USA > Virginia > A history of Virginia : from its discovery and settlement by Europeans to the present time. Vol. I > Part 21
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The price of tobacco had fallen so low that the planters were threatened with ruin, and some re- medy seemed indispensable. A meeting of com- missioners from Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia, was held at Wicomocomo to arrange a. commercial treaty. It was agreed that in the suc- ceeding year no tobacco should be planted in either
a Bancroft, ii. 205.
b Bancroft, ii. 205. There is strong reason for Mr. Bancroft's opinion in the fact that the same Assembly was adjourned or prorogued from 1666 to 1675; but the law to which he refers in Hening, ii. 211, 212, was, I ap-
prehend, passed when elections by the people were still in use.
c Compare Hening, ii. 196, 197, Sess. 1663, with ii. 249, 250, Sess. 1666. The names of the Burgesses will be found to be entirely different.
328
A CONSPIRACY
[CHAP. VI.
colony, after the 20th day of June.a (1663.) Had this contract been rigidly observed, it might have enhanced the price of the staple, and gradually re- lieved the planters ; but Maryland soon abandoned the league, and Virginia immediately permitted her citizens to plant as much as they pleased.b
Causes of discontent were daily increasing, in number and in weight. At length they began openly to show their influence. A general feeling of uneasiness and disappointment pervaded a people who had received a governor and a king, only to be mocked and oppressed. In the colony at this time were many soldiers who had served under Cromwell, and who, from him, had imbibed a cor- dial hatred of kings, a prepossession for Puritan- ism, and a thorough contempt for the Church of England in all her forms. These men eagerly fanned the flames of discontent already rising ; they had but too much reason for their complaints, and found many to sympathize in their desire for relief. Secretly and with skill, a formidable in- surrection was organized ; conflicting materials were brought together, and arrayed in opposition to powers hated by all. So profound was their concealment, that not one hint of the design es- caped before the evening preceding the day for the intended stroke. Then, a soldier, named Ber- kenhead, who had been one of the conspirators, moved by remorse or by cowardice, revealed the plot, and urged instant measures for its defeat.
a Burk, ii. 134.
b Hening, ii. 202, Sess. 1663.
329
CRUSHED.
1663.]
(Sept. 13.) The governor's conduct was prompt and decided. He issued private orders that an ample force of militia should meet at the place of rendezvous before the time appointed by the insur- gents. His directions were obeyed. As fast as they appeared, the hapless conspirators were seized and disarmed. Many of them caught the alarm, and made their escape. Four of the worst were speedily hanged; and the intended plot was ar- rested, ere its actors could discover the cause of their discomfiture.ª
The soldiers were all servants, sent over from England to labour in the colony. Their sturdy republicanism, and perhaps their morose tempers, rendered them ungrateful to the mother country ; and, with her accustomed policy, she sent them to be improved by the air of Virginia. Berkenhead was the servant of a Mr. Smith, of Gloucester County, and, in reward for his services, the As- sembly voted him his freedom, and five thousand pounds of tobacco.' The recollection of this des- perate plot was long fresh in the memories of the settlers. In 1670, we find an order of Council, regularly entered, complaining of the practice of sending convicts and abandoned persons to the co- lony, who "deserve to dye in England ;" refer- ring to this conspiracy of 1663, and denouncing stern penalties against any commanders of vessels
a Beverley, 58; Keith, almost ver-
b Hening, ii. 204; Beverley, 58, batim from Beverley, 151; Burk, ii. says he received two hundred pounds 135, 136; Grahame, i. 114; Old- mixon, i. 379.
sterling ; so saith Keith, 151; Burk, ii. 137.
330
RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE RESTRICTED. [CHAP. VI.
who should in future bring such wretches to Vir- ginia, to degrade her character and stain her repu- tation.ª
When news of the " Oliverian Plot" reached England, Charles ordered that forts should be con- structed in the colony, and that Jamestown should be additionally fortified; but these orders were but partially observed. The people of Virginia were as jealous of towns as the King was fond. He re- garded them as nurseries of loyalty, and the colo- nists considered them as fit engines for executing the odious laws for navigation.
The defeat of a conspiracy did not remove the permanent evils under which the settlers were la- bouring. Several years passed away, and yet no softening of the policy of England had occurred. Various attempts to evade the laws had been en- tered upon. At one time, a profitable traffic with the Dutch of New York was opened; but the English system was rigidly enforced, and Virginia soon found that she was closely watched by her selfish and unfeeling mother. Her own Assembly was no longer composed of men who loved equal justice, and guarded the interests of the people. (1666, Nov. 9.) They protected their own rights indeed, and refused to permit either the Governor or his Council to join them in deciding upon the public levy ; but they restricted the right of suf- frage, which had before been exercised by all free-
a Extract from Records of Gen. afterwards "Newgate-birds."-Out- Court, in Hening, ii. 509-511. These line, in Howe, 70.
persons are called "jail-birds," and
b Burk, ii. 145; Hening, ii. 254.
331
1669.]
CHARLES, CULPEPER, ARLINGTON.
men, and confined it to " freeholders and house- keepers ;"ª thus excluding a large number of use- ful and intelligent voters. But the full weight of royal power was yet to be felt.
As early as 1649, immediately after the execu- tion of Charles I., a grant of the northern neck of Virginia, embracing all the country between Poto- mac and Rappahannockivers, had been made to a company of cavaliers, who designed to settle upon it.b This grant was never acted upon, and was finally recalled. But nine years after the restora- tion, Charles II. determined to exercise his kingly liberality, in giving away that which belonged not to him. He was but a highwayman at heart, and had he occupied a more humble station, it is not improbable that his total disregard of the rights of his fellow-men, would have finally conducted him to a gibbet. (1669.) By letters patent, regularly executed and issued, he gave away the whole of Virginia, with her land and water, her fields and forests, her mountains, swamps, harbours, and creeks, for the full period of thirty-one years, unto two of his favourites, to wit : Thomas, Lord Cul- peper, and Henry, Earl of Arlington, and to their executors, administrators, and assigns." The first of these grantees was a man of good sense, but exceedingly subtle and covetous ; the last, bears a name but too well known as one of the renowned " Cabal," who introduced a new word into our
a Act iii., Sess. 1670, Hening, ii. 280; Bancroft, ii. 208. b Bancroft, ii. 209.
c Behold the full patent, in He- ning, ii. 569-578; Bancroft, ii. 210; Outline, in Howe, 71.
332
VAIN EMBASSY.
[CHAP. VI.
language, and a new science into our round of knowledge. He was smooth, polite, well-bred in the extreme, but he loved low pleasure almost as much as his sovereign, and even exceeded him in studied forgetfulness of his overwhelming debts.a
(1674.) When this grant was openly promulgated in the colony, both people and Assembly were stricken with astonishment and alarm. The King had at length touched a nerve which caused even his most loyal servants of the settlement to shudder with suffering. Upon the faith of previous char- ters, they had occupied land, and had devoted to it assiduous labour. Industry had reclaimed fer- tile fields from the forest, and forty thousand inha- bitants now held lands which were thus delibe- rately wrested from them by the King, and turned over to his grasping minions. What burthen, in the shape of yearly and quit-rents, services, manor duties, tithes upon advowsons, market customs, and other imposts, these men might inflict upon them, was uncertain, but the letters patent were ample enough to justify these, and many other exactions.b
Immediately the Assembly resolved to seek re- dress. They appointed three commissioners, Tho- mas Ludwell, Secretary of State, Francis Morrison, and Robert Smith; and, having provided for their support by a heavy tax upon the colony, they sent them to England to implore the King to recall his
a Read Bancroft, ii. 209, and his well to read the patent, Hening, ii., authorities; Appendix, in Burk, ii. 9. particularly on pages 572, 574, 575,
৳ Those who doubt this would do 576.
333
1674.]
CAPTAIN BATTE'S EXPEDITION.
grant, or else, they were to endeavour to effect a compromise with Culpeper and Arlington.ª The result of this embassy was what might have been expected. The commissioners wholly failed in inducing the despicable being who occupied the English throne to withdraw his letters patent, as improvidently issued; and, after protracted nego- tiations with the patentees, they obtained terms little favourable to the interests of the settlers. Their application for a new charter was equally fruitless. It has been said that one was prepared ; but it was stopped in its passage through the Hamper Office, and was at length wholly sup- pressed.b
The grievances of the colonists had now nearly reached their zenith. The storm was ready to descend; but, ere we proceed to describe it, we must speak of an undertaking apparently remote from popular movements, yet in reality connect- ed with the immediate cause of their outburst. Designing to explore the country more fully, Sir William Berkeley sent Captain Henry Batte with a brave company, consisting of fourteen English- men, and as many Indians, to penetrate as far as possible to the southward and westward, and make such discoveries and observations as were practicable. Setting out from Appamatox, this small party, in seven days, reached the foot of the mountains. Those first encountered were
a Burk, ii. 143; Hening, ii. 518; Hening, ii. 531 ; and Remonstrance Beverley, 65; Keith, 155.
b Beverley, 75; Burk, ii. 152; 537.
against Stoppage of Charter, 535-
1 334
CAPTAIN BATTE'S EXPEDITION. [CHAP. VI.
not very lofty, but after farther progress, they came to others, which towered in majesty above them, and seemed to pierce the clouds with their summits. These mountains were often so rugged and so full of precipices, that the travellers could with difficulty make their way, and frequently a day's exertion carried them but three miles for- ward in a direct line. Yet ever and anon, they came upon level plains and green savannas, most refreshing to behold. Flocks of turkeys, and herds of deer, elk, and buffalo, constantly saluted them ; and these creatures were so tame, that they suf- fered them to approach within any distance, and seemed to regard the strangers with curious inte- rest rather than with alarm. Wild fruits of the country abounded, and among them were grapes of enormous size, which the adventurers beheld with unmixed wonder. When they had passed the lofty range of mountains, they came again upon a beautiful country, fertile and level, through which ran a rivulet that " descended backwards" from the high lands above. After some progress down this stream, they came to Indian settlements, which were deserted, and they then found them- selves on the borders of extensive marshes. Here their Indian guides halted, and positively refused to go farther, declaring that but a little way in ad- vance of them, lived powerful tribes of savages, who made salt, and sold it to their neighbours; and who had never suffered any strangers to re- turn, that ventured within their formidable grasp. With great reluctance, Captain Batte was com-
335
GRIEVANCES OF THE COLONY.
1674.]
pelled to retrace his steps. When he reached Jamestown, he gave to the governor so attractive a description of his achievements, that Sir William Berkeley resolved to undertake in person a similar excursion.ª But events of the highest import soon arrested his design, and turned his thoughts into a less peaceful channel.
So irritated and excitable was the public mind at this time, that slight circumstances threatened to awaken an insurrection. It would be irrational in the highest degree to suppose that the scenes of violence and blood upon which we are soon to enter, were the result of momentary agitation. Their true causes will be found deeply planted in the history of the colony during many years be- fore they occurred ; and the very fact, that the apparent cause has seemed inadequate, will prove, that powerful latent springs were in motion, to drive the people of Virginia into open rebellion. Let it be remembered, that, for fourteen years, they had suffered the crushing exactions of the laws passed by the Parliament which first wel- comed Charles II. to the throne ; that their trade
a Beverley, 62, 63, gives the ori- ing attentively this account, it seems ginal account of this expedition. He to me most probable that the ex- says, " It is supposed, that in this journey, Batte did not cross the great ridge of mountains," but kept under it to the south; and speaks of
plorers crossed the Blue Ridge ; passed through the beautiful valley of Virginia ; scaled the Alleghany Mountains, and penetrated nearly to marshes, corresponding to his de- the salt licks, contiguous to the scription, which have been found Great Kanawha, or the Ohio River. between Cape Florida and the mouth Vide Burk, ii. 149-151. of the Mississippi. Yet, after read-
336
BERKELEY AGAINST LEARNING. [CHAP. VI.
had been ruined; their staple depreciated ; their exports and imports alike laden with intolerable taxes. When they complained, their petitions were heard with indifference and treated with ne- glect. The loyal governor, whom they had once delighted to honour, had exhibited his true cha- racter ; and now, when the selfishness of the King and the welfare of the colony were at war, he hesi- tated not to take the side of the oppressor. He drew from the people a princely revenue for his own private behests, yet he remained unsatisfied, and craved a larger allowance.ª He feared and hated the presence of learning among the colo- nists, knowing well that ignorance alone is sub- missive to oppression. His memory will for ever bear a stain induced by his own words, in reply to an inquiry of the English Council-" I thank God there are no free-schools nor printing (in Virginia), and I hope we shall not have these hundred years; for learning has brought disobedience, and heresy, and sects into the world; and printing has di- vulged them, and libels against the best govern- ment. God keep us from both."b
Can it be thought singular that this man should have forfeited the respect with which he was once honoured ?
Let it be remembered, farther, that the General
a Berkeley's permanent salary ex- the Governor of Virginia, in He- ceeded the present annual expendi- ning, ii. 517; Bancroft, ii. 192; ture of the State of Connecticut .- Howe's Hist. Collec., 331; Camp- Bancroft, ii. 203.
b This was in 1671. Enquiries to
bell's Va., 257, 258.
337
SUMMARY OF ILLS.
1674.]
Assembly was no longer a fair representation of the people. Composed of landholders and royalists, it perpetuated its own existence from year to year by adjournment. It cut down the sacred right of suf- frage, and reduced it to the smallest possible com- pass. It raised the salaries of its own members, until each received about two hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco, equivalent to nearly nine dollars, for his daily emolument.ª This onerous tax was wholly borne by the people of the respective coun- ties. Meanwhile the judiciary itself was rather dangerous than useful to the colonists. The coun- ty courts were composed of unpaid justices, com- missioned by the governor, and, it seems, hold- ing their offices during his pleasure.b The General Court was held exclusively by the Governor and Council; and even when appeals were allowed to the Assembly, the suitors could hope for little im- partiality from its royalist members. These three tribunals constituted the whole judicial system of Virginia.
But yet farther. As though with design to mock their present miseries, the King had granted away their whole territory to Culpeper and Arlington. The men who had borne the brunt of battle, the heat and burthen of the day, were now in danger of losing the reward of all their toil. Two minions of a profligate monarch might fetter their property with taxes and customs, and drink up
a Hening, 23, 309, 325, vol. ii .; Bancroft, ii. 206, and in note; Giles Bland's letter in Burk, ii. 248.
b Beverley, 224, 225; Hening, ii. 69, 70; Bancroft, ii. 204.
VOL. I.
22
338
SUMMARY OF ILLS.
[CHAP. VI.
their profits by numberless exactions. Perhaps this last was the grievance most deeply felt, for it added insult to injury ; it infused into the already bitter draught of parliamentary oppression, the more bitter gall of kingly ingratitude. When all these complicated ills are considered, we are not surprised that the unhappy people were driven al- most to madness by their pressure. It is not won- derful that their blood should have been rendered hot by this continued stimulus, and they should have been even on the verge of open resistance.
Another cause hastened the dénouement. The Indians had long been practising private hostilities, and on the upper streams of York and James Rivers their strength was yet sufficient to render them dangerous. The governor had promised to send a force against them, but afterwards wholly ne- glected it.ª An armed band, under Sir Henry Chichely, ready to march against the enemy, was suddenly disbanded without cause. It has been supposed that Berkeley refrained from severe mea- sures against the Indians, from a desire to secure to himself some of the profits of their trade ; and it is certain that he rebuked with sternness, what he considered an act of perfidy on the part of the whites, towards the garrison of an Indian fortress.ª It is not impossible that the excursion of Captain Batte may have added impetus to the jealousy of
a Bacon's Rebellion, in Force, i. 10.
b Breviare et Conclusum, in Burk, ii. 250.
c Bacon's Rebellion, in Force, i. 11; Bancroft, ii. 216.
d T. M.'s Account of Bacon's Rebel., 12; Bancroft, ii. 216.
339
NATHANIEL BACON.
1674.]
the savages; but whatever may have been the in- citements, their hostile action became open and bloody. Frightful murders were almost daily perpetrated, and tortures were inflicted upon the wretched captives who fell into their hands, that are too revolting to be described.a
Roused by these outrages, and finding that they could obtain no redress from their governor, the people of Virginia resolved to protect themselves. A large number assembled, and eagerly sought a leader ready to sympathize in their sufferings, and to guide their action. All eyes immediately fell upon a young gentleman, whose talents and man- ners had already enlisted attention. Nathaniel Bacon was yet in the bloom of manhood. Born of good parentage, and heir to a rich estate in the co- lony, he had passed several years of his life in the inns of court in London, acquiring the legal know- ledge so important at that period to a legislator for Virginia. On his arrival in the colony, he was joyfully received by his friends, and in a short time he became a prominent member of the Provincial Council.b. His figure was graceful and command- ing ; his countenance was remarkable for manly beauty and for engaging expression ; his manners were easy and natural, betraying neither the hau- teur of the professed aristocrat, nor the coarseness
a Read the account in " Indian Proceedings," 7, a valuable tract, presented by Hon. William Burwell to Mass. Hist. Soc., and afterwards published by P. Force, vol. i.
b Allen's Am. Biog., art. Bacon. This article seems to have been fur- nished by Mr. Campbell. Hist. of Va., 215; Burk, ii. 159.
340
NATHANIEL BACON.
[CHAP. VI.
of the plebeian. Nature had gifted him with intel- lectual endowments of the highest order. His mind was capacious, yet exact ; full of native ener- gy, yet highly cultured by well-applied art. He was an orator of uncommon power. His eloquence appears to have been of that character at once im- passioned and convincing, which carries away alike the feelings and the reason of the auditors, and renders them subservient to the speaker's will. He possessed dauntless courage, and he feared not to encounter any danger in the cause of freedom and of innocence.
Such was the man who now assumed the lead in the great popular movement of 1676. We can hardly attribute to him any motives other than those of patriotism and philanthropy. He had all to lose and nought to gain by a rebellion against the existing powers. In peace, his youth, his talents, his riches, would have insured to him the highest honours that his country could bestow.
(1676, April.) This young councillor had already received a provocation, urging him to decisive mea- sures against the Indians. Upon his own lands, in the county of Henrico, two murders had been com- mitted by the savages. His overseer and a fa- vourite servant had fallen beneath their treachery.ª He hesitated no longer to assume the command of the forces assembled by the people of Virginia, to march against the common foe. When he saw before him the numbers who had rallied at a single
a Bacon's Rebellion, in Force, 10; Bancroft, ii. 218.
341
A COMMISSION REFUSED.
1676.]
3
cry, he was reminded of the wrongs they had suf- fered and of their power to remove them. Avail- ing himself of that ready eloquence always at his command, he presented to his auditors, in rapid review, the grievances which had so long op- pressed them. The Navigation Laws of Charles and his Parliament were a copious theme of just invective ; the selfish grants of the tyrant were stigmatized as open robbery; the enormous sala- ries of the Governor and Burgesses, the restriction of the right of voting, the judicial abuses, the per- petuity of the legislature,-all these furnished sub- jects upon which a patriot orator could not be silent, and which found in the hearts of listeners a ready response.ª And finally, the Indian outrages were spoken of, and in the burst of indignation they elicited, the excited parties mutually pledged to each other an engagement not to lay down their arms until their enemies were effectually humbled.b
In order to proceed regularly, and according to the forms of law, they made immediate application to Sir William Berkeley, humbly begging that he would grant a commission to Bacon, as commander of the forces against the Indians. A more reason- able request could not have been preferred ; but the governor hesitated to comply, and his delay and his silence were alike intolerable to men whose
a Beverley, 68; Burk, ii. 160, 161. No authentic remnant of this speech exists; but, beyond reasonable doubt, it was delivered. See Oldmixon's Brit. Emp. i. 384.
b Bacon's Rebellion, in Force, 10 ; Our Late Troubles, by Mrs. Ann Cotton, in Force, 4, 5; Bacon's Proceedings, in ditto, 10, 11.
-
342
THE SAVAGES ROUTED.
[CHAP. VI.
families were hourly exposed to the tomahawk.a Bacon instantly resolved to march without a com- mission ; and no generous soul can censure his haste. Proceeding, by rapid movements, towards the heads of the lower rivers, he fell upon the sa- vages, and routed them with signal success. He took many prisoners, and with the full conscious- ness of having done well for his suffering country- men, he returned to his home.b
But he had left behind him a foe worse than the savages. (May 29.) When Bacon marched with his volunteers, Sir William Berkeley, professing to be greatly incensed at his unwarranted proceed- ings, declared him and his followers to be rebels ; and raising an armed force, set out to pursue them towards the falls. It was happy that he was not successful in overtaking the determined young leader. A conflict would have been, probably, the result ; and it would have been fatal to the cava- lier and the luxurious planters who formed his guard. But while in march, Berkeley received intelligence of an alarming spirit of insurrection that had shown itself in Jamestown; and imme- diately retracing his steps, he returned to the capi- tal. On every side, the long-suppressed resent- ment of the people menaced their oppressors with ruin.
Perhaps nothing can more fully show the justice of the cause in which Bacon and his band had
a . T. M.'s account of Bacon's Re- bellion, 11.
b Burk, ii. 160; Our Late Trou- bles, in Force, 4.
343
BACON A CAPTIVE.
1676.]
engaged, than the conduct of the Governor and Council in this crisis. Knowing well the founda- tion of the people's complaints, they issued orders directing that the obnoxious forts, which had been used to enforce the Navigation Laws, should be dis- mantled, and that writs should be issued for a new election of Burgesses to the General Assembly.
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