USA > Texas > Harrison County > History of Harrison County, Texas 1839 to 1880 > Part 13
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Organization got under way quickly. The beat com- mittees performed their work as efficiently as could be expected under prevailing conditions. On the second and fourth Saturdays of each month, the chairman or a dele- gate from each beat committee met in Marshall to report
68. Texas Republican, June 5, 1868.
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on progress and to consult on plans for the approaching campaign. A special attempt was made to line up the best element of the negro population with the conserva- tives. That the whites had some success at this may be scen from the report of the meeting of the colored conser- vatives of Harrison County who adopted the following reso- lutions:
Whereas, in Union there is strength, by a man's action, only can he be known. The time has arrived when every colored man should unite his strength with that of the white conservative Democrats, both South and North, therefore, before it is too late,
Resolved, Ist, That we hold in utter contempt any southern man, white or black, who has turned traitor to his home and country, and who affili- ates with the Loyal League or the radical party Resolved 2nd, That we will not hire any man, white or black to labor, who is known to be in sympathy with, or affiliates with the Loyal League and radical party.
Resolved 3rd That each member of the colored Democratic Club organized at Central Academy, be constituted an agent to solicit the names of such as may join, and that certificates may be issued to them by the Democratic Club of beat No. 3. 69
In spite of the efforts of the conservatives of this and other negro infested counties, to muster a formidable organization, they were doomed to defeat. There were at this time 45,000 negroes in the state, and these were too well under the control of scalawags and carpet-baggers, to hope for any conservatism. On February 6, 1869, the state constitutional convention adjourned without completing,
69. Ibid., September 18, 1868.
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dating, or signing the constitution. In this condition it was submitted to the people for ratification. The Texas Republican has the following to say relative to this convention:
Every good citizen of the state will re- joice to learn that the Austin Mongrel Conven- tion has adjourned. A more villanous depraved body of men never met within the bounds of a commonwealth for any ostensible purpose connected with governmental affairs. And after having out- raged all decency, honesty, and self-respect, if they ever had any, and plotted at the state capi- tal for months against the best interests of the country, at an expense of scarcely less than a quarter of a million of dollars, they have kindly consented to go home, or to the places they call by that endearing appellation. We have not seen
their work. We know but little of the legislation in which they saw fit to indulge. It will be time enough for us, and the voters of the state to pass judgment upon the result when it is before us. ºº
There were not enough enfranchised whites to defeat this constitution, and so it was declared ratified by an overwhelming majority. At the time of its adjournment, the convention had ordered an election for state and county offices. Edmund Davis, the radical candidate for governor, was elected over Hamilton, the conservative. Just as the radicals had won in the state so did they win in Harrism County. Every county office was filled either by a carpet bagger, scalawag, or a negro. Radical rule was not broken in the county for a period of eight years. During that time, the following negroes served in various capacities : Henry Moore, as state senator for two terms; Mitch Kendell, state senator, for one term; David Abner, as representative
00: Ibid., February 19, 1869
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for one term; Shack Roberts, as representative for two terms; Wiley Henderson, as representative for one term; Edmund Brown, as representative for one term; Edmund Brown, sheriff; Patrick Dennis, as county treasurer ; Wash Brown, as deputy sheriff; and Levi White, as chief of police for the city of Marshall. 71
A reaction on the part of the conservatives against such conditions was inevitable, and sometime in 1868, a. Ku Klux Klan organization, purported to be the first west of the Mississippi, was perfected in Harrison County. This organization took place in the store of Hill, Hawley & Com- pany, a building located where Hilliard-Green Clothing Store now stands. Theo. P. Hawley, W. W. Heartsill, Clarence Ker- by, W. C. Barrett, S. K. Taylor, and T. A. Elgin assumed leadership. It seems that this organization was not used with any great effectiveness toward keeping the negro from the polls, but concerned itself, by peaceful means, with keeping down disorder among the negroes. The Klan was so organized that if any trouble with negroes arose, the bells of the town of Marshall summoned the women and children to a place of safety, and called the men together in council to act as necessity might demand. About bed time there would appear in the streets of Marshall, or along some lonely country road, a group of hooded figures who spoke to each other in low guttural tones. The negroes who were cut at
71. A letter from H. B. Pemberton, colored principal of Central High School, Marshall, Texas.
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that time fled to their homes upon seeing them, and re- mained there until the next morning. In case some negro had conducted himself too insolently toward a white person, he was called upon by the hooded brigade, and in rare cases he was taken out and whipped. Usually, the knowledge that there was such an organization as the Ku Klux Klan made negroes cautious and prevented the necessity of using severe measures against him. 72 Either as an aftermath of the war, or as an accompaniment of radical rule, a spirit of unrest manifested itself in Harrison County in the form of numer- ous petty crimes. For instance, the cellar room of G. W. L. Dawson, keeper of an inn, was broken into and robbed of a considerable quantity of whiskey, sugar and other provi-
sions . 73 Cattle and hogs had to be locked up. In several instances, even the cows came home already milked. It is very likely that the freedmen, most of whom were out of work, and had no means of subsistence, were responsible for most of these thefts. To say that all such offences were committed by negroes would be going further than reason demands. There are always a few whites in any community who, through actual necessity, or through greed, will rob, pillage, or murder.
Some of the crimes were more serious. Conditions finally became so bad that the Texas Republican felt called upon to voice its protest against such lawlessness.
72. Interview with W. W. Heartgill, an ex-k lansman, Marshall, Texas.
73. Texas Republican, November 10, 1865.
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It is necessary to lock all the doors, and button down the windows of dwellings, to keep out burglars; to take in every household article at night, and place it under lock and key. It is no longer safe to walk the streets of a night, without a six-shooter, and & searching inquiry in front and rear. This is no sensati on paragraph. The condition of things represented really exist here. Such a state of affairs was certainly never known in any country in the civilized world with There exists an amount
such a sparse population.
of rascality, thieving, demoralization and licen- tiousness rarely equalled. We have lived in Texas for nearly 19 years, and we have never known during that period, property and life so insecure. We
must not be understood as making any complaint. By no means. If the officials and citizens, the civil and military are satisfied with the existing state of things, the situation is equally acceptable to us; for we feel abundantly competent to take care of ourselves in any state of society that may un- happily intervene. But as a public journalist, we feel it our duty to present facts, and to urge those whose province it is to promote and enforce law and order and virtue, to do so.74
Quite a number of murders were attempted or con- summa ted in this county during its reconstruction period . One of the most foul of the attempts at murder was on Mrs. D. B. Bonfoey. Some one entered her house one night and atacked her with a hatchet, fracturing her skull, and al- most killing her. S. R. Perry, sheriff at this time, posted a $1, 000 reward for the apprehension of the person who com-
mitted the crime. 75
In many instances, the person murdered was a negro. This would seem to indicate that a few negroes during this period proved themselves to be too recalcitrant and more serious means of dealing with them than terroriz-
74. Ibid., November 17, 1865.
75. Idim.
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ing had to be adopted. 76
It does not seem that the troops of the United States government stationed at Marshall were as obnoxious to the citizens of this county as they were said to have been in other places in the South. This is especially true for the first few years of their residence. As has been seen, the 10th, Illinois Infantry took up its residence in Marshall about the middle of June, 1865. The Texas Republican gives a favorable account of these men:
These soldiers are well drilled and disciplined, and the deportment of the officers and men, is in the main, commendable. Our citizens are much pleased . to witness the spirit manifested by a large majority of them. We are satisfied that a large majority of the United States officers and men are anxious to promote a good feeling. 77
However, a few charges have been laid at the door of the officers and soldiers stationed at Marshall. The chief offense committed seems to have been drunkenness. When in this condition, the soldiers delighted to ride their horses furiously up and down the streets, thereby en dangering the lives of pedestrians and disturbing peace in general. A few cases of rape and murder, charged against the Federal soldiers, are recorded. Some of these charges were probably not true, but due to the stress of the times, were laid at their door. Others evidently were true. On the whole, how- ever, it would seem that their conduct was as orderly as could be expected considering the circumstances.
76. There is no open evidence to substantiate this state- ment as no white man was convicted in Harrison county during this time for the murder of a negro. However, it seems the natural thing to suppose that if a negro, who could not be frightened into submission, proved himself too obnoxious, means would be found to make way with him. 77. Texas Republican, June 30, 1865.
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The white soldiers were replaced in the middle of 1866 by a company of negro troops. This had long been ex- pected and dreaded in this county. Two regiments had pre- viously been sent to Shreveport. The Texas Republican in commenting upon this, said:
Two negro regiments have arrived in Shreve- port. Other negro troops are said to be on the way. We trust none of them will be sent to Texas, as we sincerely wish to see peace and good will restored between the sections. Our people have an objection to being governed by negro troops. To send them here, will be to humiliate the citi- zens, and to make them feel as if there was anin- tention to degrade them. This is certainly not the object of the government. To send such troops into the interior, while the war was in progress might be justified, but certainly such a course now is at war with sound policy. 78
These black troops seem to have conducted themselves with even greater propriety than the white soldiers. How- ever, the citizens of the county were glad when in the early part of February, 1867, they were replaced by white troops. The new comers compose Company C of the 20th United States Infantry, and were in charge of Lieutenant William Hawley. These, together with troops from other parts in Texas, were withdrawn in April or May, 1870, and Texas again took over the task of governing itself without the assistance of the troops.
Perhaps the most serious problem which had to be 1 faced in connection with the work of readjustment was that of dealing with the liberated negroes. Three courses were open to the plantation owners of Harrison County at the 78. Ibid., July 28, 1865.
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close of the var. He could drive the negro off his land, and give him liberty to go where he pleased; he could re- tain him, furnish him with a mule and a few farm implements and rent a piece of land to him on shares; or he could sell him a small farm. To a certain extent, all three methods of procedure were resorted to in Harrison county .
For a time after the surrender, the vast majority of slave owners actuated by an attachment for the race, by a grateful remembrance of past services, and perhaps by a hope that the institutions might still be maintained, con- tinued to support and control their negroes as they had done before the war. It was not long, however, before the military order was issued, which resulted in the release of the negros. They hardly knew what to do. All their lives, they had been dependent upon their masters for the main essentials of life - food, clothing, and shelter. Most of them, therefore, embraced their new found freedom with joy. Only a few of them realized that freedom car- ried with it great responsibilities, and asked to remain with their master under the old conditions. Most of the 6 negroes were under the impression that the government meant to furnish each freedman with "forty acres and a mule." In anticipation of this, hundreds of them met the troop train which brought to Marshall its first company of federal soldiers. For some reason the negroes had gotten the impression that the mules would come with the soldiers.
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This was their first disappointment, but it was not enough to disillusion them. They still hoped for their "mile and forty acres." This hope was kept alive by shrewd politicians who, for reasons of their own, played upon this ignorance.
Most of the negroes in Harrison County, therefore, when told by their masters that they were free, took them at their word, and left the plantations to drift aimless about in the towns and villages of the county. Vacant houses in the towns, especially in Marshall, became filled with them. These houses, overcrowded to a superlative de - gree, as might have been (xpected, became dens of licen- tiousness. Soon a great many of the nebroes were reduced to want, and finally to destitution.
The Freedman's Bureau established at Marshall did what it could to alleviate the condition of the negroes in this county. The main object of this organization seems to have been to protect the ignorant negro from the unscrupulous white man. Prices were fixed to apply where planters retained negroes on their plantations but declined to enter into a contract. Any white man could make a contract in writing with a negro for any consider- ation agreed upon by the contracting parties. Agents were sent out to the plantations to assist in making con- tracts. The negroes refused to conform to their contracts made in the presence of the agents, they could be punished. -
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If they did not behave themselves, they could be ordered off the plantation. 79
In August 1865, approximately nine hundred freed negroes of Harrison County assembled on a creek near Marshall to consider their rights and duties under the new order. After long and careful deliberation the meet- ing resolved by a vote of 700 to 100 that they had made practical trial for three months of the freedom which the war had bequeathed them; that its realities were far from being so flattering as their imagination had seemed to indicate; that they had discovered that the prejudices of color were by no means confined to the people of the South; but, on the contrary, it was even more marked against them in the strangers from the North; that negroes, no more than whites, could live without work, or be comfortable without homes; that their northern deliverers had not, as they had been led to expect, undertaken to provide for their happy existence in their new state of freedom; and that their old masters had ceased to take an interest in them or have a care for them; and, finally, that their "last state was worse than the first, " and it was their deliberate confes- sion that their true happiness and well-being required them to return to the home which they had abandoned in a moment of excitement, and to go to work again.80
79. Ibid., May 26, 1865. 80. Ibid., September 1, 1865.
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After a time, therefore, most of the prodigals returned, either to their old master's plantations, or to some other, and : ntered into contract with the owners. This contract system did not work in all cases. A great many negroes, especially during the first year, felt at liberty to break their contract at any time they saw fit, and return to the towns, where they indulged in a spree of loafing until they were finally again forced to seek work. Some few stayed and made good. The descendants of these few now own their homes, drive their cars, and have modern conveniences which even the plantation owner in the ante-bellum days did not possess.
It was the vagrant class of negroes that gave the whites trouble. There do not seem to have been any negro riots in the county during the reconstruction period, and very few murders perpetuated by negroes. However, the jails of the county was always full of them for thievery, drunkenness, and other similar offenses. The negro in this county would not have become so intolerable had not the ballot been taken from hundreds of white citizens at the same time that it was bestowed upon him. Normally, the negro was not in the least interested in politics. It made no difference to him whether Jefferson Davis or Andrew Johnson was president of the United States, but he was soon made to believe that it did. Just as the white people of this county were about to solve the problem of labor which
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had been brought about by the freedom of the negro, a few self-seeking carpet baggers and scalawags convinced the negroes that their hopes for the future lay in the ballot, and that if they wanted a "mule and forty acres", they must vote them to themselves. While there were excesses committed against the whites, by both the soldiers and the Freedman's Bureau, it does not appear that they had a great deal to do with thus inspiring the negroes. In fact, both agencies strove at all times to keep them orderly. It is true that the Freedman's Bureau soon assumed the appearance of favoring the negroes as against the whites, and a great many whites resented this, causing them to lay unfounded charges at the door of the Bureau, but it seems that most of such instances were merely a part of the poli- cy maintained by the organization for the purpose of keep- ing the negroes satisfied. It is easily noticed, that while on every election after their enfranchisement the negroes voted by overwhelming majorities the radical tick- et, yet they were so well under the control of the Bureau that there was no disorder. The Texas Republican had the following to say in regard to the Freedman's Bureau:
Col. Thomas Bayley, who has been in charge of the Freedmen's Bureau, at this place for several months, has gone home on a furlough of fifty days. He has discharged his duties with fidelity and impartiality and his course has given general satisfaction. The office is in charge of Lt. Beebee, who, we believe, will pursue
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a similar course to that of Col. Bayley. Such officers merit the kind feelings of our citizens and honor the government they represent . 81
Doubtless there were a few negroes in Harrison County who misinterpreted their freedom. Before the negro had received his freedom he habitually gave way to . the whites in all public places such as roads, streets, and buildings. But now some of his advisers began to tell him that if he wished to show his equality with the whites, he should no longer do this. Quite often, therefore, in his zeal to show his equality, he would attempt to occupy the whole of the road or street, thus forcing the whites out of the way. There were not many of this kind and rarely did one ever act this way for any great length of time .
. The chief objection of the whites of this county to the negro seems to have been due to his enfranchisement. In such a county as this, where two-thirds of the entire population were negrces, this was tragic. The negro vote controlled Harrison County from 1869 to 1878. Several negroes were allowed by the carpet baggers and scalaways to hold responsible county offices. Of course, this was done merely to hold the negroes in line. Shack Roberts, one of these, represented this district for two terms in the state legislature. While holding this position, he did one thing, among many others, which was illustrative of the negro in politics. There was a small stretch of 81. Texas Republican May 19, 1866.
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territory within the boundaries of Harrison County which the people of Marion County wanted. The representative from that county went to Roberts with a map and pointed out the desired territory, saying that it was just a little place, as he could see by looking upon the map. Since Roberts was more adept at estimating the size of a cot ton field than a piece of land shown on the map, he reasoned that it looked so small that it could not be more than an acre or two in extent and gave his consent. 82 Thus Harri-
son County lost several thousand acres of very fertile land. When the white people of the county learned of this aliena- tion of territory, they came near mobbing their representa- tive .. 83 Below is given a quotation from H. B. Pemberton which indicates how the educated negro of Harrison County feels today in regard to the reconstruction days:
It is current history that shortly after the emancipation of the negro, many whites from the North came down South to hold office, and to ex- ploit the negro in politics. This was most unfor- tunate for the negro, for he was used as a to ol of these designing politicians. The intrusion of the negro into politics, unlettered as he was, proved his political undoing. Just emancipated from slavery, ignorant, untrained in politics, without any property holdings, put on political equality with the whites, and often incited to lord it over his former masters, all taken to- gether brought down upon him the maledictions of the white people of the South. This exploitation of the negro at this time on the part of the carpet baggers and scalawags was one of the great- est crimes of reconstruction. The negro has suf - fered and will continue to suffer for many years because of this political blunder on the part of
82. J. W. Cyphers, County Superintendent of Public Instruction, Marshall, Texas.
83. Potter's Point was a part of this area.
of his "supposedly" Northern friends.84
Even after most of those barred under the congres- sional plan of reconstruction were re-enfranchised, there were still not enough conservative votes in Harrison Coun- ty to gain control of its political affairs. This was due to an overwhelming negro population. By 1878 the number of negroes in Harrison County had passed 10,000; they could therefore easily outvote the conservative whites on any question. Thus, there was the spectable of all the rest of Texas having been "reconstructed", and affairs back in the hands of the white population, while Harrison and Marion Countios continued to be controlled by the vote of the negro. Something had to be done in these two counties to break this "black" grip. The answer was the organization of the Citizens Party. This party was organized by Jonathan Rudd and twenty nine others . 85 This was not a Democratic party nor was it Republican. All respectable men, irre- spective of party who wished to see the political affairs of the county put back upon an honest and efficient basis by the election of conservative whites to the offices, were invited to join this new party. In 1878, this party won its first victory by electing the commissioners court. In
84. Personal letter from H. B. Pemberton
85. Morning Star, May 1894. W. P. Lane and Major Mienclem were among this number. Candidates for county offices today announce "Subject to the action of the Citizens' Primary", while those for state offices announce "Subject to the action of the Demo- cratic Primary ". Harrison And Marion are the only (continued on the following page)
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1880 the radicals were completely routed. Even before this time, carpet baggers and scalawags, having read the handwriting upon the wall, had begun to leave. After 1880, there were none left.86
The affairs of the county seem to have been rather inefficiently and corruptly administered during the years while it was under the control of the radicals. When these "gentlemen" stepped into power there were $12, 000 in cash in the county treasury 87 and scrip was worth dollar for dollar. When they were driven from office, scrip was worth only ten cents on the dollar, and the county was in debt $450,000. What this money was spent for has never been known. Doubtless, a great deal of it, due to the inexperience and incompetency of the office holders, was wasted. Other amounts were probably mis-
appropriated. But it was many years before the debts incurred by them could be paid off, and the affairs of the county could be brought back to normal conditions.
85 (from preceding page
two counties in the state with such an organization There is some talk today of disbanding the Citi- zens' Party, due to the fact that it has served the purpose for which it was organized, but such action is not likely to take place until all of its organizers are gone.
86. Interview with W. A. Adair, a local historien, Marshall, Texas.
87. Morning Star, May , 1894.
Bibliography
Source materials
1. Manuscript
Behn, Charlie. "Harrison County's Three Court Houses", MS., in the office of Marshall News- Messenger, Marshall, Texas.
Harrison County Court Records, Court House, Marshall, Texas.
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Harrison County Deed Records, Court House, Marshall, Texas.
Harrison County District Court Records, Court
House, Marshall Texas.
Harrison County Estate Records, Court House, Marshall, Texas.
Harrison County Probate Records, Court House, Marshall, Texas.
Minutes of Trustees of the Marshall University, in office of T. P. Young, Marshall, Texas. Transcripts secured from the United States Census Bureau; Social Statistics, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Census.
2. Government publications
Republic of Texas, Laws, Fourth Congress, Austin, 1840; Fifth Congress, Austin, 1841; Sixth Congress, Austin, 1842; Eighth Congress, Austin, 1844; Ninth Congress, Austin, 1845.
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Texas Reports. Vol. 0, 1843.
United States Census Bureau
Seventh Census, Statistics of the United States.
Eighth Census, Agriculture. Eighth Census, Population. Ninth Census, Population.
Thirteenth Census, Population.
United States Department of Agriculture. Soil Survey of Harrison County. .
Washington, D.C., 1913.
3. Newspapers
Frontier Times. Bandera, Texas, 1923 --
Marshall News-Messenger. Marshall, Texas, 1895 --
Morning Star. Marshall, Texas, 1889-1895.
Texas Magazine. Dallas, Texas, 1909 -- Texas Republican Marshall, Texas, 1839-1869.
4. Letters C. F. Adams, Marshall, Texas. H. B. Pemberton, Marshall, Texas.
5. Interviews
W. A. Adair, Marshall, Texas. H. G. Hall, Hallsville, Texas. W. W. Heartsill, Marshall, Texas. Dr. J.N. Hill, Hallsville, Texas. Ben Hope, Hallsville, Texas.
6. Miscellaneous
Gammel, H. P. N., editor. The Laws of Texas.
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10 vols. Austin, 1898 Texas Almanac. Dallas, 1857 --
Secondary materials
Atterbury, Eleanor. "The Bloody Neutral Ground in Harrison County", Texas History Teachers' Magazine Vol. XIV
Burba, Alma. "A History of the Scottsville Plantation. " Marshall News-Messenger, July 21, 1929.
Behn, Charlie. "The Athens of Texas", Marshall News- Messenger, July 21, 1929.
Behn, Charlie, "The First Settler in Harrison County" Marshall News-Messenger, September 29, 1929.
French, Bella. The American Sketch Book. 7 vols. Galveston and Austin, 1878-1881.
Fulmore, Z. T. The History and Geography of Texas as Told in County Names. Austin, 1926.
Johnson, Frank W. Texas and Texans. (edited by Eugene C. Barker). 4 vols. Chicago, 1914. Marshall, Thomas Maitland. A History of the Western Boundary of the Louisiana Purchase, 1819-1841. Berkley, 1914.
Potts, Charles S. Railroad Transportation in Texas. Austin, 1909.
Ramsdell, Charles W. Reconstruction in Texas. New York, 1910.
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Riddell, C. L. "Guide to Immigrants", Texas Almanac 1860.
Students of Marshall High School. Sketches Draw
from Marshall and Vicinity. Marshall, Texas. 1919.
Wilbarger, J. W. Indian Depredations in Texas.
Austin, 1898. .
Wortham, Louis J. A History of Texas. 5 vols. Fort Worth, Texas.
Wooten, Dudley G., editor. A Comprehensive History of Texas. 2 vols. Dallas, 1899.
Yeary, Mamie. Reminiscences of Boys in Grey. Dallas, 1912.
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