USA > Texas > Harrison County > History of Harrison County, Texas 1839 to 1880 > Part 8
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Some interesting accounts are told of the early days of Harrison County's first railroad. Miss Alma Burba, in an account of these early railroad days says:
Steamboat days at Swanson's Landing, a ride behind an ox-drawn locomotive, deer hunts, the period when the City of Jefferson was the largest trading center in Texas, are all within the memory of Mr. J. M. Winston, who now lives on Fast Houston Avenue (Marshall). ... Mr. Winston is the only person he knows of now living who ever road on the Swanson Railway. There was a regular station at Swanson's Landing for this train. The engine called the "Jay Bird", was often unable to pull its train of flat cars and one coach over some of the steep grades on the route. For this emergency, Peter Swanson, the found- er of Swanson's Landing, kept three yoke of steers to pull the engine up the hill. A
signal of short and long whistles told the keeper of the steers at which one of the points on the half mile of track the engine was stuck. A tremendous effort was made as
63. William T, Scott was President.
64. Harrison County and Marshall pledged a subsidy of $300, 000. This reference was furnished by H. G. Hall, Hallsville, Texas, a member of one of Harrison County's oldest pioneer families.
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the engine approached each one of these hazardous places to get enough momentum to carry it across. If ever the locomotive could reach the top, it could easily coast down.
The train tried to run every day. Supplies were carried from Caddo Lake to Marshall as regularly as the train could be run. At the water's edge, the locomotive was turned for its return trip to Marshall . on a wooden turntable. 65
Another article in the Marshall News-Messenger
at a later date gives other information:
Engineers, firemen, conductors and brake- men who pilot the trains over well-equipped roads of today, with their perfect organization for speed and comfort, would soon find them- selves climbing trees if they were suddenly reverted to a western railway of fifty years ago.
In those tempestuous days, passenger engines and coaches only were equipped with airbrakes, and these were sadly out of time. Diminutive signal oil lamps were used in the engine headlights, and on nights that were favorable, engineers could perhaps see fifty feet ahead of their trains. Old fashioned cast iron drawheads that at an unexpected moments had a sneakish way of poking their rusty necks from the end of the cars, re- minding one of a ponderous South Sea turtle slowly going through with its daily dozen, Were in use. Roughly cast links and pins' / coupled the cars together and were known as "finger snappers." The engines used -- many of them equipped for burning wood, and with an antemundane appearance -- were the "hand- me-downs" of Eastern roads. Smokestacks that resembled gigantic black diamonds adorned the tops of the diminutive boilers, from which belched volumes of black greasy smutch, heavily charged with red hot cinders. At the end of a run, it was hard to dis_ tinguish the conductor or brakeman from the porter, and as the passengers alighted, the panorama assumed the atmosphere of the arrival
65. "The Swanson Railroad", Marshall News-Messenger, March 2, 1930.
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in town of the Georgia Minstrels, and train- men and traveling men could be "spotted" on the streets by a glance at their cinder- smutched faces that resisted the best soap and brush, elbow and other greases.
Freight trains approaching stations in those days did so with a decided uncertainty as to just where they would stop. When in about three miles of the station, the engineer would broadcast the long drawn-out approach blast from the engine whistle, ending, in a hollow mournful sound, then in rapid succession, he would begin shrieking brake signals. The rear brakeman would set the caboose brakes, then appear on top of the train together with the other two "screws" each one equipped with a seasoned hickory club, and commence screwing down the brakes. The brakes on a car here and there would be out of commission, and the cars would be seen to buckle up violently, and the train would soon take on the ap- pearance of a gigantic boa constrictor going through the paroxysms of swallowing a goat. With good luck, the train would be brought to a dead stop somewhere within a half a mile of the depot. 66
The press. __ The first newspaper established within the bounds of Harrison County was the Texas Republican, a weekly paper, published at Marshall, which put out its first issue in 1849. This paper under the date of May 26, 1849, gives the following introductory statement:
We present to the public, today, the first number of the Texas Republican. With due modesty, we make our editorial debut, and commend ourself to the kindness of an intelligent community, with whom we are about to become associated in our new vocation. We trust that we duly appreciate the situation and shall aim to be worthy of the favorable consideration of a generous people.
The character of a newspaper is more im .. portant, perhaps than is generally imagined.
66. Marshall News-Messenger, April 5, 1930.
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If conducted with ability, it will give tone to public sentiment, and concentration and direction to public opinion; inspire a love of intelligence; diffuse morality and virtue, and keep alive a spirit of patriotism, when- ever it circulates.
One prospectus, issued recently, promised a newspaper political in its character. We are a Democrat. We shall speak freely our political preferences for principles, measures, and men, avoiding unprofitable controversy, and security.
We fully appreciate the institutions of the South, and are of those who believe that their perpetuity depends on a candid rebuke of any attempted encroachments upon them.
Next to national interests, we will consider those of our state __ our public debt, our lands, our laws, improvements, etc., -- and, to the citizens of our district and county, we will, on all proper occasions, make the Republican a medium through which they may expect information regarding their interests.
As our exchanges will be ample, we shall be able to afford to our readers as good a variety of miscellaneous reading as any paper in the South West.
By 1850, this newspaper was found in the home of nearly every family in this vicinity, and its influence was being felt throughout the state. At this date, its circulation was 1, 050. 67 It continued to be printed until the latter part of 1869 when it suspended publica- tion. 1
In addition to the Texas Republican there was an- other newspaper being published in Harrison County in 1850. This was the Star State Patriot, 68 a weekly
67. Schedule 6, Social Statistics, 1850, transcript. 68. Idem.
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political and agricultural newspaper, which had a circula- tion of 600. Thus we see that by 1850, Harrison County had two strong newspapers to help mould the minds of its people in a political, social, and educational way.
Next to the Texas Republican, and a rival of it, the most important paper published in Harrison County during these early years was the Harrison County Flag. This paper made its appearance in 1858, ran for three years, suspended publication in 1861, resumed again in 1865, and was permanently suspended in 1869. In 1860, it had a larger circulation than that of the Texas Repub- lican. This 69 This paper, which was published weekly, was of a political nature, but in contrast with the Texas Repub- lican, a Democratic paper, it claimed no affiliations with any party .
Two or three other newspapers in Harrison County made their appearance in these early days, but usually suspended circulation after a short time. The Marshall Weekly, with William Windwestock as editor, came into existence in 1860. It was strongly Republican and was established for the sole purpose of aiding in Lincoln's election. 70 After the election it suspended publication. The East Texas Bulletin was published from 1865 to 1870.
69. Harrison County Flag, 1,200; Texas Republican, 1, 000, Schedule 6, Social Statistics, 1860, transcript.
70. It evidently did not function very well, if one is to judge by the number of votes Lincol received in ~ Harrison County.
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This newspaper was non-political. The Marshall Reporter, with a Mr. Kennedy in the editorial chair, and the Tri- Weekly Herald, with Mr. Hamments and a Mr. Sloan as co- editors, were the only other newspapers of this period in the history of Harrison County. 71
Politics in Harrison County before the Civil War. The early settlers of Harrison County, like all western settlers, particularly the planters, took a keen interest in the political questions of the day. Even before 1850, the greatest interest of the pioneer planter was in politics. No political problems were too hard for him to solve, and he meant to make his influence felt both with his fellow-men and at the polls. Consequently, Harrison County political leaders, like those of other counties, early formed the habit of calling the voters of the county together at rallies to discuss their political, social, and economic problems. These meet- ings were nearly always well attended, and there was no lack of men qualified to speak on such subjects as might have been of interest to the people of the county. Not only did the pioneer fathers meet to discuss local prob- lems, but they assayed to meet and discuss state and national problems as well.
Three state and national problems of interest to the people of Harrison County stand out during the period
71. Sketches Drawn from Marshall and Vicinity, p. 74.
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between the creation of the county and secession. The first of these, and perhaps foremost, was the annexa- tion of Texas to the United States. During the days when this question was a problem, which national politicians hesitated to solve, it is safe to say that these early settlers of Harrison County were having their meetings and passing resolutions in favor of annexation. A second problem which seemed greatly to stir up the people of Har- rison County was the Compromise of 1850. Even at this early date, there were rumblings, growing louder as the years passed, which were finally blended in the noise and turmoil of a civil war. Let the Texas Republican voice the sentiment of Harrison County and East Texas on the Compromise and some other troublesome questions:
In another column we present our readers with a synopsis of the anxiously looked-for re- port of the committee of the thirteen. We frank- ly confess that we had looked forward to the labors of this committee with what we conceived was a well grounded hope of a happy result. When we looked over the names of the committee, and found if composed of such men as Clay, Cass, Dickinson, Hangum, Berrien, and others, we felt a pleasing assurance that some plan would be submitted thich would at least save the honor of the South. We submit to all candid men how far our expectations have been realized. We ask if the report of the committee is entitled even to the name of com- promise. It is such a compromise as the wolf dictates to the lamb. It takes from the South the last plank in the platform on which she stood. It denies her every substantial relief that she asked as indispensable to the enjoy- ment of her rights, and in exchange for this, attempts to blind her eyes to the utter degra- dation with gilded shadows. In a word, the re- port is the Clay resolutions, which met the un- qualified disapprobation of the entire southern delegation in Congress new-vamped and varnished over.
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The Monstrous California fraud is legal- ized, and the South effectually shut out from the whole of that country and its extraordinary mineral wealth; and the slave trade is prohi- bited in the District of Columbia -- the latter being the first item in the programme of aboli- tion agitation. And what is granted the South in return for these two measures, the former of which is the violation of the Constitution, and the latter derogation of the plighted faith of the government? 72
On July 6, 1850, the people of Harrison County were called together in a public meeting. The Compromise of 1850 was the main topic under discussion, Dr. Wm. Evans was chairman of this meeting and C. M. Adams, secretary; ex-Governor J. Pinckey Henderson was the principal speak- er. He spoke in direct and strong terms of the aggres- sion of the North upon the rights of the South, and es- pecially of the disposition of its politicians to disre- gard the treaty of annexation, which, he said, had recent- ly been so manifest. He denounced the so-called compro- mise of the Senate committee; calling it a direct attack upon the dearest rights of the South. He considered the proposition to purchase a title from Texas to a portion of her territory as unjust, and insulting to her, accom- panied as it was, with a threat to dismember her if she refused to accept it. The time had come for united ac- tion by the South; nothing but union, firmness, and prompt action could by any possibility shield the consti- tution from the mad and fanatical attacks of the enemies
72. Texas Republican, June 30, 1850 .
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of southern institutions. The slave holding states had & right to call upon Texas to stand by them in resisting the war now made by non-slave holding states against the institution of slavery; many of them had declared in her favor in regard to the boundary dispute, and would stand up for her as long as she remained true to herself. Texas ought not, and could not sell any of her territory, which might thereby be appropriated to the purposes of aboli- tion, without degradation and imminent danger to her dear- est interests. At the conclusion of the speech the chair- man appointed a committee which reported resolutions favoring the stand taken by the Nashville Convention.
Under the date of August 17, 1850, the Texas Republi- can has the following to say under the title of "The Defeat of the Compromise": "We rejoice at the defeat of the com- promise. Every debate upon it demonstrated the injustice of its provisions, and stamped it, so far as the South was concerned, as a work of abomination. By it every thing was surrendered and nothing gained."
Although opposed to the Compromise of 1850, sentiment of the, county built up by the Texas Republican favored the proposed extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the · Pacific Ocean. The above article goes on:
The issue will be formed, and it remains to be seen how far the North is willing to go to pre- serve the Union; and whether the recreant members from the South, with whom the past scheme of fraud upon their own section originated, will support &
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measure that has at heart the political equal- ity of the states. We refer to the Missouri Com- promise. This will now be brought forward; and if it is defeated, there is but one alternative left the South --- submission, or disunion. If this measure, which surrenders up two-thirds of the territory to the North, magnanimously offered in a spirit of conciliation and compromise, is defeated, we may well despair the Republic.
This proposal, Texas Senators favoring it, was de- feated. The Texas Republican has the following to say in regard to the defeat:
The vote for extending the . Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific ocean was rejected in the Senate on the 6th inst. It will be seen that the hypocritical friends of the South (Cass and Dickinson, as Clay did on a previous occasion) voted against it. The disguise has been torn from them, and they now assume their true char- acters. Two years ago, Mr. Douglas made a similar move for thus extending the Missouri Compromise. He now votes against it. This shows the progress of fanaticism and what justice the South is to ex- pect. 73
It is well known that one part of the Compromise of 1850 proposed to pay Texas $10,000,000 for her claim to the territory included within the Mexican session. Under the head of the Pearce Bill, this proposal finally passed congress. On the passage of this bill, a call was issued for the citizens of the county to meet at the court house to discuss what action the county would take relative to 1 the matter. The call was accompanied by the following challenge:
73. Ibid., August 31, 1850.
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A public meeting of the citizens of Harri- son County will be held in Marshall, on MONDAY WEEK, the 30th inst., to take into consideration our public affairs. It is expected that Semtor J. F. Taylor and Representative J. M. Clough will address the people. Other speeches will also be delivered.
It is to be hoped that every citizen of the county can afford to give ONE DAY to his country in these perilous times. The questions involved affect vitally the honor and interest of the State, and the integrity of the Union. Every man must now take the question home to himself. He can no longer be indifferent to the issue, if he loves his country, and cherishes her institu- tions; he cannot be silent unless he would be willing to see the State disgraced, without rais- ing his voice to avert it. Let every person make it a point to come. 74
In the meantime, before the meeting took place, Colonel Loughery, the owner and editor of the Texas Re- publican came out with a stinging editorial in denuncia- tion of the Pearce Bill. Something of how the citizens of this county, as well as those of a great many other counties of Texas, felt in regard to the matter may be gathered from the following quotation:
1 Pearce's Bill, which has just passed Congress, proposes to surrender up about ninety millions of acres of our territory to free soilism; enough with New Mexico added to make three states. It will open upon us a frontier of nearly seven hun- dred miles in extent a portion of which, 165 miles in breadth is thirty miles farther south than Marshall. Let any man open his map and con- template this vast sacrifice and its consequences. What will that territory remaining between the 32nd and 36th degrees of latitude be worth in Texas, when this surrender is made? Slaves can- not be held within it; it is necessarily bound
74. Ibid., September 21, 1850.
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to be freesoil. When this bill is received by Texas, she will be hemmed in on all sides ex- cept the Louisiana and Arkansas portions of her boundary by a border of free-soil States. 75
The citizens of Harrison County, in their called meeting, passed resolutions condemning the alienation of the New Mexico territory.
On October 5, the Texas Republican announced the pas- sage by congress of a bill, (part of the Compromise) abol- ishing slave trade in the District of Columbia. This news- paper in an editorial under the above date represents this as the last act in the "present contemplated series of ag- gression against the South."
After the Compromise of 1850 had passed congress, that part of it applying to Texas had to be ratified by the Texas state legislature. In the meantime, Texas was in the throes of an election. The question before the people was the Pearce Bill. Should Texas accept the "ten million dol- lar bribe", or reject it? The people of this county were thoroughly aroused on this subject. All over the country numerous speaking dates were arranged. In the last issue of the Texas Republican before the election, Colonel Loughery issued the following call:
To The Polls !! To The Polls !!
Fellow-citizens! Now is the time for action; let no man hang back. Let us entreat you to lay aside all personal feelings, and to vote for those who support the honor and integrity of the State. The question is purely one of principle, and pri-
75. Ibid., August 28, 1850.
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vate friendships and animosities should be laid aside. Let every man be able to say "If the State goes wrong, I, at least, have done my duty." The candidates in favor of Pearce's Bill are running the question, and will claim a triumph, if they are elected. Let us again entreat you to stand up to the question, and vote out your political sentiments. 76
It seems that Texas as a whole did not hold the same views on the matter as Harrison and other East Texas Counties held. The people of the state voted by a com- fortable majority to accept the ten million. This doubt- less was due to the fact that at this time the institution of slavery had barely gotten out of the first tier of coun- ties on the eastern border of the state. However, Texas, as a whole voted in favor of accepting the ten million, and after a parting shot on the part of the Texas Republican the people of Harrison County took no further interest in the matter.
Prior to, and closely related to, the Compromise of 1850, what was known in Texas as the Santa Fe Crisis en- joyed a period of keen interest in Harrison County. This crisis arose over the attempt of Texas to assert its authority over that part of the territory claimed by Texas that is now within the state of New Mexico. The United States government having formulated a treaty with Mexico, resisted and prevented this assertion of authority. The cry of foul play went out all over Texas. The planters
76. Ibid., October 26, 1850.
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of Harrison County, ever alive to any actual or reported aggression on the part of the North, got into action. The Texas Republican, their representative in politics, opened its attack on this new aggression in the following language: The Crisis has at length arrived when we can no longer be indifferent to our rights, or insen- sible to the dangers with which we are menaced. As will be seen in this day's paper, that portion of Texas known as the Santa Fe District, has, in conjunction, with New Mexico, formed summarily a State Government, and, ere this, has no doubt sent on a Congressional delegation to Washington. The object of this movement, as we understand it, is to throw the whole matter into the hands of the northern majority, where it is hoped that in the end this fraud will be sustained. 77
A public meeting was promptly called which passed reso- lutions condemning such action on the part of the North. The matter was finally settled by the Compromise of 1850.
By this time, the question of slavery was overshadow- ing every thing else. Each move made in congress was re- · garded with suspicion by the Southern planters and often . considered as a fresh aggression. From 1850 to 1860, there was hardly an issue of the Texas Republican that did not place in glaring headlines some new "aggression".
The period in the history of Harrison County from 1860 until many years after the Civil War is a difficult one to describe, and at the same time, give justice to two conflicting theories. No attempt will be made to give both sides of questions which came up during that period,
77. Ibid., July 13, 1850.
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because according to the viewpoint of the people of Harrison County during those years, there were not two sides -- there was only one, and that one was theirs.
There were more slaves in Harrison County in 1860 than in any other county in Texas. At that time the slave population was 8,784; the white population was con- siderably less. 78 Not only this, but about three-fifths of the heads of families were slave owners. Some owned only one or two slaves, while others, like Colonel Scott, owned hundreds. It was quite natural that the people of Harrison County should take the viewpoint they did upon the great question which now began to cast its shadow up- on the land. By the time another decade had passed, the differences between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery group had become so intensified, and their attacks on each other so bitter, that war was possibly the only recourse.
A fair index of the attitude of the people of Harri- son County may be found in the Texas Republican, This paper became the champion of the planter class, and out- spoken in its denunciation of those who saw things differ- ently. One of the strongest indictments of the abolition- ists is found in the issue of November 16, 1850. Any language other than that of the editor would not put the force and spirit in it necessary to portray the real feel-
78. Eigth Census of the United States, Population, p. 481.
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ings of the people of this county. The title of the / Article is: "The Wrongs of the South." Under this cap- tion the following indictments are listed:
1. The north has stolen from the South negroes to the value of between 20 and 30 millions of dollars, and the annual depreda- tions of several years past is estimated at half a million of dollars. 2. When the owners of these negroes go to the North to claim them, as they have the right to do under the constitution, they find there, in nearly all the states, laws, making it penal for any one to aid them, and mobs to rescue their property from their possession, to maltreat, annoy, and assassinate them.
3. The pulpit, the press, and the school- room of the North, are all engaged, and have been for years, in training the public mind to the conviction, that slavery is an evil, moral, social, and political; that it must not be ex- tended; and that it shall be utterly extirpated 80 soon as it can be, under the forms of the constitution.
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