USA > Texas > History of Texas : from 1685 to 1892, volume 2 > Part 23
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When this news reached St. Louis, the press of the country went wild in bitter denunciation of the Texians as robbers and pirates. The Republican, alone of the St. Louis press, seemed willing to hear both sides. Captain Myers F. Jones and party published a short defensive card, supplemented by a friendly one from Mr. Joseph S. Pease. The author of this work had just returned and, happening to be in St. Louis,
1 Among others in this expedition were Hugh F. Young, Hon. Stewart A. Miller and Robert A. Terrell, founder of the town of that name.
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could not submit in silence, and published in the Republican a complete recapitulation of the outrages, robberies and mur- ders committed in 1841 and 1842 by the Mexicans upon the people of Texas, and closed with a denunciation of the conduct of Captain Philip St. George Cooke.
The effect was salutary and caused a revulsion in the public mind, that resulted in Prentice, of the Louisville Journal, and other journalists, warmly espousing the cause of the Texians.
It should be added that Colonel Snively was an exceedingly conservative and honorable man, who afterwards died in Arizona, while a citizen of California.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
President Houston's Secret Message to Congress, Washington, January 20th, 1844 - Annexation - New Colonial Enterprises.
January 20, 1844, President Houston sent a secret message to Congress in session at Washington on the Brazos, relative to annexation, from which the following is an extract.
" Connected with our present condition, our foreign relations are becoming daily more and more interesting, and it seems to me that the representatives of the people should anticipate the events which may in all probability occur.
" To suppose that both branches of the Honorable Congress were not aware of the important and absorbing questions which it is believed will agitate the Congress of the United States connected with the fate of this country, would be to doubt their intelligence. The Executive therefore relies upon the deliberative wisdom and decision of the representatives of the people to give him all the aid in their power to conduct the affairs of Texas to such an issue as will be promotive of its interests as a community and, at the same time, gratifying to the people. Heretofore he has carefully abstained, during his present administration, from the expression of any opinion in reference to the subject of annexation to the United States, and in submitting this communication, he does not think it becoming in him now to express any preference. It will be perceived by the Honorable Congress that if any effort were made on the part of this government to effect the object of annexation, which is so desirable, and it should fail in meet- ing responsive and corresponding action on the part of the United States, it might have a seriously prejudicial influence
(292)
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upon the course which England and France might otherwise be disposed to take in our favor, and a failure on our part after a decided expression could not but be mortifying to us and to a great extent, diminish our claims to the confidence of other nations. It would create distrust on their part towards us, because the opponents of our interests would allege that there was no stability in our purposes and therefore unsafe in other nations to cultivate any intimate relations with us, or even to maintain those which now so fortunately exist. They might apprehend that, after the lapse of a few more years, Texas, having acquired increased importance from their friendly aid and good offices, would be induced again to the agitation of the same question in the United States, to apply for admission into the Union, and, that by possibility it might be effected. Hence the utmost caution and secrecy on our part as to the true motives of our policy should be carefully observed.
" Were the interest now manifested both in the United States and Texas in relation to annexation to pass off without produc- ing any material change in our national attitude, another object of but secondary importance might be achieved. It appears to the Executive that the relations which the United States bear to this country, and its important position in the Gulf, would not disincline them to a treaty of alliance with us, de- fensive, if not offensive. If nothing else were effected than a treaty for defense, it would secure to Texas a position that would bid defiance to our Mexican enemy. It would be as important to us, in fact, as the recognition of our independence by Mexico.
" These measures seem to the judgment of the Executive to be vitally connected with the glory, the well-being, and the sta- bility of the nation, and, had he under this conviction not communicated the same to Congress, he should have felt him- self delinquent in the discharge of an important duty. If they are favorably received by the Honorable Congress, and their
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effectuation desired, it may be necessary for this purpose, if circumstances daily arising should justify this course, to dis- patch an additional agent to the government of the United States to co-operate with our agent now there; and, in that event, an appropriation of five thousand dollars would be requisite to meet the necessary expenses. This recommenda- tion does not arise from any distrust of the ability and capac- ity of Mr. Van Zandt, our present charge d'affaires. His industry and capacity are evinced by his correspondence with this government ; but the additional weight a coadjutor would give to our character at that court, and the multiplications of facilities for success by the aid which they could mutually render each other, from increased opportunities for intelli- gence and in collecting and comparing information, would doubtless be of the highest importance.
" If the Honorable Congress should think well of these sug- gestions they will be aware of the propriety of immediate ac- tion upon the subject. The Congress of the United States has now been in session some time, and there can be but little - doubt that, if they have not already done so, they will soon indicate their disposition and course of policy towards this country.
" Believing, as the Executive did, at the commencement of the present session, that the subject of annexation was in the best position in which Texas could place it, he did not allude to it in his general message, apprehending that any public action taken, either by the Executive or the Congress, would only have a tendency to embarrass the subject. Action must now be taken by the United States, and we must now watch and meet their disposition towards us. If we evince too much anxiety, it will be regarded as importunity, and the voice of supplication seldom commands in such cases great respect.
" The Executive hopes that these injunctions, under which this communication is made, may be so regarded by the Con-
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gress, as to prevent the possibility of its publication, until the measures sought may be accomplished, or the negotiations terminated."
In response to this, James Pinkney Henderson was sent to the United States as minister to co-operate with Mr. Van Zandt.
THE EAST TEXAS FEUD.
In the early settlement of that portion of Eastern Texas now comprehended in the counties of Harrison, Panola and Shelby, there was until the year 1840, an undefined boundary between Texas and Louisiana.
The country involved a width of several miles, many claim- ing allegiance to the one country or the other as suited their personal wishes ; the result was, most naturally, that it be- came a refuge for lawless men. While there was a fair per cent of reputable citizens in the country, there were also many who preferred to live by illicit means. Among other dishon- est schemes practiced in the country were the forgery and sale of land certificates, the circulation of counterfeit money and other kindred crimes. In due time feuds arose, involving personal difficulties and violence. This led to the organiza- tion of a body of self-styled " Regulators," and this in turn led to a counter organization which assumed the designation of " Moderators.' Affrays and murders became frequent, and early in 1844 armed bodies of men numbering from 150 to 200 each, stood in array against each other. President Houston realized that a crisis was upon the country. He issued a proclamation addressed to the malcontents, at the same time ordering General James Smith to raise a body of several hundred militia and proceed to the scene of the diffi- culties. This was speedily done and President Houston arrived on the scene about the same time. He called a con- vocation of the leading men on both sides and addressed them with great earnestness. He told them that the laws must and
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should be enforced; that the taking of human life must be stopped, and peace be restored to the country. That all this he wished to accomplish without shedding a drop of the blood of his countrymen; but, in the last alternative, added, that these objects must be accomplished cost what they may. He appealed to the leaders on both sides to cast their arms aside and become peaceful citizens. His appeal had the desired effect. Both sides agreed to follow his advice and obey the laws. The President and militia returned to their homes.
Thus ended the so-called " War of the Regulators and Moderators." The best men of each party were elected to fill the various offices and to represent the country in the Texas Congress. It is but truth to state that there were many lawless men in that country, but they speedily disappeared, order was restored and the average population of that section for nearly half a century, has compared favorably with other portions of Texas.
NEGOTIATIONS.
Under the administration of John Quincy Adams, the United States proposed the purchase of Texas from Mexico. This was refused. The same was repeated two years later. It was a favorite project of Henry Clay. Other high digni- taries of the United States had never abandoned the claims to Texas as part of the purchase of Louisiana from France. Andrew Jackson was of the number, and, though from motives of policy, he refrained from the advocacy of annexa- tion at the first, he watched the ebb and flow of the tide set- ting towards its accomplishment, with intense interest. The opposition to annexation was a whig policy and carried to a degree of acrimony that would have condemned the Texians as brigands and outlaws, who would sooner, or later scatter and leave the country in a worse condition than at the begin- ning. The question had many complications.1 Great Britain
1 Almonte, then Mexican minister to the United States, expressed the
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opposed annexation, hoping through Texas to secure the earlier payment of her claims against Mexico -to increase monarchial territory on this side of the ocean ; to add to her own commercial advantages through the Gulf of Mexico; and, it was suspected, to diminish slave territory. The communi- cations between Great Britain and Texas were frequent and conducted with secrecy. It was only to be observed that the " Scylla," a British vessel, made frequent trips between Vera Cruz and Galveston, and carried as a passenger a British Embassador in the person of Captain Charles Elliot, of the British navy, whose mission could only be understood as bearing directly upon the question most nearly affecting the interests of Texas, and known in the United States to be prejudicial to annexation.
The labors of the ministers of Texas at Washington were confined chiefly to personal interviews with individual senators, and their views urged with caution, as no step must be taken that would be humiliating to Texas, or, by becoming public, would prejudice her (at least pleasant ) relations with Great Britain.
On the 6th of July, 1843, the question of annexation was ordered suspended by the Texian government ; at the same time the friends of the measure in the United States were urging it upon all occasions. It was declared to be the great measure of Tyler's administration, and on the 18th of September, 1843, Mr. Van Zandt was advised to make this known to his government in order that her ministers might have power to treat with the United States at the proper time.
On the 16th of October, Mr. Upshur, having made a formal proposition for a treaty of annexation, Mr. Van Zandt transmitted the same to the government of Texas. Texas did
belief that Texas was so torn by disssentions her subjugation by Mexico would be easily accomplished.
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not receive the proposition with the eagerness which had evidently been expected. Various considerations engaged the mind of the Executive. The Mier prisoners had not been released, and it was feared their lives would be imperiled. It would alienate Great Britain and France and, in the possible contingency of its rejection in the Senate, Texas would be left without a friend. The President was determined to act with extreme caution. It was known that a secret correspondence was conducted between President Houston and his ministers, and on the occasion of a special messenger being dispatched to the United States, of whose mission Congress had not been informed, in their indignation they passed a resolu- tion demanding a return of the messenger until his errand should be made known to Congress. The President refused to comply, explaining the necessity of secrecy. He, however, consented for the Speaker and committee on foreign relations to call at the State department and inform themselves. It was a period of intense anxiety. The President was especially determined to hazard nothing like defeat and only responded favorably, after assurances from Andrew Jackson, that it would pass the Senate by a vote of thirty-nine senators (thirty-five being the requisite two-thirds), and from other sources that there could be no possible doubt of the bill pass- ing the Senate. And in addition an armed force was pledged by the President of the United States for the protection of Texas against Mexico. It was urged by the sanguine friends of the measure that a treaty of annexation should be made immediately and signed before it was submitted to the Senate for ratification.
On the 5th of December, President Tyler in his message to Congress, after dismissing the idle threat of Mexico of war as the result of annexation, virtually declared in its favor.
On the 12th of April, 1844, a treaty of annexation was signed by Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson on the part of Texas, and John C. Calhoun, successor of Mr. Upshur ( who
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was killed by the explosion of a gun on the steamer Prince- ton), and sent by Mr. Tyler to the Senate for ratification.
The annexation of Texas had become an exceedingly popu- lar measure of the Democratic party in the United States, and not more so for general reasons than for jealousy of Great Britain and France, foreseeing what complications might ensue to her maritime commerce on the Gulf, with Great Britain as the "Protector " of Texas. An election for President of the United States was pending and Henry Clay (whig) was the popular candidate of his party. He had committed himself against annexation in an open letter on the 12th of April. The nominating convention for the whigs was held in Baltimore and on the first day of May Mr. Clay received the nomination. The question of annexation was discussed in the convention and the Texians were roughly handled. They were styled a nation of vagabonds, adven- turers, cut-throats, etc., and not worthy to occupy a place among the States of the Union, and not a voice was raised in their defense. This greatly aroused the interests of the friends of annexation, and the nomination of the Democratic candidate was anticipated with anxiety. This convention met on the 27th of May, and Mr. Van Buren, the idol of his party, was the candidate for nomination. When the ques- tion of annexation was put to him he declared against it, and the strength of the friends of the measure was sufficient to cast Mr. Van Buren aside and put in nomination a candidate for President, James K. Polk of Tennessee, and for Vice- President George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania, both known to be in favor of annexation.
When the revival of the subject of annexation was made public - as it was by President Tyler's message to Congress - Mr. Elliot, the British envoy, expressed the greatest surprise and demanded an explanation of Texas. This was given in the facts that the " armistice " was a failure - the terms not having been kept by Mexico - in releasing the Mier
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prisoners - and, as the British minister to that country had retired, Texas had no authorized medium of communication with Mexico, and Great Britain had furnished Texas no pro- tection against an invasion, of which Texas stood in pressing need, as Mexico had, in her indignation, declared the cessation of hostilities at an end, and that an invading army would be marched, without unnecessary delay, for the complete sub- jugation of the country. The re-opening of the question, moreover, had not been of her seeking, but the overtures had come from the United States, and had only been cautiously met.
Provoked by the continued discourtesy in Santa Anna's unofficial communications to the " Texas people," President Houston addressed him the following letter :
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 29, 1844.
To His Excellency, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, President of the Republic of Mexico:
It appears by a letter received from General Adrian Woll, under date of the 19th ultimo, that you have entertained a de- sire to communicate with this government. I regret, however, extremely, that in so doing, you should have indulged in a departure from the courtesy which ordinarily obtains in the correspondence between civilized States of the present age. There are certain designated and universally acknowledged channels of intercourse between nations, such as the Depart- ment of State, or Foreign Affairs.
Through your subaltern, General Woll, you have, in the communication to which I allude, addressed no government, or functionary of any government. It is, however, addressed to Texians, but in language which even common courtesy does not sanction.
For the information of your Excellency, I will suggest, that the commissioners sent out by this government for the
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purpose of regulating the conditions of an armistice between the two countries was authorized by the President of Texas, and as such must have been communicated to your Excel- lency; otherwise they could not have been received in their official capacity. Their credentials alone entitled them to the recognition of yourself and officers.
The Texian commissioners had special and prescribed pow- ers delegated to them, and all their acts were subject to the review, and rejection or approval of the Executive. Without approval, they could acquire no validity. The designation of Texas as a department of the Mexican confederacy, so called, was highly obnoxious to the President, and, consequently, the conduct of the commissioners was at once disapproved. For this, you are now, sir, pleased to express, through your sub- altern, your indignation at the perfidious conduct of the people of Texas.
I regret much that you have given this complexion to the affairs of the two countries. When men, by chance or Prov- idence, have been elevated to the rule of nations, and en- trusted with the best interests of the people, it must be con- sidered a great misfortune if they entail upon them calamities which ther duties as philanthropists should teach them to avert.
When belligerents, even in the most angry excitement of feeling, are arrayed against each other, it is but proper that their chieftains should preserve towards each other a comity which might render them approachable, and thereby avert great human suffering and the effusion of human blood. When war rages, all ranks and conditions are subject to its agitations and calamities. Texas has already endured the ex- tremest agony, and will endeavor to profit by her experience. Against her, you have again denounced war. We will await the event. Eight years ago you were a suppliant ; obtained your liberation without ransom, and acknowledged the gov- . ernment of Texas. If Texas existed then as a nation, her
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recognition since then by other powers, and increased com- mercial relations would, well excuse your recognition now of her sovereignty. But, sir, you speak of your resources and power. They were defied and triumphed over in 1836, and if you invade Texas in 1844, you will find neither her powers nor the success of her arms less complete.
I desire to know for what reason you have charged the authorities of Texas with perfidy. Have they given to Mex- ico any pledge they have not redeemed? They have liberated her chiefs and soldiers taken on the field of battle, without obligations so to do. But they are of a race which permit neither their word nor their honor to be falsified. How has it been with Mexico? The capitulation of Fannin was disregarded, and hundreds massacred in cold blood. You indeed denied a cognizance of this fact; declared that you were implicated by the falsehood of General Urrea, and that if you returned to your country and came into power, you would execute him for his duplicity. Have you done it? You have power but to what purpose? Of the inoffensive traders who visited Santa Fe, and capitulated to your officers, what was the treatment? They were slaughtered by the way- side, when unable to march, and their ears cut off; evidence, indeed, of barbarity not heard of among nations pretending to be civilized, since the ninth century of the Christian era.
Again, at the surrender of Mier, your officers pledged to the men the protection due to prisoners of war, in fulfillment of which, they were soon after barbarously decimated and the remainder ever since held in chains and prison. They were also to be returned to their homes immediately after their submission ; but every pledge given them has been violated. Is this good faith? You pledged yourself also, solemnly, through H. B. M. ministers, to release the Texian prisoners in Mexico, if those of Mexico remaining in Texas should be set at liberty, which was done on the part of this government, by public proclamation, and safe conduct offered to them to
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return to their country. Have you performed your part of the agreement or your duty? Are they free? Will all this justify you in charging, through General Woll, either the government or citizens of Texas with perfidy, or its Execu- tive with double-dealing in diplomacy ?
I regret, sir, extremely, that it has been my duty thus to advert to circumstances which must be as disagreeable to you as to myself. But you have invoked it.
You have denounced war, and intend to prosecute it. Do it presently. We will abide the result. Present yourself with a force that indicates a desire of conquest, and with all the appendages of your power, I may respect your effort. But the marauding incursions which have heretofore charac- terized your molestation, will only deserve the contempt of honorable minds.
I have the honor, etc. etc., SAM HOUSTON.
The 104 remaining Mier prisoners were released on the 16th of September, 1844, by order of Santa Anna, as has been stated, in remembrance of a dying request of his wife.
The result of the nominations at Baltimore was looked for with intense interest. Mr. Van Buren's adherents did not surrender quietly and the friends of Mr. Clay exerted all their energies for his election and the defeat of Mr. Polk. The ques- tions at issue became " the re-occupation of Oregon and the re-annexation of Texas." "Polk, Dallas, Oregon and Texas," was the party cry of the Democrats. Polk and Dallas were elected. On the 8th of Junethe treaty of annexation was voted on in the Senate and rejected by a vote of sixteen to thirty- five. Lightning did not then carry evil as well as good tidings but the people of Texas soon heard this unwelcome news with inexpressible mortification and chagrin, and Mexico heard it with corresponding elation and renewed threats. Texas was left without a friendly ally, Great Britain and
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France having previously united in a protest against annexa- tion.
President Houston was assured by letters from the United States that annexation at some period, not remote, was inevit- able, and Texas was advised to keep herself in an attitude of preparation so that whenever the time arrived there would be no new obstacles in the way.
In reply he said : " Texas is free from all involvements and pledges; and her future course, I trust, will be marked by a proper regard for her true interests. My decided opinion is that she should maintain her present position, and act aside from every consideration but that of her own nationality.
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