History of Texas, together with a biographical history of the cities of Houston and Galveston; containing a concise history of the state, with protraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named cities, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families, Part 6

Author:
Publication date: 1895
Publisher: Chicago, The Lewis publishing co., 1895
Number of Pages: 1532


USA > Texas > Harris County > Houston > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of the cities of Houston and Galveston; containing a concise history of the state, with protraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named cities, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 6
USA > Texas > Galveston County > Galveston > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of the cities of Houston and Galveston; containing a concise history of the state, with protraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named cities, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 6


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HISTORY OF TEXAS.


until even the settlers in the Austin colony began to arise in arms. A spirit of rebellion began to spread like a prairie fire before a wind.


One Jolin Austin, not a relative of Stephen F., was an alcalde at Brazoria and a brave and influential citizen. On June 10, 1832, he joined the insurgents, and with about a linn- dred men demanded the release of certain prisoners at Anahnac, was refused, and some shots were fired. Bradburn, the Mexican offi. cer, agreed to release the men if Anstin with his force wonld retire six miles away. Anstin did this, but Bradburn broke faith, opened fire upon the insurgents remaining in Ana- huac and drove them frour the place.


In Jannary, this year (1832), Santa Anna at Vera Cruz pronounced against the govern- ment of Bustamante, and the nsual war followed, a la Mexican. The colonists, being enraged by the latter's administration, a number of them met at Turtle bayou and drew np a list of their grievances, June 13, and passed resolutions adopting Santa Anna's plan and pledged their support to the consti- tution and the leaders who were then fighting in defense of civil liberty.


The first skirmish, June 13, 1832, resulted in the insurgents taking the fort at Velasco from the brave Ugartechea. Meanwhile, John Anstin's men around Anahnac snecessfully cut off supplies and communication. Pied. l'as, commanding at Nacogdoches, hastened hitherward to aid the Mexicans, but before arriving fell into the hands of the insurgents, and was coverted to their canse. By his as- sistance Travis and other prisoners were re- leased. Piedras appointed another man to succeed Bradburn at Anahuac and started back to Nacogdoches; but as soon as he turned his back the garrison at Anahuac mntinied in favor of Santa Anna. Bradburn was per-


suaded by some of the officers to re-assine command, but he immediately found so many of the men committed to Santa Anna that he quit in disgust and went to New Orleans, ac- companied by only one man, as guide. On his journey he escape I molestation by saying that he was going to the United States to seek for aid in driving the Mexicans ont of Texas.


Considering Santa Anna's future career, it is interesting to notice the praise given that treacherous Mexican by S. F. Austin at this time. . Said he, in an address delivered on the day of jubilee, July 25, 1832:


"Fellow Citizens, and Soldiers of the San- ta Anna Volunteer Company: I have not the words duly to express my grateful feelings and unfeigned thanks for the kind welcome with which you have honored my return to this colony. In all my acts, as far as they have been connected with the advancement of Texas, I have been governed by the most sincere de- sire to promote its prosperity and the perman- enit happiness of its citizens. My leading motto has been and is, Fidelity to the constitution of our adopted conntry. The same has been and is the governing principle of the inhabit- ants of this colony. I thank my fellow citi- zens for their approbation; it is the highest reward that can be offered to me for my humble services as their public agent.


"I accord with you in the opinion that the present is an important epoch in the political inarch of onr adopted and beloved conntry. With institutions founded on the broad basis of representative democracy, the general government of Mexico has, for the last two years, been adıninistered, in many particulars, on principles which more properly belong to a military despotism than to a free republic. A great and glorions regeneration is taking place; the free democracy of the nation, the people, have asserted their rights under the


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HISTORY OF TEXAS.


banner of that distinguishel patriot and leader, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. The cansc of constitutional demo- eratie liberty is abont to triumph throughont the whole of this vast republic,


"Borne down, in this remote section of the nation, by military oppression, and by the most shameful violations of the rights of the State of Coahuila and Texas, you believed that all the guarantees of the constitution and laws were disregarded and trampled upon. Patience itself was exhausted, and you had reconrse to arms, thus esponsing that cause of the constitution and of the people which is so bravely advocated by General Santa Anna. In doing this, you have not for one moment lost sight of your duty as Mexican citizens, but have defended the true dignity of the national flag, which had been insulted by the violators of the constitution. In the course you have taken yon will be sustained by Colonel Mejia, who has come to Texas with fleet and forces undor the order of Gen- eral Santa Anna, to protect the rights of the nation and of the State; and you will receive the support and approbation of General Santa Anna himself, of General Montezume and of all liberal and enlightened Mexicans. In such a canse you have nothing to fear. It is just, and I will give it my hearty co-operation so far ns my fooble services ean avail."


In the Southern United States the opinion began to prevail that the colonists in Texas were attempting to separate from Mexico and annex themselves to the Union. On this account, Montezuma, commanding at Tam- pico, and having declared in favor of Santa Anna, sent a force into Texas to reduce the insurgents. His colonel, Mejia, on entering Texas, first had an amicable conference with the leader of the Bustamante party, so as to prevent interruption, and proceeded to the


inonth of thic Brazos, taking with him Stephen F. Anstin, who was on his return from the State legislature. Consulting John Austin, the latter professed perfect loyalty and said that the insurgents had no intention to sepa- rate from Mexico; they were only rebelling against certain tyrannical acts of some of the officers. Mejia went on to Galveston, where he was similarly received, and he returned to Tampico. He actually advocated the cause of the insurgents, and the seed he had sown in Texas, in so doing, bore rapidly. Piedras, at Nacogdoches, being opposed to Santa Anna, was ousted by the Mexicans. By the end of August not a Mexican soldier remained in the Texan colonies, the victory over the Bradburn party was so complete. A troop of about seventy men was stationed at San Antonio, scarcely a sufficient number to keep the Indians in check in that vicinity. Peace was restored. This victory of the Texan colonists would have been far more costly, if not indced impossible of attainment, had there been no revolution going on beyond the Rio Grande.


SEPARATION OF TEXAS FROM COAHUILA.


On the formation of these two districts into one State, there was a proviso in the de- cree that when Texas possessed the necessary elements for a separate Stato, notice should be given Congress for its resolution on the inatter. The Texans now (1832-'34) began to consider that the time for the separation had come, for their rapidly growing interests were not sufficiently recognized by the gen- eral government. Their representation in Congress was proportionally in the minority, and they were neglceted in the more eager efforts to conserve the interests of Coahnila. The geographical position of the latter ex- cluded it from maritime trade, and its com-


1


44


HISTORY OF TEXAS.


merce was altogether internal, while Texas possessed great natural advantages for the development of an extensive commercial bnsi- ness with foreign countries. Also, in climate and industrial pursuits, the contrast was equally marked, and the productions were dissimilar. Pastoral and mining occupations prevailed in Coahuila, while Texas was essen- tially an agricultural country, and cotton, sugar and the cereals were cultivated with most flattering prospects. Texas also labored under the disadvantage of being much more remote from the higher courts, which gave the wealthier classes an undue advantage in litigation; and even in criminal cases. justice was not so prompt or exact.


Directly after the Mexican troops were all withdrawn from Texas in 1832, the colonists began to take measures to address the na- tional government on the subject of their as- pirations, namely, a greater recognition of their material interests and of more local government. In October of this year a pre- liminary convention of delegates from differ- ent municipalities was held at San Felipe, and some discussion took place concerning the formation of a State constitution; but as sufficient notice had not been given and the attendance was slim, the convention adjourned withont taking action. Their discussion, however, brought the inntter seriously before the public, and when the second convention assembled, April 1, 1833, it was prepared to accomplish the work assigned to it. At this convention were Stephen F. Austin, Branch T. Archer, David G. Burnett, Sam Ilouston, J. B. Miller and William H. Whar- ton, the last mentioned being the president of that body. A committee was appointed to draft a form of State constitution, and an - other committee was appointed to draw np a memorial petitioning the general government


to grant a separation of Texas from Coahuila. Sam Ilonston was appointed chairman of the first, and David G. Burnett of the second.


The constitution drafted was thoroughly republican in form, modeled on that of the United States. After much discussion it was concluded that banking should not be provided for by that constitution, and that the document should maintain absolute si- lence with reference to religious liberty, such was the blighting power of Catholic infin- ence.


The. commissioners appointed to convey the petition for separation to the city of Mexico were Stephen F. Austin, William II. Wharton and J. B. Miller; but Austin was the only member who actually 'went there; and on arrival he found that city the scene of virulent party faction and political confu- sion. Affairs in Mexico had been undergo- ing the customary vicissitudes and revnl- sions. No more stability of principle was observable in Santa Anna than in Busta- mante. Both nsed the constitution of 1824 to push themselves into power, and then both cast it to the winds. By the end of 1832 these two generals, after much bloodshed, came to terms, and agreed to unite in sup- port of the said constitution.


March 30, 1833, Santa Anna was declared duly elected president of the Republic of Mexico, and Gomez Farias, vice-president; and from this time on Santa Anna's course was remarkable for subtle intrigue for selfish purposes. Ile never 'appeared, however, as the principal actor, but always used other parties as cat's-paws for his own advance- ment. . Dictatorial power was his highest ambition. Farias was the known champion of reform, and Santa Anna absented himselt from the capital to intrigue with bishops and religious orders, leaving his colleague at the


45


HISTORY OF TEXAS.


seat of power to inaugurnte his new meas- ures, which he (Santa Anna) knew would foinent discord and redound to the discomfit- ure of the instigator and ultimately to his own advancement.


In less than three weeks after his inaugur- ation as president, Santa Anna surrendered the office in order to march with a military force against an insurgent army near Tlal- pam, under Duran. The petty complications that were soon brought upon the scene are too tedious to relate here, and it was during this state of affairs that Anstin visited the capital, as mentioned above. The latter im- mediately laid his petition before Congress, but its attention was not seriously directed to it on account of the turbulent matters before them. Austin grew restless, and in October began to liasten matters. Urging immediate action before Farias, and saying that if some unswer was not soon given the Texans would take their affairs into their own hands, the vice-president took offense, considering that Austin's expression was a threat. Austin, seeing the prospective delay, wrote to the city council of San Antonio, recommending that it obtain the concurrence of all other corporations in Texas in a scheme for separ- ation from Coahuila, with the hope that, nn- dor tho provision of the general Inw of Mny 7, 1821, n local government conld be success- fully organize 1, even though the general gov- ernment should refuse its consent.


The result of Austin's visit, after the war had been closed, was a respectful and honest effort to improve the legal facilities of the Texans, but'it was believed by the convention assembled for the purpose that the time had not yet arrived for the erection of Texas into an independent State. But Austin, on his return trip to San Antonio, was arrested at Saltillo, by order of Farias, on account of the


letter he had written to the San Antonio council, and on account of the hasty language used at the interview at the same time. He was sent back to Mexico, and was in prison eight months, awaiting trial, with no oppor- tunity, much of this time, of communicating with the outside world. Ile was not finally liberated until the expiration of nineteen months. Mneh has been said pro et contra by Austin's friends and enemies concerning his actions at this period; but the Texans generally believe him to have been sincere and competent, and probably as judicious as any other man they could have commissioned for that errand. Santa Anna seemed to be a friend of Anstin and the Texans, but those knowing his character entertained doubts as to his sincerity.


The legislature of Jammary, 1834, passed various measures beneficial to Texas. The municipalities of Matagorda and San Augus- tin were created; Texas was divided into three departments, the new one of' Brazos, with San Felipe as its capital, being organ- ized; the English language was permitted to be used in public affairs, and an additional representative at the State congress allowed; the privilege of purchasing vacant lands was granted to foreigners; laws were passed for the protection of the persons and property of all settlers whatever might be their religion, and freedom from molestation for political and religious opinions was guaranteed pro- vided public tranquillity was not disturbed; a supreme court for Texas provided for, and a system of trial by jury.


These liberal measures had great effeet in promoting temporary quiet in Texas, but subsequent events rendere I them nugatory to prevent the revolt of the colonists. The hesi- tating and vacillating netion of government kept the people in a state of suspense, and


46


HISTORY OF TEXAS.


this indeed was about all the unreliable Santa Anna desired. It was a fact, however, that Texas at that time had not the requisite popn- lation (80,000), according to law, to justify its erection into a sovereign State; but their treatment by the general government was such as to make them restless.


At the beginning of the revolutionary pe- riod the colonists were in quite a prosperous condition. They had found in their new homes just what they had songht. A steady increase was going on in the population; their cattle and horses were nmultiplying; cotton, corn, sugar and all that they needed in the way of produce were easily cultivated, and in large quantities. They were con- tented and happy, but the political sky was beginning to be overeast with dark and por- tentous clouds. Santa Anna, who had taken the reins of government as a Republican, was getting into full accord with the aristocratic and church party, and was preparing to over- throw the Republic. He was ambitious, un- principled, cruel and treacherous. Ile be- trayed the party which had elevated him to the highest position in Mexico. He still held Austin in confinement, who was igno- rant of the charges against him. There could be no justifiable accusation against the Texan leader. A few concessions were made to Texas, in order to cajole the settlers. An additional delegate was allowed that State in the general legislature.


In the fall elections of 1834, the Centralist party, headed by Santa Anna, was victorious everywhere except in Texas, Zacatecas and Coahuila. In revenge for the action of Za- catecas, that State was declared to be in rebellion, and the number of militia was re- duced to only one in every 500 persons, the balance being disarmed. Many aets of nsur. pation were perpetrated upon the citizens of


the three sections which had not endorsed Santa Anna at the late election, and finally, that general, at the head of abont 5,000 men, started for Zacatecas to reduce that Republi- can State to submission. The governor of Zacatecas, Francisco Garcia, was a Republi- can of high standing, but lacking military experience and ability. lle had under him fully as many soldiers as Santa Anna. IIe evacuated the city and made a stand on Guadalupe plains, and after a bloody battle be was disastrously defeated, losing 2,000 killed or wounded, and the rest taken pris- oners. This was a terrible blow to the Re- publican canse, and in addition Santa Anna was clothed with unlimited power. He soon used this power by dissolving all State leg- islatures. The people of Texas were thus left without a civil government. True, the political chiefs and alcaldes exercised their functions, but the laws were all of Spanish origin and distasteful to the Americans. Be- ing mostly farmers, the Texans were averse to any warlike measures, if they could honor- ably be avoided. Some were for submission to Santa Anna, but the slumbering lion iu the nature of these hardy border men fore- boded a terrible storm when the lion shonld be aroused by too innch prodding from the keeper. Santa Anna, in the meantime, was preparing, under cover of collecting revenne in Texas, for the military occupation of the province. He landed 500 men at Lavaca® bay, and forwarded them under General Ugartechea to San Antonio. The enstom- honse at Anahnac was taken in charge and enormous dnes were demanded. So excessive were they that W. B. Travis raisel a com- pany und captured Captain Tenorio and the soldiers at the custom house. They were shortly after released, as the act of Travis was thought by his friends to be too hasty.


47


HISTORY OF TEXAS.


When Tenorio reported these proceedings to his superior officer, he was sent on a still more unealled-for errand.


A Mexican Republican, Lorenzo de Zavala, had taken refuge in Texas, and Santa Anna, fearing his influence, ordered his arrest; but no one would undertake the task. Another order was sent from headquarters to arrest R. M. Williamson, W. B. Travis, Samuel M. Williams, Moseley Baker, F. W. Johnson and Jolin II. Moore, and a subsequent order included the names of J. M. Carravahal and Juan Zambrano. The two last, being Mexi- can citizens, were carried off; but the job of arresting the first six persons was con- sidered so dangerons that no officer had the temerity to attempt it. In addition to these Mexican outrages on the Texans, the Indians were becoming troublesome. Merchants and traders were intercepted and killed, and their goods carried off. But these Indian outrages served one important purpose; they gave the Texans an excuse for forming companies, procuring arms and drilling ostensibly for operations against the savages, but really to resist the encroachments of the despotic Mex- ican government. The companies were called "committees of safety," and their business was to disseminate information, secure arms, ammunition, etc. A central committee was also formed, which met at San Felipe, and an administrative conncil was organized. The council sent Messrs. Barrett and Gritton to San Antonio on a mission of peace to Gen- eral Ugartechea, but nothing was accom- plished. Stephen F. Austin, in the mean- time, was returning, when he was made chairman of the council at San Felipe. He expressed regret at the action of his friends, and stated that he had hoped to find every- thing peaceful,


Santa Anna still professed to have the kind- est feelings toward the Texans, and he anthor- ized Austin to tell his people that he was their friend, an I that he desired their pros- perity; that he would do all he could to pro- mote it, and that in the new constitution he would use his influence to have conditions therein to give Texas a special organization, snited to their education and habits. Bnt Santa Anna could be nothing but treacherous, as the treatment of the people in that portion of the State occupied by his troops but ill ac- cord with his professions of good will. Citi- zens were arrested, money forced from those who fell into the hands of the despot's min- ions, and communities strippe i of tuoir arms, the soldiers compelling families to support them, the attempt to disarm all citizens being a principal feature of the plan of subjugation. Captain Castenado was sent to Gonzales to seize a small cannon which had been given to the corporation for protection against Indians. The citizens were nnwilling to part with their gun, and prepared to resist the demand of Castenado, who had 150 soldiers to back him. A company was organized, which charged the Mexicans and put them to flight in disorder. The news of this conflict roused a warlike spirit in the Texans. A company was raised to capture the Mexican garrison at Goliad. Captain Goorge Collingsworth led the party, and almost without firing a gun the exultant Texans made prisoners of the whole force, about twenty-five, including Colonel Sandoval, besides obtaining 300 stand of arms and mil- itary stores to the amount of $10,000. The Mexican fort at Lipantitlan was also captured shortly after.


Not only had Anstin returned, but the noted Benjamin R. Milam had escapel from Monterey and returne I and joine ] the patriot forces. Austin, who was a born commander,


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HISTORY OF TEXAS.


was put in immediate command of the Texan forces on his arrival at Gonzales, which was on the 11th of October.


The consultation met October 16, 1835, but there being only thirty one members present an adjournment was made until Nov. ember 1. November 5 a preamble and set of resolutions were adopted, in which the dec- laration was made that although they repn- diated Santa Anna and his despotie govern- ment, they yet clung to the Constitution of Mexico of 1824. On November 12 an ordi- nance was passed for the creation of a provis- ional government, with an executive council, to be composed of one member from each municipality. Henry Smith was made Gov- ernor, and James W. Robinson Lieutenant- Governor. ` Sam Houston, who, it will be noticed, had figured some little in Texas his- tory since 1832, was selected to command the army to be raised.


General Cos, with 500 soldiers, landed at l'ass Cavallo, in September, 1835, and marched immediately to San Antonio, when he super- seded General Ugartechea. Austin, after reaching Gonzales, and effecting a reorganiza- tion of the volunteers, started for San An- tonio. He reached the Mission La Espada, nine miles below the city, on the 20th. On the 27th, after resting his men, he detache:l the companies of Fannin and Bowie, ninety- two men, to ascend the river and if practic- able select a more suitable camping ground. Fannin spent that night in a bend of the San Antonio river, near the Conception mission. The point was well chosen, but the Mexicans looked upon it as simply a trap to secure their game from, which was all they had to do. It was a natural fortification, but General Cos thought he had a sure thing of it; so he marched out in the morning and ma le au at- tack. The Mexicans surrounded their sup-


posed prey, and the battle began. The Tex- ans with their deally rifles plucked off all the gunners from the enemy's battery, as they came within range. A charge was made, or attempted, three separate times, but they were hurled back in confusion by the Texans, who remained masters of the field. Sixteen dead bodies were found near the abandoned cannon, which had been discharged but five tines; so true was the aim of the riffemen that the Mexican gunners were shot before they could fire, in most cases. This was the first battle of the Revolution, and the loss of the Texans was one man -- Richard Andrews. The Mexican loss was abont sixty, as every one of the patriots who fired took aim and usually brought down his man. Austin, in October, moved up about half a mile, on the Alamo ditch, near the old mill, and next day- to within one mile east of the city. He had uearly 1,000 men, but they were ill provided with arms and ammunition of war, and with- out carmon. He was poorly prepared to at- tack a larger force than his own in a strongly fortified city. Ile, however, sent to Gonzales for the cannon at that place. Then came a number of skirmishes with the enemy and the capture of 300 horses by Bowie. The ex- eentive or general council, in view of the lack of funds wherewith to provide the supplies, etc., so much needed at that time, sent Messrs. Austin, Archer and Wharton as Commission- ers to the United States, in order to ne- gotiate a loan of $1,000,000 in bonds of $1,000 each, and the commander-in-chief was anthorized to accept the services of 5,000 vol- unteers and 1,200 regulars. Provision was also made for a navy.




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