History of Texas, together with a biographical history of the cities of Houston and Galveston; containing a concise history of the state, with protraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named cities, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families, Part 12

Author:
Publication date: 1895
Publisher: Chicago, The Lewis publishing co., 1895
Number of Pages: 1532

USA > Texas > Harris County > Houston > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of the cities of Houston and Galveston; containing a concise history of the state, with protraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named cities, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 12
USA > Texas > Galveston County > Galveston > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of the cities of Houston and Galveston; containing a concise history of the state, with protraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named cities, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 12

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

reasonable time for this, May 23, Captain Baylor, an ex-agent, at the head of 250 armed mnen, marched to the Brazos reservation, with the avowed intention of attacking the Indians. Captain Plumber, of the First Infantry, warned him to leave the reservation, and he did so, but a skirmish occurred with the In- dians, and several on both sides were killed and wounded.

It was now, therefore, certain that the In- dians could not remain on the reservation they were then occupying. On the represent- ations of the agents, the government ordered the removal of the Indians as soon as the erops could be matured and gathered, but this did not satisfy the hasty frontiersmen, who demanded immediate action, and at the nr- gent request of the supervising agent, R. S. Neighbors, permission was given him to eon- dnet them at onee beyond Red river. The evil passions of the border whites were so greatly aroused that the government had to send troops to guard the imprisoned Indians on their march to prevent massacrel Thus guarded, these unfortunate Indians were es- corted, July 30 and August 1, to a reserva- tion on the Washita river, beyond the juris- diction of the State of Texas. The number of Indians in this exodns was 1,415, of whom 380 woro Comanches. Owing to the persist- ont persoention kept up by the whites, it was found impossible even to collect the cattle which belonged to these Indians, and they were therefore obliged to leave their stock be- hind1 As a climax to this practical illustra- tion of Lamar's principle of expulsion or ex- termination, Superintendent Neighbors, hav- ing returned to Texas in September, was way- laid on the 14th near Fort Belknap by a man unknown to him and shot! IIe died in twenty minutes. It was believed that this crime was committed on account of the free opinion ex-

pressed by Neighbors relative to the killing of a reserve Indian some time previously.

The last of the Alabama Indians were re- ported in existenee on the Trinity river, a few miles east of the town of Livingston in 1869, then about 200 or 300 in number, and half eivilized.

CURRENT OF EVENTS.

While Elisha M. Pease was governor the financial questions between the State and the general Government were finally adjusted, and a settlement made with the creditors of the old Republic. But many new claimants arose demanding indemnity from the United States Government for loans and losses incurred dur- ing the days of the Republic in defending the country against Indiaus from United Statos territory. The general Government offered a compromise, which was at first treated very indignantly by the creditors, and even by a majority of the citizene in a popu- lar vote on the subject. The legislature, however, in later and cooler moments, agreed to the compromise, and the creditors received a pro rata, which was abont 78 per cent. The amount thus paid was $2,750,000.

From 1852 to 1858 nine-tenths of the taxes collected were remitted to the several conuties to enable them to build courthouses and jails, the remaining tenth being set apart by the constitution for the support of schools, was paid into the treasury. During this period very rapid progress was made, both in immigration and assessable wealth.

But Texan animosity toward the Mexican population did not abate. The Mexican in- habitants were mostly of the lower orders, and were charged with associating with " nig- gers," and frequently of stealing horses and negro girls, whom they would take to Mexico. In the fall of 1856 a formidable negro con-

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

spiracy was discovered in Colorado county, which contemplated a simultaneous insurrec- tion and the massaere of the white popula- tion, with the exception of their young women, who were to be made eaptives. The claves had systematically organized, with secret sigus and pass-words, and provided themselves with bowie-knives and a few fire- arms. Their intention seemed to be to fight their way into Mexico, which they called a " free State." On the detection of the con- spiracy, more than 200 negroes were severely punished with the lash, two being whipped to death, and three prominent leaders were hanged September 5. It was asserted that every Mexican in the county was implicated in this intended uprising, and they were or- dered to leave and never return, under pen- alty of death. Similar measures were adopted in Matagorda county.

THE CART WAR.

In 1857 Texan wagoners committed many acts of violence upon Mexican eartmen in the transportation of goods from San Anto. nio. The freight rates were so low as to drive the Toxan wagoners from the field. The latter, moreover, were not quite so faith- ful as the Mexicans. Ontrages became so numorous and high-handed that General Twiggs, the United States commander at Sau Antonio, was compelled to furnish a military eseort to trains transporting Government sup- plies. In October, the Mexican minister at Washington addressed the United States Gov- erninent on the matter, stating that he had been assured that the number of men thus murdered was no less than seventy-five, and that many Mexicans had been compelled to fly to Mexico, in a state of destitution. In November, Governor Pease addressed special

messages to the legislature on the matter, stating that Mexican citizens engaged in the business of teaming were not safe without a military escort. As the conuties in which the deeds of violence were committed did nothing to stop them, he suggested the pro- priety of legislative interference. The senate referred the matter to a committee, who re- ported in favor of inflicting a penalty upou those counties, but introduced no bill to that effeet, and so the matter ended. The legis- lature, however, approved the action of the governor iu calling out a company of troops, which, by the way, was ineffectual in rogu- lating a large section of country with the criminals scattered over it. When the road was abandoned by the Mexican cartmen and booty became scarce, they began to commit depredations on the property of the citizens. The latter, though so indifferent to the rights of the Mexicans previously, were now enraged and resorted to lynehing; and in the neigh- borhood of Goliad the traveler would see many a eorpse suspended from the boughs of the black oaks. The "Cart War" was thus bronght to an end.

POLITICAL PARTIES.

The general political parties were not defi- nitely organized in Texas until during Pease's administration. The party factions opposed to each other previous to this differed only on personal or local matters. After the annex- ation the people naturally allied themselves gradually with either the Whig or the Demo- cratie party, but took no zealous part in their issues for eight or ten years, on account of the greater importance of local questions; these settlod, they began to become more decidedly Whig or Democratie, with a far greater pre- ponderance on the Democratie side. Between

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

1854 and 1857, " Know-nothingism" had considerable influence. By the latter party, in 1855, L. D. Evans was elected to Congress from the Eastern District of Tonas, and the saine year Dickson, for governor, received 17,968 votes, against P'ease, who was then re-elected.

In 1857 the death of two eminent Texas statesmen took place, -Thomas J. Rask and James Hamilton, of South Carolina. Their sketches may be found on a subsequent page, by the index.

SIGNS OF THE COMING STORM.

December 21, 1857, Hardin R. Runnels, the snecessful Democratic candidate, was in- angurated governor. Ile had been elected by a vote of 32,552 against 23,628 for San Ilonston.

By this time the old slavery question began to loom np in its various relations to passing political events, and nothing so exasperating could happen to the American public, both North and South. Raunels addressed a mes- sago, in January, 1858, to the legislature, calling attention to the aspeet of affairs in Kansas, and clearly advoeating the doctrine of secession. During the same month a Democratic Stato convention at Austin re- solved that it en-posted the United States Goverment of abandoning the principle of " non-intervention" in respect to the slavery question, in its dealings with Kansas and Nebraska. T. J. Chambers offered resolu- tions to the effect that any act on the part of Congress tending to embarrass the admission of Kansas as a member of the Union would be a usurpation of power, etc., and that in case Congress should do such a thing Texas should again declaro independence. > In ie- sponse to the governor's message the legisla- 1

ture adopted a resolution to appoint delegates to a general convention of the Southern States, to aet in self-defense and in protection of immigrants in Kansas from the South, who were denied the rights of citizenship there.

Runnels, at the close of his term, again ran as a candidate for governor, on the Demo- cratic ticket, but was defeated by Sam Hous- ton, independent, by a majority in favor of the latter of 8,757 votes, the latter being kuown as opposed to secession. In 1858, a vacaney occurred on the supreme bench, and the Democrats nominated for it a Mr. Buek- ley, whose reputation was not" the best, and was of well-known disunion proclivities; and he was defeated by an overwhelming ma- jority, by Bell, an avowed Unionist.

During the canvass of 1359, the Demo- eratie convention at Houston contained mem- bers who spoke publicly and vehemently in favor of secession, and even upheld the Afri- ean slave trade. Indeed, so innch sympathy for Sonthern independence was manifest at that convention that the Democratic party of Texas was clearly known as counuitted in fa- vor of secession, if the Federal Goverment did not recede from its intervention poliey with the great Southern institution.

Houston, therefore, took his seat as gover- nor at a time when intense political exeite- ment prevailed throughout the United States, as well as in Texas. By the close of 1859 the opposing parties were nucompromisingly arrayed against each other on the slavery question, and the fire of disruption was be- ing kindled. The victory of the Abolition party in Kansas and the John Brown raid at Ilarper's Ferry aggravated the feeling of dis- appointment throughout the South. Accord- ingly, in December, this year, the legisla. ture of South Carolina, famons for taking the lead for the South, passed resolutions in favor

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

of secession, and appropriated a contingent of $100,000 for military purposes, should it be required. These resolutions were ad- dressed to the governors of all the Southern States. On the receipt of them, Houston addressed a long message to the Texas legis-

lature, opposing secession. It had a great influence upon that body, for the members very temperately passed resolutions favoring nnion, except that they held that a State had the right to secede, etc. There were majority and minority reports of the committees of both branches of the legislature, the minority holding that a State did not have the right to secede.

Many years previously, a secret order was formed for the purpose of establishing a Southern empire, with slavery, and known as the Knights of the Golden Circle. Its em- pire was to have Havana, Cuba, as its center and extend in every direction from that six- teen geographical degrees. It is said that the filibustering expeditions of 1850 and 1857 were undertaken under the auspices of this organization, and that now, in the anti- slavery agitation at the North, the disap- pointed Democrats began to turn to it for aid. "In 1860," says Bancroft, "two mem- bers of the order, George W. Bickley and his nephew, were employed to organize ' castles,' or lodges, in Texas, receiving as remuneration for their work the initiation feos paid by in- coming members. Such castles were soon established in every principal town and vil- lage in the State, and they became a power in the land. In it were many members of the legislature and prominent politicians. By its influence the sentiments of the people were revolutionized; from its fold were drawn the first armed rebels in Texas under the fa- mous ranger, Benjamin MeCullongh; it fur- nished the vigilance committees; and to its

members were charged murders and incendi- ary acts committed during the war."

Even after Sonth Carolina had positively declared sceession from the Union, in De- cember, 1860, Houston stood true to his prin- ciples of Unionism, though it must be confessed that many Union men in the State were suspected of too great sympathy with the Abolitionism of the North, and were hanged by vigilance committees, and that most others were terrorized into silence. So said Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, at the time. Remember, it is not understood that such outrages are chargeable to the Democrats as such, but to "mobocrats," of whatever party. Sixty of these Knights, says Bancroft, issued a call for a State convention at Austin, to incet January 28, 1861. The mass of the people considered the procceding as irregular, as the Knights took pains to put in their own inen. as judges at the primary elections wherever practicable, and barely half of the counties were represented at the convention by the people. The legislature, by a joint resolution, recognized the infor- mally elected delegates and declared the con- vention a legally constituted assembly. Hous- ton's veto wasoverruled, and on the appointed day the convention met. February 1, it passed the ordinance of secession, by a vote of 167 to 7, subject to a voto of the people on the 23d. This body, also, withont waiting to hear what the result of the popular vote might be, appointed a " committee of public safety," with secret instructions, and ap- pointed also delegates to the Confederate convention at Montgomery, Alabama. This committee of safety usurped the powers of the executive, and appointed three commis- sioners to treat with General Twiggs, in com- mand of the United States forces in Texas, for the surrender of his army and the na-

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

tional posts and property. February 16th he complied, surrendering 2,500 men, and all the forts, arsenals, military posts, public stores and nmnitions of war, all the property being valued at $1,200,000 eost price.

A few days before the popular vote was taken, as above noted, Houston delivered a speech from the balcony of the Tremont House in Galveston, to the excited publie, on the question of recession. His personal friends, fearing that violence would be offered, untreated him to remain quiet; but he was not to be stopped by any apprehension of danger. He stood erect before the people, and in prophetic language pictured to them the dark future. " Some of you," he said, " laugh to scorn the idea of bloodshed as a result of secession, and jocularly propose to drink all the blood that will ever flow in con- sequence of it. But let me tell you what is coming on the heels of secession: the time will come when your fathers and husbands, your sons and brothers, will be herded to- gether like sheep and cattle at the point of the bayonet, and your mothers and wives, sisters and daughters, will ask: Where are they? You may, after the sacrifice of count- less millions of treasure and hundreds of thousands of precions lives, as a bare possi- bility, win Southern independence, if God be not against you; but I doubt it. I tell you that, while I believe with you in the doctrine of State rights, the North is determined to preserve this Union. They are not a fiery, impulsive people as you are, for they live in cooler climates; but when they begin to niove in a given direction, where great in- terests are involved, such as the present issues before the country, they move with the steady momentum and perseverance of a mighty avalanche; and what I fear is, they will overwhelm the South with ignoble de-

feat." Before the close of his speech, how- ever, he said, " Better die freemen than live slaves. Whatever course Texas may pursue, my faith in State supremacy and State rights will carry my sympathies with her. As Henry Clay had said, ' My country, right or wrong,' so say 1, My State, right or wrong."

It seems from the above that llouston was a shrewd reader of human nature, as also from the following remarks in his message to the legislature a year previously: " To nul- lify constitutional laws will not allay the existing discord. Separation from the Union will not remove the nujust assaults made by a class in the North upon the institutions in the South. They would exist from like pas- sions and like feelings under any govern- ment. The Union was intended as a per- * petnity. In accepting the conditions imposed prior to becoming a part of the Confederacy, the States became a part of the Union. In becoming a State of the Union, Texas agreed ' not to enter into any treaty, alliance or con- federation, and not, without the consent of Congress, to keep troops or ships of war, enter into any agreement or compact with any other State or foreign power.' "

The result of the vote of February 23 for delegates to the State convention to consider the propriety of secession, was in substance ns follows: Austin, the capital, San Antonio, and other western towns, as well as counties, gave Union majorities; the German colon- ists, too, were for the Union, while the rest of the State gave large Confederate majori- ties. Out of about 70,000 voters in the State, 53,256 cast their votes; and of this number 39,415 were in favor of secession, and 13,841 against it.

To lose no time, the State convention as- sembled on March 2, in order to be ready for. immediate action as soon as the result of the

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

vote was known, which proved to be on the 5th. They, therefore, immediately assumed the powers of goverment. It instructed its delegates at Montgomery to ask for the ad- mission of Texas into the Southern Confed- eracy that had just been formed; it rent a committee to Governor Ilonston to inform him of the change in the political position of the State; it a lopted the Confederate con- stitution, and appointed representatives to the Confederate congress. During the Con- federacy, Lewis T. Wigfall and William S. Oldham represented Texas in the senate, and John A. Wilcox, C. C. Herbert, Peter W. Gray, B. F. Sexton, M. D. Graham, William B. Wright, A. M. Branch, John R. Baylor, S. II. Morgan, Stephen II. Derden and A. P. Wiley in the house.

In his reply to the above convention Hons- ton said that that body had transcended its powers, and that he would lay the whole matter before the legislature, which was to assemble on the 18th; whereupon the cou- vention detied his authority and passed an ordinance requiring all State officers to take the oath of allegiance to the new govern- ment. Houston and E. W. Cave, secretary of State, refused to take the oath, and they were deposed by a decree of the convention, and Edward Clark, lieutenant governor, was installed as the executive. Houston then appealed to the people, and when the legisla- ture met, sent to it a message protesting against his removal, stating at the same time that he conld but await their action and that of the people. Ile argned his case ably and well before both the legislature and the peo- ple, but the legislature sanctioned the acts of the convention. Houston then retired to private life.

During these years Indian depredations con- tinued, and were more frequent and daring after

Twiggs had surrendered all the United States forces on the frontier to the Texans; and also after the removal of the Indians from . the reservations in Young county the hostility of the red savages was intensified. The more peaceable Indians had been removed to a great distance, while the more hostile were next in proximity. There was one ren arka- ble exception, however, to the above observa- tion: A band of emigrants from the Creek nation, consisting of Alabamas, Coshattas and a few Muscogees, persevered in their peaceful pursuits on Alabama creek, on the side toward Trinity river, despite the freqnent depredatious committed upon them by " mean whites." As a community they set a model example of industry, honesty, patience and pe iceableness.

While the northern and western frontier was subjected to slily conducted forays by the untutored savages, the southern borders on the Rio Grande were afflicted with a more open and formidable invasion by a Mexican desperado named Cortina. He and his gang had long been known for their frequent thefts of cattle and other depredations. He and liis followers, by professing sympathy with the persecuted Mexicans living in Texas, added to their numbers until they had nearly 500, und, like the old Mexican regime, began to inaugurate a little rebellion against the gov- ernment. But booty was their principal ob- ject, and they made their escapes the easier by alternating in their operations between Texas and Mexico, claiming while followed in one country to be citizens of the other. The gang sometimes committed murder, as for example in Brownsville, in September, 1859. Ou the 20th of that month he issued a "proclamation" professing that his object only was to protect porscented Mexicans in Texas, and that an organization had been

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

forned for the purpose of chastising their enemies. It is claimed that he was assisted secretly by Mexican money and arms. Dur- ing October and November there were several collisions of Cortina and his men with the Goverment military forces, with loss on both sides. IIe devastated the country along the Rio Grande for over 120 miles, and back to the arroyo Colorado. This unprincipled desperado was finally defeatod in May, 1861, when he burned a village named Rome. But he afterward revolutionized Tamaulipas, be- came governor, and intrigued both with the Confederates and the United States officials. In 1871 he was n general under Juarez, and in 1875 mayor of Matamoras and general in the Mexican army.

During the great civil war it was fortunato for Texns that she was geographically situated at a distance from the seat of the main con- flict. The patriotism of her sons cansed all of them to lose inneh in property, but no battle took place in, or destructive army marched through, her territory. Although her commerce suffered considerably, she found in Mexico a fair market for her cotton, her main staple, and her numerous ports on the gulf enabled her more easily to run the blockade.

THE STORM BEGUN.

Within a month after the installation of Clark as governor, hostilities broke ont. On April 14, 1861, Fort Sumter, at Charleston, South Carolina, was evacuated by Major Robert Anderson, and on the following day President Lincoln issued his proclamation for 75,000 volunteers. Enlistment for the South- ern canse was begun in Texas at once, and early in May Colonel W. C. Young crossed Red river and captured Fort Arbuckle and other military posts of the United States in the

Indian Territory, the Federal soldiers retreat- ing to Kansas. Colonel Ford also, assisted by an expedition from Galveston, took pos- session of Fort Brown, opposite Matamoras, meeting no resistance. Captain Hill, in com- mand thero, was still holding it for the United States, having disobeyed the order of Goneral Twiggs to evacuate it, but he had too small a force to hold it against assault.

Governor Clark issued a proclamation June 8 that a state of war existed, and shortly afterward the ports of Texas were blockaded. By November 15,000 Texans were enlisted for the Southern canse.

The election of 1861 showed the small majority of only 124 votes in favor of Fran- cis R. Lubbock for governor, over Clark, can- didate for re election, and he was inaugurated. November 7, 1861.

Going back a little, we should state that in July of this year Lientenant-Colonel John R. Baylor had occupied Fort Bliss, on the Rio Grande, and on the 25th Mesilla, across the Rio Grande. Major Lynde, commanding the United States fort, Fillmore, near by, having failed to dislodge Baylor, surrendered his whole command of about 700 men. Lieu- tenant-Colonel Canby was at this time in command of the department of New Mexico, and made preparations to meet the invasion, while Major Sibley, of the United States Army, had joined the Confederates, and with the rank of brigadier general was ordered in July to proceed to Texas and organize an ex- pedition for the purpose of driving Federal troops out of New Mexico. Sibley reached El Paso with his force about the middle of December, and issned a proclamation inviting his old comrades to join the Confederate army, but met with no response.

Early in 1862 Colonel Canby made Fort Craig, on the Rio Grande, his headquarters.

HISTORY OF TEXAS.

February 21 ho crossed the river and en- gaged the Texans, but was repulsed. This was the battle of Valverde, in which General Sibley had 1,750 men to 3,810 on Canby's side; but ouly 900 of Canby's meu were reg- ulars, and the others were of but little serv- ice. Encouraged by success so sigual, Sibley immediately marched on to Albuquerque, sending a detachment on to Santa Fe, and easily took those places, but, a part of his army meeting with defeat by Colonel Slough, he had to begin a retreat which did not end until he reached Texas. In this bootless cam- paign the Texans lost 500 men; and even General Canby afterward reported that that portion of the country was too unimportant to hold by the expenditure of blood and treasure.

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Author: Publication date: 1895 Publisher: Chicago, The Lewis publishing co., 1895 Number of Pages: 1532

Author:
Publication date: 1895
Publisher: Chicago, The Lewis publishing co., 1895
Number of Pages: 1532