USA > Virginia > A history of Virginia : from its discovery and settlement by Europeans to the present time. Vol. I > Part 14
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a Stith, 167, 168; Belknap's Am. mane ? Am. Colon., i. 56. His rea- Biog., ii. 167, 168 ; Campbell's Va., 54; Gordon's Am., i. 47.
soning is weak, unless a Virginian can commend a course which would b Is it not surprising, that Mar- shall should approve this measure, and assert that the policy which dic- corrupt population. render his own state a Botany Bay, in order to relieve Britain from her tated it was no less wise than hu-
215
1619.] DISPUTE CONCERNING TOBACCO.
A great mortality prevailed this season among the settlers, and three hundred were swept away within the year.ª They were, probably, those who had not yet passed the ordeal of the climate, and the rank vegetation of the summer and autumn exercised the most fatal of influences. But if death was thus busy, abundance seemed to pour in upon the survivors. An enormous yield of corn and wheat was gathered, and it is even related that two harvests were obtained the same year. The wheat first sown was shaken by the wind, and the grains which fell produced the second crop. This seems hardly credible ; but the profusion in this year is proved by the highest authority.b
Sir Edwin Sandys looked with great favour upon the attempt already made to found a college in the colony, and exerted himself to raise money for its support. It was seated at Henrico, was under good directors, and was intended not only for the education of white children, but also for training Indian boys to Christian lives and civilized learning. Many benevolent persons, of both sexes, in the mother country, contributed to its aid, and it promised much, when its proceedings were in- terrupted by a disaster soon to be mentioned.e
And now began the first dispute between Eng- land and her dependency ; caused, beyond doubt, by a spirit of unrighteous demand in the mother,
a Stith, 161. 162; but he does not seem to be-
b Stith refers to a letter from Vir- lieve it.
c Stith, 162, 171, 172; John
ginia to the London Company, in which this marvel is mentioned, Rolfe's Nar., in Smith, ii. 40.
216
DISPUTE CONCERNING TOBACCO. [CHAP. IV.
and of resistance to oppression in the child. King James, by the charter of 1609, had expressly ex- empted the colonists from all customs for twenty- one years, upon their products imported into Eng- land, except five per cent. on imports, according to the long-established custom of merchants.ª But this astute pedant, notwithstanding his hatred to tobacco, hated it not with a hatred equal to his love for money, and determined to draw from this dia- bolical commodity a revenue wherewith to appease his starving coffers. For this purpose a plan was adopted, as ingenious as it was fraudulent. Spa- nish tobacco, being of fine quality, generally sold for about eighteen shillings per pound, while that from Virginia never brought more than five, and generally sold for three or four shillings per pound. Notwithstanding this disparity, his majesty's cus- tom-house officers exacted an average duty of six pence per pound on all tobacco imported, thus fa- vouring Spain and oppressing Virginia. For it will be perceived, that this duty would be not quite three per cent. on the Spanish product, and from ten to sixteen per cent. on that of the colony. In addition to this, Mr. Jacob, the farmer of the tobacco impost, deliberately annexed six pence per pound to this already heavy tax, thus imposing the enormous duty of twenty per cent. upon the staple of Virginia even when it brought its highest price.b
a Charter, sec. xix., in Hening, b Stith, 168-170; Burk, i. 297; Grahame's Colon. Hist., i. 72. This
ì. 94.
217
COMPROMISE.
1619.]
Such oppression could not be endured ; the Com- pany appealed to the courts of law, relying upon the strength of their charter; but as might have been foretold, they met with meagre justice and much loss. The conflict thus commenced, con- tinued, with little intermission, during several years. The King granted monopolies for the sale of tobacco, limited the quantity to be imported, appointed commissioners for inspecting or " gar- bling," and confiscating all that they might see fit to declare to be of " base quality ;" exacted heavy duties, and yet, when the Company, wearied by his systematic oppression, ceased to import the weed into Britain, and sent it to the inviting ports of Holland, his majesty flew into a royal rage, and forbade them to send their own products to any other country, unless they were first landed in England. The Company appealed to the House of Commons, and supported their right to ship their staple directly to Holland, by referring to their charters, which in no sense restricted this well-known privilege of English subjects. The controversy was waged with skill and violence on both sides, until finally, in 1622, a compromise was effected. The articles agreed upon provided, that the Virginia and Somers' Island Companies should have the sole right to import tobacco into the British realm; that no person should be per- mitted to plant this article on the soil of Great
was, indeed, an enormous duty at on tobacco imported into England the time; but it is insignificant in modern times.
when compared with the customs
218
COMPROMISE.
[CHAP. IV.
Britain during the continuance of this agreement ; that besides the regular duties of sixpence a pound on roll, and fourpence on leaf, the Company should pay to his majesty a full third part of all the to- bacco imported ; but they were not obliged to im- port a greater quantity than they thought proper ; that the Company should import from forty to sixty thousand pounds of Spanish tobacco in each of the first two ensuing years; and that the contract should commence at Michaelmas, 1622, and con- tinue for seven years.a
Thus did James drive the Spaniards from his market, and grant to the English colonists a com- plete monopoly for the sale of their staple. It is singular that he should have done this, while his love of popery was still strong, and while he was indulging in ardent hopes of soon effecting a mar- riage between his son Charles and the infanta of Spain ;b but it is still more singular, that the Com- pany should have supposed they would derive pe- cuniary benefit from this change. Few articles can bear a tax amounting to more than one-third their value; and nothing but the insatiate longing for a stimulant once indulged, could have attracted an ounce of this weed to England after the grant- ing of the monopoly. But men have ever pre- ferred their vices or their vagaries to their own substantial welfare. During the years in which
2 Stith, 170, 201, 202, 247, 249 ; the amount of duty exacted by the Burk, i. 207, 253, 255 ; Grahame's king ; he states it at ninepence per pound. Colon. Hist., i. 72, 73. Mr. Gra- hame, I think, has greatly mistaken b Hume's England, iv. 291-295.
219
INTRODUCTION OF SLAVES.
1620.]
this dispute was in progress, we find in the pages of Stith, little but the word " tobacco," repeated in every possible combination, until we are almost led to imagine that the odour of the weed clings per- manently to the words of the reverend historian. We shall again encounter it as we pass through the story of Virginia's fortunes.
(1620.) An incident now presents itself, upon which none who have proper feelings, can look without melancholy interest, and which few Eng- lishmen or Americans can regard without deep humiliation. It is not a purpose here entertained to enter upon a history of slavery ; to go back to the time when man first bought and sold his fellow- creatures, or when, under the Divine constitution, it first became lawful for one mortal to control another as his property. Whatever may be the ravings of fanaticism on this subject, it is certain that the father of the faithful, the chosen servant of the Almighty, owned and governed slaves in a mode as absolute as any that had ever prevailed in the Southern States of the American Union.ª It is also certain, that the inspired Apostle of Christ, who enjoyed more abundant revelations than any other writer of the New Testament, has laid down laws to govern the relation of master and slave; thus proving it to be lawful.b For neither has the
a Genesis, xii. 5, with Matthew Henry's Commentary. See also verse 16; Gen. xiv. 14, 15, xvi. 6, xvii. 23. b 1 Corin. vii. 22,23, xii. 13; Galat. iii.28; Eph. vi. 5, 8, 9 ; Coloss. iii. 22,
iv. 1; and the whole Epistle to Phile- mon. The word " Sounos" is constant- ly used in Greek writers for a slave, in the fullest sense of the word. I need not say how broad was its meaning
220
INTRODUCTION OF SLAVES. [CHAP. IV.
Deity, nor have righteous men, at any time given laws to regulate an unlawful relation, as that of adulterer and adulteress, receiver and thief. But upon a subject which has excited, and is still pro- ducing so profound emotion in the world, we will not enter the arena of debate. Inexorable neces- sity aloneª could induce the people of Virginia to continue an institution which, however lawful, is not desirable; which has been entailed upon them by British ancestors; which they have perseve- ringly struggled to mitigate; and from which they hope finally to see their land wholly delivered. It is rather the duty of the historian to trace evils to their sources, and, without fear or malice, to attach censure to those who have rendered themselves in- gloriously immortal, by giving birth to ills which are destined to curse the world when their bodies have, during ages, slumbered in the dust.
England has always held slaves under her con- trol: villeins in the feudal ages-kidnapped Afri- cans under Elizabeth-negroes in her American islands-white children in the mines and factories upon her own soil-conquered Hindoos in her vast East Indian domain. Nevertheless, it is true that the bondman who now touches her soil becomes free, and may have a writ of "habeas corpus" to secure his liberty ! So skilful is she in retaining
during the existence of the Roman a See Tucker's Commentaries, vol. empire, when Paul wrote his epistles. i., book i. 74, 75. See also Jefferson's Read Dr. Spring's remarks, in his Notes, 93, and 170, 171. admirable work on the " Obligations of the World to the Bible," pp. 226- 239.
221
INTRODUCTION OF SLAVES.
1620.]
the substance without the form, in giving to her poets and orators a phantom upon which to waste their eloquence, while she relaxes not her grasp upon the enslaved spirit thus disembodied! Sir John Hawkins was the first Englishman of note, who openly engaged in the slave trade. In 1562, he visited Africa, enticed the unsuspecting negroes aboard his ship, attacked and captured a large number of a hostile tribe, promised them all much comfort under the pleasant skies of Hispaniola, sold them to the Spaniards upon that island, and returned to England " with a rich freight of pearls, sugar, and ginger," to excite his countrymen to emulation, and to allay the qualms of the Queen's conscience by displays of wealth, and promises of great moderation in his future kidnappings.ª Thus, while the Pope of Rome was steadily hurling ana- themas at this inhuman traffic, a Protestant prin- cess received it under her especial care and coun- tenance.
But though England sanctioned the slave trade, sold her own people into servitude, after the un- happy rebellion of Monmouth, in the reign of James II., and afterwards contributed heavily to
a Grahame's Colon. Hist., i. 16, passage : "Cum autem omnes liberos 17. Grahame is good authority on natura creassêt, nullus conditione naturæ fuit subditus servituti." -- This letter was written " in the very darkness of the middle ages." such a point. Bancroft's U. S., i. 186; Keith's Va., 31; Dr. Spring's Obligations of the World to the Bible, 241.
c Hallam's Const. Hist., iii. 93, in b Bancroft's U. S., i. 185. The note, London edit., 1832; Bancroft's letter of Pope Alexander III., cited U. S., i. 189.
by Mr. Bancroft, has the following
222
A DUTCH SHIP.
[CHAP. IV.
swell the number of Africans on the soil of Ame- rica, yet she did not originally introduce them. James I. was content to prepare the minds of the colonists for enslaving their innocent fellow-beings, by sending guilty wretches from Britain to servi- tude in the settlement.ª In August, 1620, a Dutch man-of-war sailed up the James, landed twenty negroes from the African coast,' and soon obtained a sale for them from the planters, who were willing at any expense, either of money or of feeling, to secure suitable labourers for their lucrative staple. We will not further dwell upon this circumstance, or upon its results. The number was small, but the practice was commenced ; the virus was intro- duced into the blood of the patient, and centuries perchance will yet elapse ere she will recover from its influences.
From a cargo of unhappy negroes, torn from their native land to be reduced to bondage on a distant soil, we pass immediately to an importation far more useful, more agreeable, more interesting in all its aspects. The colonists had hitherto wanted permanency of view. Many of them came to Virginia with the mere hope of amassing wealth, and then with a fixed design to return to the comforts of their native land. They regarded the colony as a commercial speculation, rather than
a Mr. Grahame has a sensible pa- ragraph on this point, which would be entirely just did he attach the blame exclusively to the King, in- stead of laying it upon the colonists, i. 70, 71.
b Smith, ii. 39, “ A dutch man of warre, that sold us twenty negars ;" Beverley, 35; Stith, 182 ; Grahame, i. 71; Burk, i. 211; Marshall, 56; Bancroft, i. 189 ; Belknap, ii. 109 Gordon, i. 48; Oldmixon, i. 369.
223
GIRLS IMPORTED.
1620.]
as the fœtus of a great and prosperous people. But gradually this unsettled feeling had dimi- nished ; men began to regard the beautiful coun- try around them with affection, and to look upon it with all those tender thoughts which gather around the spot we call our home. To encourage this sentiment, the Company adopted a plan as novel as it was judicious. The presence of woman has always been necessary, to cause the wandering desires of man to centre upon a particular spot. The Deity judged not unwisely when he brought our mother to Adam, who was already surrounded by the charms of Eden; for without her, the gar- den would not long have retained his restless spirit.
Hitherto, matrimonial connexions in the colony had not been numerous. Many families, it is true, had come undivided, but a large number of men were still single, and composed a class most ca- pable of affecting the settlement either for good or for evil. To provide these with companions, the managers in England made proper proposals, and immediately ninety young females declared that they were ready to devote themselves to so praise- worthy an object.ª . They were shipped to the co- lony, and, as the adventurers had made a consi- derable outlay in preparing them for the voyage, on arrival, they were offered for sale-the price demanded being one hundred and twenty pounds of tobacco.b This, at three shillings per pound,
a Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. 1783; b Stith, 197; Burk, i. 206-221; Belknap, ii. 166; Grahame's Colon. Grahame, i. 72; Bancroft, i. 173. Hist., i. 72.
224
MARRIAGE AND HAPPINESS. [CHAP. IV.
would be a sum equal to about eighty dollars, but if proper allowance be made for the greater value of money at that time than at the present, each of these damsels was to be sold for nearly one hun- dred and fifty dollars. Immediately on arriving, these gentle ladies were placed before the young colonists. Offers were rapid. They sold in a brief space of time, and were duly united in holy wedlock to their respective purchasers. Family ties were formed ; mutual content prevailed ; life began to grow brighter; cares lost their depressing power. Certainly we may suppose, that women who had not been deterred by any silly fastidious- ness from seeking advantageous matches by such means, would not afterwards torment their hus- bands by the caprices and follies to which their sex is said to be liable; and the young planters had every guarantee for finding in their wives the re- spect and obedience, alike required by laws human and divine ..
This encouraging prospect induced the Com- pany to prepare for another shipment. They de- signed to send one hundred, but their funds were only sufficient for sixty, and, accordingly, that number speedily arrived at Jamestown. We are told by good authority, that they were young, handsome, and chaste.a We may not presume that the daughters of noblemen, or even of the
a Stith, 197; Burk, i. 221. See a is preserved by Hubbard, in his notes curious letter accompanying a ship- to Belknap's Am. Biog., ii. 166; but ment of ladies from London, and I am not perfectly satisfied as to its dated August 21, 1621. This letter authenticity.
225
MARRIAGE AND HAPPINESS.
1621.]
higher gentry of England, embarked on this truly philanthropic excursion ; but we have the best rea- son to believe, that they were girls of respectable parentage, of more than common personal beauty, and of undoubted virtue.a Great care was taken to permit none to go out whose morals were not pure ; and, in proof of the strictness observed on this point, we find, at a later period, an order of Council, regularly made, to send back to England two women, whose chastity had been successfully assailed, and who had become pregnant during the passage.' They were instantly discarded, as un- worthy to propagate a race who have always been proverbial for honour in man, and for purity in woman.
The importation of this year sold as rapidly as the first. The price rose to one hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco; and as we do not hear of any very heavy bidding for particular maidens, while others were neglected, or only taken if accompanied by a premium, we infer that a remarkable equality prevailed in the attractions of these damsels, and that this had been a point judiciously managed by the consignors. The Company proved its wisdom by annexing strong inducements to wedlock; de- claring that they would deal with, ship to, and in all things favour married, men, rather than those who, after a certain age, remained single."
Under these happy auspices we note a percep-
a See remarks of Stith, on p. 197; 36; note to Grahame's Colon. Hist., Robertson's Am., i. 412. i. 72. b This was in 1632. See Burk, ii. c Stith, 197, 198.
VOL. I. 15
226
SIR FRANCIS WYATT.
[CHAP. IV.
tible improvement in the affairs of the colony ; industry revived, men became attached to their homes and settled in their views, the servitude of apprenticeship was relaxed, and all things wore a cheering aspect, until the terrible disaster which it will soon be our duty to record.
Sir George Yeardley was a man of mild and sensitive spirit, and so deeply was he wounded by the ungenerous attacks constantly made upon him by the court party in the Company, with Warwick and Argal at its head, that his health began to de- cline. He fell into painful languor of body,ª from which he seems not to have recovered. Sir Fran- cis Wyatt was appointed to succeed him, and early in August set out for the colony. He brought with him a written constitution for the settlers, and full instructions for his own guidance and control. The constitution was but intended to confirm the privileges granted under Sir George Yeardley, but it will ever remain among our records as a monu- ment of the noble and expanded spirit pervading the counsels of the London Company.b
After erecting two councils-one to consist of the governor and his advisers, known as the Council of State, and the other to consist of the first body, together with two burgesses from each town, hun- dred, or plantation, to be freely elected by the peo- ple, and called together by the governor, once a year, and not oftener unless for special reason,-
a Stith, 193. Hazard's Sta. Pap. i. 131-133; Hen.
b This charter may be read in ing's Stat. at Large, i. 110, 113. It full in Stith, Appen., iv. 32-34; is dated July 24, 1621.
227
NEW CONSTITUTION.
1621.]
the charter provides that this last-mentioned body, forming one "General Assembly," shall have power to make laws, subject, however, to an absolute negative in the governor, and subject also to the approval of the Company at some one of their quar- terly courts. But, with admirable equity, it was farther declared, that no action of the Company should be binding on the colonists unless duly rati- fied by the General Assembly.ª Imperfect as was this constitution, it should afford unmixed delight, when we remember whence it came, and under the reign of what sovereign it was granted.
The instructions accompanying the governor, with much that is good, embrace some things sa- vouring of the errors of the age.b "The Church of England is commended to his fatherly care- drunkenness is denounced-fine clothes are pro- scribed-a census is commanded-dead men's es- tates are to be properly guarded-mulberry trees, vines, salt, tar, pitch, and soap-ashes are to be en- couraged. The people are not to plant more than one hundred pounds of tobacco per head, and they are absolutely required to son great quantities of corn, to provide effectually against famine or even scarcity.
Thus enjoying the blessings of liberty, of health, of good laws, and of an amiable governor, the peo-
a Charter, sec. vi., in Hening, i. articles relating particularly to re- ligion and the church, are given by
112.
b See them in full in Hening, i. Dr. Hawks, Ecclesias. Hist. Va. 44, 114-118; and condensed in Stith, 45. 194-196; Burk, i. 224-227. The
228
OPECANCANOUGH.
[CHAP. IV.
ple of Virginia began to put forth their energies, and already abundance and peace were the rewards of their exertions. But a dark cloud was gathering above them, unseen indeed by their eyes, which were sealed in placid confidence, yet pregnant with a storm that was soon to descend in horror and death upon their devoted heads.
Since the marriage of Pocahontas with John Rolfe, the Indians had preserved the most peaceful relations with the settlers, and hopes were enter- tained that permanent friendship would be estab- lished between them. The dominion of Powhatan had descended to his brother Opitchapan, a feeble and decrepit chieftain, who was neither dreaded by the whites, nor respected by his own subjects. But there was one mind among the natives, which now exercised all the sway of superior genius and courage. Opecancanough has heretofore been men- tioned. It is doubtful whether he was in any man- ner related to Powhatan, though he is often spoken of as his brother. Among the Indians, and some of the whites, prevailed a belief that he came from a tribe far in the southwest, perhaps from the interior of Mexico.ª But in talents and influence he was now the ruling power among the savages. Pro- found in dissimulation, cruel by nature and by habit, patient of suffering, skilled in every species of treachery, and possessed of a ready eloquence, always at his command, he soon gained over the minds of his inferiors an ascendency as resistless
a Keith's Hist. Va., 144, 145.
229
OPECANCANOUGH.
1622.]
as it was dangerous. When Sir Francis Wyatt assumed the government, he sent messengers to this powerful chief, asking a renewal of their friendly pledges, and promising his countenance and protection to the Indians. George Thorpe, a minister of the Gospel, possessed of great piety and zeal, accompanied this mission, and they returned perfectly satisfied with their success. Opecan- canough received them with every mark of de- light; assured them that heaven and earth should mingle ere he should dissolve the peace between them ; expressed much reverence for the Christian system, which was expounded to him; and, with consummate hypocrisy, renounced his own religion as a scheme of falsehood, invented by priests and conjurors.ª The simple-hearted divine was deceiv- ed, and began to cherish hopes that this perfidious savage would soon become a convert to the faith of the Redeemer. He even exerted himself to have a house built for Opecancanough, with which the chief was so much delighted, that he could spend hours in locking and unlocking the doors of his mansion. Yet during all their interviews, this man was nursing in his bosom a plan of diabolical ven- geance, which was soon to be carried into full effect.
The English had become careless and unsus- pecting. Believing the natives to be their friends, they admitted them freely to their houses-some-
a Account in Smith, ii. 66; Stith, 211; Grahame, in note, i. 75; Ban- 209; Belknap, ii. 175. croft's U. S., i. 194.
b Account in Smith, ii. 68; Stith,
230
CONFIDENCE OF THE COLONISTS. [CHAP. IV.
times supplied them with arms, employed them in hunting and fishing for their families, and in all respects treated them as faithful allies. As habits of industry and steady labour gained ground, the colonists relaxed their martial discipline. The plough was a more useful implement than the musket, and the sword had given place to the hoe and the pickaxe. Seduced by the present tran- quillity, and by the fertile soil found in belts of land upon all the rivers running into the bay, they had extended their settlements until they were now nearly eighty in number, and spread in scat- tered plantations over a space of several hundred miles.ª They were lulled into complete security by the demeanour of the natives; and those who were most zealous for religion, were beginning to hope that the seeds of the truth were taking root in many untutored minds, and would, after a sea- son, produce fruits of joy and peace. Some were not thus sanguine; and among those who looked with most suspicion upon the Indians, we mark the name of Jonas Stockam, a minister, who has left on record an open acknowledgment of his dis- trust.b His strong common sense, his knowledge of human nature, and his observations upon the natives around him, all confirmed his belief that they were yet highly dangerous, and that until their priests and " ancients" were destroyed, no hope of their conversion need be entertained. But his warnings, and slight proofs of enmity in the
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