, in January, 1860, ad- dressed a message on the subject to both houses of the State Congress, which was an able exposition of arguments against the doctrines of nullification and seces- sion; recommending in conclusion " the adoption of resolutions dissenting from the assertion of the abstract right of se- cession, and refusing to send deputies for any present existing cause, and urging upon the people of all the States, north and south, the necessity of cultivating brotherly feeling, observing justice, and attending to their own affairs."
This message, with which the resolu- tions of the general assembly of South Carolina were transmitted, was referred by the Senate to the committee on State Af- fairs, and by the House of Representa- tives to the committee on Federal Rela- tions. With the exception of the majority report of the committee on Federal Rela- tions, the sentiments expressed were in all main points in harmony with Houston's views. But the year 1860 was one of un- precedented agitation, caused by tlie ex- citement over the canvass for the presi-
dential election. A great national crisis was at hand. By the platform adopted by the Republican national convention, which met at Chicago, May 16, it was denied that the authority of Congress or of a Territorial legislature could give legal ex- istence to slavery in any Territory of the United States. The ballots resulted in the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, who was elected president by a large majority of the electoral college's votes.
Meantime, in Texas, the Democratic Confederate leaders had not been idle after their defeat at the polls. They now had recourse to a secret organization, and some of the same men who had denounced the Know-nothing society availed themselves of the services of a secret organization known as the "Knights of the Golden Circle," which had been formed some years before with the object of establish- ing an empire, the foundation of which was to rest on the institution of slavery. This society undertook various filibuster- ing movements from 1850 to 1857, in which latter year one of their expeditions was unsuccessful and the organization was partially broken up. The more persistent of its members, however, still devoted their energies to the accomplishment of disunion, and the baffled secessionist party in Texas turned to them for assistance. It became a power in the land. By its influence the sentiments of the people were revolutionized; from its fold were drawn the first armed insurgents in Texas, under the famous ranger, Benjamin Mc- Cullongh; it furnished the vigilance com- mittees; and "to its members were charged murders and incendiary acts com-
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HISTORY OF NAVARRO, HENDERSON, ANDERSON,
mitted during the war," says Newcomb.
No sooner was it known that the mna- jority of electors chosen on November 6 were in favor of Lincoln than South Caro- lina took the initiative and called for a convention of the Southern States to meet at Columbia, December 17. Heavy pres- sure, too, was brought to bear upon Hous- ton to force him to call a special session of the legislature, to which he finally yielded, much against his will, appointing January 21,1861, as the day for its assembling. His previous views were now slightly modi- fied, though he was still as strongly op- posed to secession as ever. He still hoped that disunion might be avoided by tem- perate representations of a convention of the Southern States. But the voices of the Unionists were silenced by a majority of outspoken advocates of slave-State prin- ciples. The legislature, too, ignored the governor's proclamation, the zealous class proceeded to hasten matters, and on Jan- uary 8 sixty of them issued a call for a State convention, to meet at Austin on the 28th of that month, the chief justices of the counties being recommended to order the opening of the polls at the different precincts for the election of delegates to said convention. The election was held January 21, polls being opened by seces- sionists wherever judges loyal to the Union refused to obey the call. By many the proceeding was regarded as irregular, and out of the whole number of voters in the State not more than 10,000 appeared at the polls. Barely half of the counties were represented by the people.
But the Confederate party had the up- per hand, and was determined to push
matters to a crisis. The legislature, by a joint resolution, recognized the elected delegates, and declared the convention a legally constituted assembly. Houston's veto was overruled, and on the appointed day the convention met at Austin. On February 1st the ordinance of secession was passed by a vote of 167 to seven, sub- ject to ratification or rejection by a vote of the people on the 23d. Without wait- ing till the result was known the conven- tion proceeded to appoint a " committee of public safety," to which secret instructions were given. It, moreover, appointed dele- gates to the Confederate convention in Montgomery, Alabama, and adjourned to March 2.
The committee of safety assumed the powers of the executive, and appointed three commissioners, Thomas J. Devine, P. N. Luckett and S. A. Maverick, to treat with General Twiggs, in command of the United States forces in Texas, for the sur- render of his army and the national posts and property. Twiggs was already in communication with the Confederates, and when in January Governor Houston had inquired of him confidentially as to what disposition would be made of the public property in Texas, he evasively replied, on the 22d, that he had received no instruc- tions from Washington in regard to the disposition of the public property or of the troops, in the event of the State's seceding. "After secession," he wrote, " if the exec- ntive of the State makes a demand on the commander of the department he will re- ceive an answer." In his communica- tions with the commissioners, Twigg required of them to support their
51
AND LEON COUNTIES.
LIMESTONE, FREESTONE
demand with some show of force, and on February 16th Ben Mccullough, with a party of between 300 and 400 men, took possession of the main square of the San Antonio, the Alamo having been captured that morning by a body of Confederates. On the 18th, an agreement was entered into, and Twiggs surrendered the national forces stationed in Texas, to the number of 2,500 men, all the forts, arsenals and military posts, and the public stores and inunitions of war, valued at $1,200,000, cost price.
A few days before the popular vote was taken Houston delivered a speech, from the balcony of the Tremont House in Gal- veston, to the excited public on the ques- tion of secession. His personal friends, fearing that violence would be offered, en- treated him to remain quiet. But he was not to be stopped by any apprehension of danger. He stood erect before the peo- ple, and in prophetic language pictured to them the dark future. "Some of you," he said, " laugh to scorn the idea of blood- shed as a result of secession, and jocularly propose to drink all the blood that will ever flow in consequence of it! But let me tell you what is coming on the heels of secession: The time will come when your fathers and husbands, your sons and bro- thers, will be herded together like sheep and cattle at the point of the bayonet, and your mothers and wives and sisters and daughters will ask, 'Where are they?' You may, after the sacrifice of countless inillions of treasure, and hundreds of thousands of precious lives, as a bare pos- sibility, win Southern independence, if God be not against you; but I doubt it.
I tell you that, while I believe with you in the doctrine of State rights, the North is determined to preserve this Union. They are not a fiery, impulsive people, as you are, for they live in cooler climates; but when they begin to move in a given di- rection, where great interests are involved, such as the present issues before the coun- try, they move with the steady momentum and perseverance of a mighty avalanche, and what I fear is they will overwhelm the South with ignoble defeat."
On February 23 the polls were opened. Houston had been right in saying that bloodshed was not anticipated. By most Texans the possibility of war was not thought of, and his warnings fell on heed- less ears. Austin, the capital, San An- tonio and other western towns, as well as counties, gave Union majorities; the Ger- inan colonists, too, were for the Union; but in the other portions of the State the vote was Confederate. Out of the 70,000 legal voters, 53,256 cast their votes. Of this number 39,415 were in favor of seces- sion and 13,841 were against it.
This result was known March 5, and then the convention, which had reassem- bled on the 2d, forthwith assumed the powers of the government. It instructed its delegates at Montgomery to ask for the admission of Texas into the Southern Con- federacy that had just been formed; it sent a committee to Governor Houston to in- form him of the change in the political position of the State; it adopted the Con- federate constitution, and appointed rep- resentatives to the Confederate Congress.
Houston in his reply to the convention considered that it had transcended its
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HISTORY OF NAVARRO, HENDERSON, ANDERSON,
powers, and stated that he would lay the whole matter before the Legislature, which was to assemble on the 18th, whereupon the convention defied his authority and passed an ordinance requiring all State officers to take the oath of allegiance to the new government. Houston and E. W. Cave, Secretary of State, refused to take the oath; they were both deposed by a decree of the convention, and Edward Clark, the Lieutenant-Governor, was installed as the executive. Houston then appealed to the people, and, when the Legislature met, sent in a message protesting against his removal, at the same time stating that he could but wait their action and that of the people. If driven at last into retirement, in spite of the constitution of the State, he would not desert his country, but his prayers for its peace and prosperity would be offered np with the same sincerity and devotion with which services had been rendered while occupying public station.
In his address to the public two days previously, he denounced the usurpations of the convention. Nevertheless he was far from wishing that his deposal should be the cause for bloodshed. " I love Texas," he declared, " too well to bring civil strife and bloodshed upon her. To avert this calamity, I shall make no endeavor to main- tain my authority as chief executive of the State, except by the peaceful exercise of my functions. When I can no longer do this I shall calmly withdraw from the scene, leaving the government in the hands of those who have usurped its authority, but still claiming that I am its chief executive."
The legislature, however, in face of appeal, protest and message, sanctioned the proceedings of the convention, and Clark, who had already been sworn in on the 16th, assumed thie functions of provi- sional governor on the 21st. Houston soon after left the capital and retired to private life. In connection with the general unsettled feeling in the State, Texas was harassed during 1859 and 1860 by depreda- tions on her frontiers, both by the Indians and Mexicans. In the course of these, many brave volunteers and innocent per- sons were killed and much property destroyed.
By proclamation of April 15, 1861, President Lincoln declared the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas in rebel- lion, called out 75,000 of the militia and summoned Congress to assemble on the 4tlı of July following. On the 11th of that month Senators Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas, having failed to take their seats, were declared expelled from the Senate of the United States, together with certain members from Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, by a vote of 32 yeas against 10 nays.
The great Civil war began, and fortunate it was for Texas that her geographical posi- tion placed her outside the cyclone of that Titanic strife. While the whirlwind of destruction and death swept for years over the unhappy South, she was disturbed only by the commotion raised on the edge of the dreadful storm. Her territory in all its length and breadtlı did not become a battle-field, and agrienlture mnet not with the same destruction as in some other sec-
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LIMESTONE, FREESTONE AND LEON COUNTIES.
tions. It is true that many places were abandoned and became desolate, and thou- sands of acres nnder cultivation were left to weeds and thistles; but the flail of fam- ine did not fall upon the land. Her com- merce naturally suffered much, but even in this respect the detriment to Texas was less than that felt by any other of the Southern States. She had the advantage of being the solitary portion of the Con- federacy bordering on a foreign nation, and found in Mexico a market for her cotton and a source from which she could procure supplies of the most necessary commodities. Her numerons posts on the gulf, too, afforded her better facilities for running the blockade which was established than those possessed elsewhere by the South. Thus, comparatively speaking, Texas, lo- cally considered, suffered less than any other Confederate State. Nevertheless a stop was put to her progress; internal im- provement and immigration ceased, and thousands of her sons perished in the war. For she did not flinch from taking her full share in the struggle, and in many a hard- fought battle her flag was borne in the thickest of the fight.
Within one month of the installation of Clark, hostilities broke out. On April 14, 1861, Fort Sumter was evacuated by Major Anderson, and on the following day Lin- coln's proclamation was issued. Enlist- ment for service was at once commenced in Texas, and early in May, Colonel W. C. Young, crossing Red river, captured Fort Arbuckle and other military posts of the United States in the Indian Territory, the the Federal soldiers retreating to Kansas. Colonel Ford, also, assisted by an expedi-
tion which sailed from Galveston, took pos- session of Fort Brown, opposite Mata- moras, without meeting with resistance. Captain Hill, in command, had refused to obey the order of Twiggs to evacuate it, but found that he could not possibly hold it with his small force.
On June 8, Governor Clark issued a proclamation, announcing that a state of war existed, and shortly afterward the ports of Texas were blockaded by a squad- ron of the gulf fleet. The Texans had never been laggards in hastening to the field of action, and now, after an interval of nearly twenty-five years of almost un- interrupted peace, their war-like spirit was again aroused, military districts were formed, a system of instruction in evolu- tionary movements and the use of arms were established, and great numbers en- listed in the cause to which Texas had pledged herself. By November 15,000 men were enrolled in the service of the Confederate army.
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