USA > Texas > History of Texas : from 1685 to 1892, volume 2 > Part 44
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a commerce has been carried on for years by the citizens of the United States, from Missouri ; and the preparations connected with the fact that the citizens took with them a considerable amount of merchandise, show that their enterprise was not one of conquest or invasion. You may allege that it had connection with the government from the fact that the Presi- dent identified himself with it by furnishing arms to those connected with the project. This may have induced you to characterize the expedition as you have in your tirade against Texas. Whatever part the President bore in this transaction was contrary to law and in violation of his duty. A large portion of the people of Texas were not apprised of the existence of such an enterprise. You doubtless would insist that it had the means of offense against Mexico. So far as their preparations could give character to the undertaking by carrying with them artillery and other munitions of war, it can be accounted for most readily. They had to pass through a wilderness six hundred miles from the frontier of Texas before they could reach Santa Fe. It was reasonable to suppose they would encounter many hostile tribes of Indians ; and it was proper and necessary that they should be in a situation to repel any attack made upon them ; and, as their objects were pacific, they were justified in resisting aggression from any quarter. The instructions given to them did not contemplate hostilities, but that the enterprise should terminate without bloodshed or violence. Scientific men from Europe and the United States accompanied them, not for war- like purposes, but for the purpose of adding rich stores to the treasury of science. It had likewise been communicated to the people of Texas that all the inhabitants east of the Rio Grande were anxious to enjoy the benefits of our institutions. You cannot allege that you were not willing to admit the justice of our claim to the Rio Grande, or that you were not anxious to facilitate the object. Your communication to me on that subject is conclusive ; Texians were apprised of it from
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your repeated declarations to that effect while in this country and on your way to Washington City. At the time the expedition started no hostilities were carried on between this country and Mexico. Commissioners from Gen. Arista were at Austin at the time the party started for Santa Fe. They were kindly received, and made the most sincere professions of amity and reconciliation with this government. They were treated with kindness and corresponding commissioners appointed to Gen- eral Arista. To them every civility was extended, and they were permitted to return without molestation. This was the attitude of the two countries, at that time. Will you allege that this was not sanctioned by your government - or will you insist that it was a trick of diplomacy ? For myself I would not have been deluded by any professions which might have been tendered to Texas by Mexico, when a departure from the most solemn pledges would result in injury to the former, and benefit to the latter. That the ministers of Gen- eral Arista played their parts with fidelity to their instructions I have no doubt; and that all the information which could be derived, in relation to the trading company, was faithfully transmitted to the government of Mexico. Nor do I doubt but that the population of the northern parts of your country, so soon as the intelligence was received, were thrown into the utmost consternation; and a nation numbering 8,000,- 000 of people inhabiting valleys, mountains, towns and large cities, " "by so many titles respectable," was convulsed at the apprehended approach of three hundred Texian traders. But what has been the sequel of this expe- dition? On their approach to the settlements of the Rio Grande they obtained supplies from the inhabitants, not as a hostile and marauding party, but paid a valuable consider- ation for every supply which they obtained. They were met by the Mexican authorities with overtures of peace, assurances of friendship, and pledges of security, provided they would give up their arms for the purpose of tranquilizing the Mexi-
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can population. Detached, as the company was, into parties remote from each other, and deluded by pledges, they ac- quiesced in the wishes of the authorities of the country; thereby evincing to them that they had no disposition to dis- turb the tranquility of the inhabitants, and that their objects were pacific. But no sooner were they in the power of the authorities, than they were stripped of their clothing, deprived of everything valuable, treated in the most barbarous manner and marched like convicts to the city of Mexico. On their route every act of inhumanity, cruelty and hatred were evinced. When their sick and helpless condition required the assistance of Christian charity and humanity it was denied them. They were barbarously shot, their bodies mangled and their corpses left unburied. The butchery of McAllister,1 Galphin, Yates, and others appeal to heaven and this nation for retribution upon the heads of their inhuman murderers.
You may allege that you did not authorize the perpetration of these outrages, committed upon men who had violated no rule of law known to this civilized age. This will be no ex- cuse for you. Your sanction of these acts is as culpable as their perpetration was degrading to their authors. Their detention as prisoners by you may gratify the malignity of little minds; but the just, the chivalric, the brave, and the generous of all nations may pity, but must despise your con- duct. Had it not been for the faithless professions tendered to them, and their too ready belief, they could have main- tained their position against all the forces of northern Mexico, and, if necessary, could have made good their retreat to their homes, defying the " generous effort of the people of New
1 McAllister's ankle was inflamed and exceedingly painful, but he was ordered to march with the other prisoners. It was impossible. He could have been allowed to ride, as there were several spare mules, but Salazar, in a rage, ordered him to march. He again declared he could not. "For- ward, or I will shoot you on the spot," said Salazar. "Then shoot, and the quicker the better," McAllister replied, baring his breast. He was instantly killed and his ears cut off as evidence that he had not made his escape.
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Mexico." Your conduct on this occasion will present your humanity and sense of propriety in very awkward contrast with the treatment extended to you and your followers after the victory of San Jacinto, being not, as you suppose, one of the " freaks of fortune," but one of the accompaniments of that destiny which will mark the course of Texas until the difficul- ties between the two countries shall be satisfactorily adjusted.
But you declare you will not relax your exertions until you have subjugated Texas; that you have " weighed its possible value," and that you are perfectly aware of the magnitude of the task you have undertaken ; that you " will not permit a Colossus within the limits of Mexico; that our title is that of " theft and usurpation;" and that the " honor of the Mexican nation demands of you the reclamation of Texas;" that " if it was an unproductive waste, useless, sterile, yield- ing nothing desirable, and abounding in nothing but thorns to wound the feet of the travelers," you would not permit it to exist an independent government, in derision of your na- tional character, your hearths and your individuality. Allow me to assure you that our title to Texas has a high sanction ; that of purchase - because we have performed our condi- tions ; - that of conquest - because we have been victorious. It is ours because you cannot subdue us; it has been conse- crated ours by the blood of martyred patriots ; it is ours by the claims of patriotism, superior intelligence, and unsubdua- ble courage. It is not a sterile waste, nor a desert ; it is the home of freemen ; it is the land of promise; it is the garden of America.
Every citizen of Texas was born a freeman, and he would be a recreant to the principles imbibed from his ancestry, if he would not freely peril his life, in defense of his home, his liberty and his country. Although you are pleased to characterize our occupation of Texas and defense of our impescriptible right, as " the most scandalous robbery of the present age," it is not one-fourth of a century since Mexico perpetrated a similar
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robbery upon the rights of the crown of Spain. The magni- tude of the theft may give dignity to the robbery ; in that you have the advantage. That you should thus have characterized a whole nation I can readily account for. Heretofore you entertained the opinion that Mexico could never conquer Texas; that, if it were possible to drive every Texian from the soil, Mexico could not maintain her position on the Sabine; and the retreat of her army would be the signal for the return of the Anglo-Saxon race, who would re-occupy their homes, and pursue the Mexicans as far as the Rio Grande; and that Mexico, in preservation of the integrity of the territory she then possessed would gain an advantage by abandoning all hope of conquering Texas, and directing her attention to the improvement of her internal condition. Your recent opinions, as declared by you, appear to be at variance with these specu- lations ; and are most vehemently avowed. It is an attribute of wisdom to change opinions upon conviction of error ; and perhaps for it you are justifiable - at least I discover you have one attribute of a new convert ; you are quite zealous and wordy in the promulgation of the doctrine you have espoused.
Sir, from your lenity and power Texas expects nothing - from your humanity less ; and when you invade Texas you will not find thorns to wound the foot of the traveler ; but you will find opposed to Mexican breasts, arms wielded by freemen, of unerring certainty, and directed for a purpose not to be eluded. Texians are not for gewgaws and titles. They battle not to sustain dictators or despots. They do not march to the field unwillingly ; nor are they dragged to the army in chains, with the mock title of volunteers. For a while they lay by the implements of husbandry, and seize their rifles. They rally in defense of their rights, and when victory has been achieved they return to the cultivation of the soil. They have laws to protect their rights ; their property is their own. They do not bow to the will of a despot ; but they bow to the majesty of the constitution and laws. They are freemen indeed. It
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is not so with your nation; from the alcalde to the dictator all are tyrants in Mexico, and the community is held in bond- ages subject, not to the law, but to the will of a superior and confined in hopeless subjection to usurpation.
In an individual so intelligent as yourself it does seem to me that you have evinced very bad taste in adverting to the subject of slavery in the internal affairs of this country. Your opinions on this subject, while here, were freely and frankly avowed. You then believed that it would be a great advantage to Mexico to introduce slave labor into that country ; that it would develop her resources, by enabling her to produce cotton, sugar and coffee for purposes of exportation; and that, without it, she would be seriously retarded in her march to greatness and prosperity. Your sympathy and commiseration, at present expressed, are, no doubt, very sincere; and I only regret that they partake so little of consistency. You boast that Mexico gave the noble and illustrious example of emancipating her slaves. The fact that she has the name of having done so, has enabled you to add another flourish to your rhetoric; but, the examination of facts, for one moment, will disclose the truth. The slaves of Mexico, you say, were emancipated. Did you elevate them to the condition of freemen? No, you did not - you gave them the name of freemen but you reduced the common peo- ple to the condition of slaves. It is not uncommon in Mexico for one dignitary, upon his hacienda, to control from one hundred to ten thousand human beings in a state of bondage more abject and intolerable than the negroes on any cotton plantation in this country. If any individual in Mexico owes but twenty-five cents, the creditor, by application to an alcalde, can have him with his family, decreed to his service, and remain in that state of slavery until he is able to pay the debt from the wages accruing from his labor after being com- pelled to subsist his dependent family. This you call free- dom, and graciously bestow your sympathy upon the African
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race. The Abolitionists of the present day will not feel indebted to you for your support of their cause. Had some one else than the dictator of Mexico, the self-styled " Napo- leon of the West," the subverter of the constitution of 1824, the projector of Centralism, and the man who endeavors to reduce a nation to slavery, become their advocate, they might have been more sensible of their obligations. So far as its increase can be prevented, our constitution and laws have presented every obstacle. They will be maintained to the letter; and, on account of slavery, Texas will incur no reproach.
You touchingly invite " Texas to cover herself anew with the Mexican flag." You certainly intend this as a mockery. You denied us the enjoyment of the laws under which we came to the country. Her flag was never raised in our behalf nor has it been seen in Texas except when displayed in an attempt at our subjugation. We know your lenity - we know your mercy - we are ready again to test your power. You have threatened to plant your banner on the banks of the Sabine. Is this done to intimidate us? Is it done to alarm us? Or do you deem it the most successful mode of conquest ? If the latter, it may do to amuse the people sur- rounding you. If to alarm us, it will amuse those conversant with the history of your last campaign. If to intimidate us, the threat is idle. We have desired peace. You have an- noyed our frontier; you have harassed our citizens; you have incarcerated our traders, after your commissioners had been kindly received, and your citizens allowed the privilege of commerce in Texas without molestation. You continue ag- gression; you will not accord us peace. We will have it. You threaten to conquer Texas; we will war with Mexico. Your pretentions with ours you have referred to the social world and to the God of battles. We refer our cause to the same tribunals - the issue involves the fate of nations. Des- tiny must determine - its event is only known to the tribunal
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of heaven. If experience of the past will authorize specula- tions of the future, the attitude of Mexico is more problem- atical than that of Texas.
In the war which will be conducted by Texas against Mexico, our incentive will not be a love of conquest; it will be to disarm tyranny of its power. We will make no war upon Mexicans or their religion. Our efforts shall be made in behalf of the liberties of the people; and directed against the authorities of the country, and against your principles. We will exalt the condition of the people to representative freedom. They shall choose their own rulers -- they shall possess their property in peace; and it shall not be taken from them to support an armed soldiery for purposes of oppression. With these principles we will march across the Rio Grande, and, believe me, sir, ere the banner of Mexico shall triumphantly float upon the banks of the Sabine, the Texian standard of the single star, borne by the Anglo-Saxon race, shall display its bright folds in Liberty's triumph, on the Isthmus of Darien.
With the most appropriate considerations, I have the honor to present you my salutations.
SAM HOUSTON."
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