History of Salt Lake City, Part 78

Author: Tullidge, Edward Wheelock
Publication date: 1886
Publisher: Salt Lake City, Star printing company
Number of Pages: 1194

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Every effort was made by the contestant Maxwell, during that session, to get him unseated, but, the committee on elections, by unanimous vote, decided that Maxwell was not entitled to the seat, and by a like vote declared that Cannon was. Upon all subjects connected with the Mormon question, there is great sen-

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sitiveness and timidity manifested by members of Congress. They are strongly adverse to putting themselves on record in such a manner as to expose them to the charge of being favorable to Mormonism: therefore, when a resolution .was introduced by a member by the name of Hazelton, appointing a committee to investigate the Maxwell charges, though many were opposed to it, it received a majority vote. Action, however, was not had upon it during that session, and in the second session of that Congress, although the matter was pushed, in com- mittee, to the extent of recommending a resolution to " exclude" the delegate, it was never considered by the House.

To the foregoing general sketch may be appended the following very inter- esting notes of that date, from the diary of a Mormon leader, who was sent to Washington to assist Delegate Hooper in his unexpired term, and to prepare the way for Delegate Cannon's work in the next Congress.

"January 28th, 1873 .- The amendment which Brother Hooper made to the Colorado Bill for the admission of Utah, with Sargent's amendment for the pro- hibition of polygamy, etc., came up to-day. He had heard that a bitter discus- sion would be evoked, so he tried to withdraw his amendment, having obtained Mr. Sargent's consent thereto. But Coghlan of California objected. He after- wards consented to withdraw. Then Negley of Pennsylvania renewed the amend- ment. He was induced to withdraw ; and then Merriam of New York renewed again. Claggett of Montana was charged for the occasion, and as it was known he was very bitter against Utah, and would attack her savagely, our enemies wanted to fire him off. Several members had each five or ten minutes granted them by Taffe of Nebraska who had the floor ; he also gave Claggett five minutes. He ful- filled expectations in the fierceness and brutality of his attack. The five minutes ended, the House gave him five minutes more. Still eager to hear more of his brutal and slanderous abuse, they gave him three minutes more-ostensibly thir- teen minutes, but really upwards of twenty minutes. There were numbers of men on the floor who had been to Utah, who, if they knew anything, must have known he told falsehoods and misrepresented the people ; but no voice was raised to cor- rect his statements, to check the torrent of the vile stream of vituperation which flowed from his lips ; not even to refuse to grant him more time to the extent he desired, though one objection was all that was necessary to stop him under the rules. The fact is the modern politician is a moral coward. He has not the courage to defend a weak, unpopular side, especially if the question of 'Mor- monism ' be involved. They are as afraid of being suspected of having any sym- pathy with that, as they would be of the contagion of the smallpox. The truth is there is no sympathy between them and it-between vice and purity-error and truth, fraud and honesty. I am disgusted with them. Col. Sam. Merritt of Idaho, who resides in Utah, was evidently pleased with the performance. I afterwards went to where he and Kendall of Nevada-a man whom our people's vote helped to elect-were sitting talking, and told them a little of my mind. I was indignant. Kendall soon moved off to his seat. I talked plainly to Merritt and made him acknowledge that statements made by Claggett were false.

"Jan. 29th .- By appealing to the House Captain Hooper succeeded in ob- taining half an hour to deliver his speech in. As he finished Claggett jumped up

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and requested ten minutes for reply. Then succeeded a scene which I scarcely ever saw paralleled in Congress. The members gathered around him and listened to him with great interest. When his ten minutes were exhausted, cries of 'go on, go on,' were heard from all sides. 'Time was granted him to continue, not an objection being made. Oh, it was pleasure to many to hear the 'Mormons' de- nounced, to hear Brigham Young villified and Utah held up to public odium, and execration ! He had not finished his tirade when his time again expired. Again his time was renewed ; but on motion of Mr. Cox of New York, on the condition that the Delegate of Utah have five minutes to reply. With these extraordinary evidences of sympathy from his audience Claggett was greatly fired up. They were ready to swallow every thing he might say. He gave his imagination reign ; he reveled in his false descriptions of affairs in Utah and closed with a sensational Attack upon the marriage institution of Utah; and when he closed members and galleries joined in hearty applause, unchecked by the Speaker.

" Brother Hooper commenced to reply ; but the interest was ended. No one listened to him. Members all scattered to their seats and engaged in conversation, writing, etc. He labored through his time and requested more time; but this was refused, Bird of New Jersey, a democrat, making objections. He asked as a boon the privilege of printing his remarks. This was not objected to ; so by their silence it was assumed by the Speaker that he could print the remarks he wished to make.

" Fifteen minutes by a self-possessed, good debater, well posted in Utah affairs, would only be required before an audience who would listen and judge fairly to utterly demolish Claggett's fictions and sophistry and lay them bare to the country.

" Monday, Feb. 3d, 1873 .- President Grant was waited on by Claggett and Merritt of Idaho, and Negley of Pennsylvania, on last Saturday to represent the terrible condition of affairs in Utah, and ask for action. Grant is reported to have said that ' the final issue with Utah cannot be avoided.'

" Feb. 4th .- Yesterday, President Grant went to the Capitol. His unusual presence there excited surprise and comment. It was soon noised about that Utah affairs had called him there. He had interviews with the judiciary committees of the Senate and House, and told them that there must be legislative action on Utah. He appeared to be resolved to get some bill passed that would enable his myrmidons to carry out the course of tyranny and oppression entered upon by Mckean, and in pursuance of which, as the latter said, by the express wish and approbation of President Grant, he had been checked by the Supreme Court. Grant is reported to have said, if the 4th of March came without legislation, he would put his troops into Utah and nail the thing by that means. What he would do with his troops, of course his hearers were left to imagine.

Wednesday, 5th .- Merritt of Idaho presented a memorial to the House yes- terday from a number of lawyers of the Salt Lake City bar, setting forth the in- adequacy of the laws of Utah, their hurtful tendency, their opposition to the genius of the Government, and the disloyal sentiments and actions of the Leg- islative Assembly of Utah, and asking for Congressional action. He also intro- duced a bill to promote justice in the Territories, etc., which had all the hateful

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features of the Voorhees Bill framed and introduced against us. The passage of such a bill would put the lives, the liberties and the property of the Latter-day Saints at the mercy of the ring of United States officials and their satellites, and open wide the doors for every species of corruption to flow in unchecked. We found by comparing the references made in the memorial to the laws with the laws themselves, that they have quoted laws which have been repealed, they have quoted as laws of Utah extracts which have no existence, they have garbled laws, and they have left out the context of laws. The whole is a tissue of misreprese n - tation and falsehood. This is the constant practice of our enemies-to lie and misrepresent. But will Congress be enlightened? Does the President of the United States want us sacrificed? There are those who would have no sentiment of pity for us, if they knew that we were innocent of the charges made against us. There are those who if the truth were laid before them, would not take the trouble to examine it and satisfy themselves about the matter in a proper manner. We must, however, do the best we can and leave the event with the Lord. He is a friend who never has, nor ever will forsake His people. I have felt tranquil and joyous this week, I have no fears or apprehensions, though humanly speaking, the prospects are threatening. This is a time concerning which the Prophets Joseph and Brigham and others have spoken-the time when we would have the Government arrayed against us as in a national capacity, as towns, counties and States had done in their spheres. If the bills framed against us should any of them pass, it would be as gross a violation of the Constitution and the spirit of the Government as the acts of the mobs in Missouri and Illinois. It would be nothing more than the law of might. I feel that the Lord will provide a sacrifice in our stead, as he did the ram in the thicket when Isaac was bound and laid upon the altar.

" Friday, 7th .- To-day we got a printed copy of the bill introduced by Mr. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey into the Senate. It is similar to the Merritt Bill. They will have them grinding at both ends so that there may be no delays about the passage. Our enemies are sure of catching us this time. Mr. Sam. Merritt said to-day, so I was told, that on Monday next the Judiciary Committee would meet to take his bill into consideration ; they would report it to the House, as they had the right to do at any time under the vote of the House last Monday, and the House would pass it. Mr. Sam. Merritt does not take the Almighty into account at all. These are transactions with which, in his opinion, he has nothing to do. But we shall see. Oh, Lord, defeat these men in their wicked and bloodthirsty schemes, and save those who put their trust in Thee, for Thou alone can save- Thou alone hast pity for us : I ask this in the name of Jesus. Amen.

" Feb. II .- The agent of the associated press at Salt Lake City is the cham- pion liar in his class. Every day we have a batch of inflammatory and lying dis- patches from there, sent with a view to influence Congress in our case. The House Judiciary Committee meet to-day to discuss the Merritt bill. Efforts have been made to get an opportunity to make an oral argument before them; but the chairman, Judge Bingham, would not consent. He was, however, induced to say that if Mr. Fitch, who had written a legal argument against the bill, would attend the mesting this morning, he might have time accorded him. £ Mr. Fitch was

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there and had about ten minutes given him. The other members would have liked to have heard Mr. Fitch longer ; but Bingham was evidently anxious to have him stop, though he complimented him on his written argument which he said he had read.

" Batler, of Massachusetts, in speaking of the plan proposed in the bill for the summoning of juries, said that when he was in the army they got up a case against him at Baltimore, and the United States marshals summoned the jury. He found among the jurors three men whom he had had in irons !

" Feb. 13th .- At the House to-day I was told in confidence that President Grant had a message in course of preparation on Utah which would probably be sent in to-morrow. It would ask for legislative action so that Utah might be put under the civil power, (Grant assuming, I suppose, that it is not so at present, ) or he would be under the necessity of putting it under the military.

" Feb. 14th .- Before going to bed last night I asked the Lord to give me a dream, my mind being occupied with what I had been told concerning Grant's message. He heard my prayer. I dreamed that a company of brethren were as- sembled, who were dressed in uniform. I was among them, and was one of the officers. We were expecting an attack from an enemy, who was formidable in numbers and equipments, and whom we were looking for every minute. They were moving upon us, I thought, with rifled-cannon, improved fire-arms and am . munition, and in great force. I thought we were drawn up in line to receive them. In falling into line with the other officers, I thought I got into one of the most exposed positions. I was aware of it, and saw from the direction of the enemy I should be hit before some of those near me could be reached, as my body covered, in military parlance, theirs. We were nerved up. expecting each moment the shock of battle. There was no flinching. I thought my position a very exposed one, and I seemed to take in all its danger and to feel that a volley of grape and canister would be likely to hit me ; I was nerved up and had a feeling of sus- pense that was intense, such as a man might have who expected the next second the attack of a desperate foe. While in this frame of mind all at once we found the enemy had disappeared. How they had gone and where they had gone, I do not now remember ; but the reaction when I knew they had gone, was as great and real as it seems to me it could possibly be if it were a scene in real life. We felt we had been brought face to face with death and had escaped, and praise and thanksgiving filled our hearts. I then awoke and thanked the Lord for the com- fort conveyed to me in the dream. The message was brought in, as my informant told me it would be, but was not read. The New York Herald of this morning gives an account of a conversation that Claggett and Merritt had with Grant ; they urged him to send a message to Congress. The prospects look threatening. But God reigns, and as General Grant seems disposed to emulate the example of Pharaoh of old, we shall see whether he will be any more successful than Pharaoh was. I have no doubt but that the Lord will make Grant's wrath a cause of praise to him.

" The message appeared in the morning papers, and whether it was on this account, or some other, when read in the House to-day it fell like a wet blanket upon the member .. I never saw a document read which appeared to attract less

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attention than did this. I was around all day conversing as I had opportunity with members. A better feeling prevails than I could expect under the circum- stances. Senator Pool of North Carolina, member of the judiciary committee of the Senate, told me some of the features of the amended Frelinghuysen bill which they had agreed to report.

" Feb. 22 .- General Sherman, whom Captain Hooper met in the Senate chamber, told him that he had said to Grant, with whom he had attended a din- ner party, that his action in relation to Utah was all wrong. For this advocacy of our cause they had laughingly called him a Mormon.

" We have a perverse and unscrupulous enemy in John P. Newman, the Sen- ate chaplain.

" Feb. 25 .- In the evening I went to the Senate, where Captain Hooper had spent the entire day. The subject of discussion there was the Frelinghuysen bill. It passed a little after midnight on a vote of 29 for and 10 against it. The Dem- ocrats, with Carpenter, Trumbull and Schurz voted against it. It was fought inch by inch by Thurman, Bayard, Carpenter, Trumbull, Casserly, Stewart and Nye ; the bitter speeches made by Logan of Illinois and Windom of Minnesota had a telling effect, though composed of illogical, slanderous and untrue statements. The clause giving the deputy marshals the authority to call on the military when they were threatened with resistance was discussed with ability by Bayard and Trumbull. They denounced this ready appeal to the bayonet to enforce civil process. I felt that the day would yet come when those who were determined to have this feature in the bill would be made to groan under the tyranny of soldiers and be humbled in the dust. The Constitution has fallen into disrepute and the will of the majority has taken its place.

" March Ist .- To-day our enemies in the House were anxious to get up the Frelinghuysen bill, which had passed the Senate, and pass it through the House. They had resolved upon getting it up this evening. All the feelings that I had in my dream I began to experience this evening. There was a time that I awaited its advent as I imagined in my dream that I awaited the shock of battle. I was nerved up in the same way. Claggett acted like a hen that wanted to lay. He was fidgetty and anxious ; a delivery would relieve him. He got the floor and was twice recognized by the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Wheeler, and had his speech prepared, written out and in his hand ; but he was choked off both times ; the first by Mr. Farnsworth introducing an amendment, the last time by General Garfield moving the previous question, despite the remonstrances of Claggett, by which further debate was cut off. He intended to commence by speaking on some claim, I was informed, and then branch off on to the Utah question, feeling confident from his past success in getting the ear of the House, that he could secure a hearing again. Merritt had also come down to the front to be near Claggett to support him. As soon as Claggett found that he could not interject his speech in then, he went over to Judge Bingham, of Ohio, chairman of the Judiciary Committee, and had a consultation with him. It was then arranged, as I afterwards learned, that further on in the evening Bingham was to try to get it up. Maxwell was back in Claggett's seat waiting for the on- slaught with great anxiety. Claggett went back and had a talk with him, and

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then went off to smoke. In the meantime a collation had been prepared in a com- mittee room down stairs, and some excellent punch, so said, had been furnished. Of this many partook freely, and about midnight the effects were very visible in the noise and confusion which prevailed. Beck, of Kentucky, made a motion to take a recess till 9 o'clock, Monday morning ; other motions to adjourn and take a recess were also made, but with no effect ; they were voted down two to one. Every moment I expected the Frelinghuysen bill to come up. The noise and confusion increased, and finally General Garfield made a motion to take a recess until Monday morning, 9 o'clock-the same motion they had voted down just before-and it was carried. We rejoiced exceedingly. We had another day's grace. We had a quiet Sabbath granted unto us, and I praised the Lord. Mer- ritt afterwards said that we owed our escape to that punch. Bingham had 'got tight,' he said, and they could not trust him to present the matter. Claggett, Merritt, Maxwell & Co. were mad ; but we were gratified.

" Monday, March 3rd .- The rules being suspended for the purpose of get- ting through the calendar, there appeared no human possibility of escape, for the Frelinghuysen bill was on the calendar, low down it was true, but at the rapid rate they were crowding through legislation it could not be long until it was reached. Claggett and Merritt were very active and very gleeful. The latter told me they had got us now, and swore by his maker that they were going in for results now and not for talk. Brother Hooper saw Claggett, and to see how he felt, asked him if he thought the bill would pass. He swore and said that it had to pass, that he would force it through. They, every little while, would go up to the Speaker's desk where the bills lay and examine the pile to see how far it was down. Maxwell and they were in great glee. I did not see how we could escape, but yet I had faith that something would interpose to prevent the passage of the bill; but I did not know what it would be, or how it would be prevented. At 5 p. M. took recess till 7.30, and still it was not reached. I paced up and down within hearing of the business, and called upon the Lord in my heart for that deliverance which I knew that no one but He could give. The exultation of our enemies was unconcealed. In imagination they already had their feet upon our necks.

" Two o'clock in the morning of Tuesday came and still they were crowding through bills. There were but two bills to pass, and they could be passed in two or three minutes, and then the Frelinghuysen bill would be reached. Confusion and excitement prevailed, and any attempt to reason upon such a subject, with so great a feeling of hurry prevailing, would be useless. We had done all in our power, and only the power of God could now prevent the passage of the bill. Just then the Judiciary Committee brought up the impeachment cases of Judge Delahay, of Kansas, and Judge Sherman, of Ohio. This subject consumed an hour. Three o'clock had come, and still no action on the Frelinghuysen bill. Then members began to present resolutions, bills, etc., upon which they wanted action. Speaker Blaine recognized them, and half an hour was thus consumed. Our enemies, active and urgent, tried to press the Frelinghuysen bill on to the notice of the House, but in vain. I felt faint and hungry, and went down to the restaurant and got a little refreshment, was only absent a few minutes, and when

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I came up, the House had just taken a recess until 9:30. I was surprised and yet exceeding glad. I thought of my dream again. The dispersion of the members reminded me of the dispersion in the dream. Our enemies were swearing mad. Merritt said we had bribed the Speaker and that "damned old Bingham." Claggett and Maxwell were also furious.

" March 4th .- This morning they commenced at the calendar. The two bills were soon passed, then came the Frelinghuysen bill; but Mr. Sargent, of California, objected to the consideration of so important a bill when there was no quorum present. It was laid aside informally; and from that time until 11:30, when upon motion, it was decided to transact no more legislation, it could not be reached. Business of various kinds was attended to, but that could not be got up. Our enemies were raging. Maxwell said he would take out British papers and be an American citizen no longer. Claggett asserted that we had spent $200,000 on the Judiciary Committee, and Merritt swore that there had been treachery, and we had bribed Congress. But I praised and thanked God, who was our friend and mightier than they all. By seemingly small and insignificant means he had brought to pass marvelous results, and to him all the glory was due.

CHAPTER LXX.

POLITICAL COALITION OF 1874. JENNINGS FOR MAYOR. ELECTION FOR DEL- EGATE TO CONGRESS IN 1874. BASKIN NOMINATED. ELECTION DAY. U. S. MARSHAL MAXWELL AND HIS DEPUTIES TAKE CHARGE OF THE DAY AND THE POLLS. TUMULT IN THE CITY. THE CITY POLICE AR- RESTED BY THE U. S. MARSHAL AND HIS DEPUTIES. U. S. DEPUTY MAR- SHAL ORR ARRESTED BY THE POLICE AND IS HABEAS CORPUSED BY JUDGE MCKEAN. THE MOB ASSAULT MAYOR WELLS AND TEAR HIS COAT TO PIECES. HE IS RESCUED BY THE POLICE FORCE, AND DOORS OFF CITY HALL CLOSED). THE MAYOR APPEARS ON THE BALCONY AND GIVES THE ORDER TO HIS FORCE TO BEAT BACK THE MOB, WHICH IS INSTANTLY DONE. THE SEQUEL. CANNON ELECTED BY A 20,000 MAJORITY AGAINST A 3,300 VOTE OF HIS OPPONENT; BUT BASKIN CONTESTS THE SEAT IN CONGRESS.

From its organization, it had been the policy of the Liberal party, in the municipal elections of Salt Lake City, and also the Territorial elections for mem- bers to the legislature, to construct their tickets with the names of representative citizens, among whom were some of the founders of our city's commerce. This was obviously sound policy ; for such men as Henry W. Lawrence, J. R. Walker, S. Sharpe Walker and William Jennings were very proper men to fill any of the offices in the municipality or the legislature ; but when it came to the election of delegate to Congress, a straight Gentile was always chosen, who had never in any

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way been associated with the interests of the Mormon commonwealth, or even with the founding of Utah.

Indeed, in the first years of the existence of the Liberal party, the Federal officers, politicians and adventurers, who came to the Territory from about the beginning of 1869, sought the entire rule of Utah ; and they seemed to have had nearly as great an antipathy to those influential seceders, who had been connected with primitive Utah, as to the same class of men who remained inside the Mor- mon community and who, as the People's party, stood a barrier against their political and social encroachments. These leaders of the Liberal party only used the names of such men as J. R. Walker, S. Sharpe Walker, Henry W. Lawrence, W. S. Godbe, Samuel Kahn, Fred Auerbach and such others, for their own ends. Of themselves, there was no account of service whatever standing between them and the city or Territory. In 1870, as before noted, Henry W. Lawrence was chosen to lead the Liberal ticket for mayor of Salt Lake City. He had been sev- eral times a member of the city council ; was once the Territorial marshal ; was one of the founders of the city's commerce, and for many years a prominent man in the Mormon community. In changing from Mayor Wells, had Lawrence re- mained with that community, there was no man in Salt Lake City more likely than he to have been elected its mayor by the People's party. So also, S. Sharp Walker, J. R. Walker or Fred Auerbach would have been elegible at any time for the office of chief magistrate of our municipality in the estimation of all classes, providing their names were unencumbered with the dragon's tail of the Liberal party. Indeed, it would be safe to say that, at any time during the last twelve or fifteen years, had Mr. J. R. Walker been nominated to any office in the gift of the people, on a straight citizens' ticket, aside from both parties, with his personal honor pledged to serve in the spirit of his nomination, he would most likely have been elected without opposition, unless it had come from the Liberal party itself. An example of this was given by the nomination of Mr. S. Sharpe Walker by ac- clamation, at a mass meeting as one of the delegates to the constitutional conven- tion, to which he barely escaped being elected, notwithstanding his published card declining the nomination. Mr Walker's nomination was dissimilar from that of the Gentile nominees, who were chosen for their influence, and experience in politics and State-founding. " Sharp" Walker was chosen purely as one of our prominent citizens and principal men in commerce, finance and the mines of Utah.

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History of Salt Lake City, Part 78

Author: Tullidge, Edward Wheelock Publication date: 1886 Publisher: Salt Lake City, Star printing company Number of Pages: 1194

Author: Tullidge, Edward Wheelock
Publication date: 1886
Publisher: Salt Lake City, Star printing company
Number of Pages: 1194