USA > Virginia > Tazewell County > Tazewell County > History of Tazewell county and southwest Virginia, 1748-1920 > Part 53
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62
"I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in the dif- ferent States of this Confederacy, is recognized by the Constitu- tion. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the 'compromise measures,' are strictly constitu- tional and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect as they would view any other legal and constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged
580
History of Tazewell County
by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully and according to the decisions of the tri- bunal to which the exposition belongs."
The views expressed by President Pierce in his inaugural address gave complete satisfaction to the people and political leaders of all sections, except the rank Abolitionists in the North and the extreme pro-slavery men in the South. The latter seemed resolved to tear down the barriers that prevented the introduction of slavery into the new Territories, or to break up the Union. The country continued at repose from the inauguration of President Pierce until Congress convened in the session of 1853-54, when a bill was introduced for the organization of the Territory of Nebraska. Archibald Dixon, of Kentucky, had been sent from that State as the successor of Mr. Clay in the United States Senate. Early in January, 1854, Mr. Dixon gave notice that when the bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska came to the Senate he would move, that "the Missouri Compromise be repealed and that the citizens of the several States shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the Territories."
This unfortunate movement of Mr. Dixon for a repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the Compromise measures of 1850, for which his illustrious predecessor, Mr. Clay, had labored so earnestly, was premeditated, and was baeked by the extreme pro- slavery men from the South, including Jefferson Davis, Robert Toombs and Judah P. Benjamin. It gave increased momentum to the already infuriated Abolitionist sentiment in the North, and accelerated the growing spirit of Disunion in the South. Stephen A. Douglas was then looming up as an aspirant for the Democratic nomination for President in 1856. He realized that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise for the purposes assigned by Mr. Dixon, "that the citizens of the several States shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the Territories"-would disrupt the Democratic party in the free States. To obviate the threatened danger to his party, Mr. Douglas reported a bill in the Senate which provided for organizing two new Territories, Kansas and Nebraska. In one section of the bill it was declared that the Missouri Compromise of 1820 was inoperative and void, because "it was inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Con- gress with slavery in the States and Territories as recognized by
581
and Southwest Virginia
the Compromise of 1850." The bill of Mr. Douglas further declared that "its true intent and meaning was not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, and not to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people perfectly frce to regulate their domestic institutions in their own way." This was nothing more than a reutterance of the Democratic doetrines of "Popular Sovereignty," and "States Rights."
A stormy debate, which was continued in Congress for four months, followed the introduction of the Douglas bill; but it was finally passed by the Democrats, who were assisted by the Southern Whigs. The measure proved to be the "Death Warrant," for the Presidential aspirations of Mr. Douglas. A bitter and bloody strug- gle was begun between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery men for the organization and control of Kansas Territory. In May, 1854, emigrants from Missouri and Arkansas commenced to move into Kansas. They held a pro-slavery convention on the 10th of June, 1854, and announced that slavery already existed in the Territory. This caused the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society, and other Abolitionist organizations in New England, to send out eolonies ; and they established settlements at Topeka, Ossawatomie and at other points. For a period of five years the inhabitants of the Territory engaged in bloody strife over the slavery question. Repeated efforts were made by the rival factions to set up a territorial govern- ment. On November 29th, 1854, an election was held to choose a delegate to represent the Territory in Congress. Armed bodies of men from Missouri took possession of the polls, and of the 2,843 votes cast, 1,729 were proved to be illegal. The pro-slavery and the anti-slavery men, each, elected legislatures and held constitu- tional conventions ; and many bloody conflicts were engaged in. One of the events of the year 1856 was the brutal murder of pro-slavery men by a party of fanatical Abolitionists led by John Brown, who was afterwards hung by the Virginia authorities for raising an insurrection at Harper's Ferry. Finally, the Free-Soilers won, and on January 29th, 1861, Kansas was admitted to the Union as a free State.
While the disorders in Kansas were at their highest pitch, and a few days before the Democrats nominated their National ticket. an incident occurred in the National Capitol that stirred to frenzy the Abolitionists of the North. Charles Sumner, a Senator from
582
History of Tazewell County
Massachusetts, delivered a rancorous spceeh in the Senate on what he styled the "Crime against Kansas" that greatly incensed the Southern members of Congress. The speech was violently resented by Preston S. Brooks, a hot-headed member of the House of Repre- sentatives from South Carolina. On May 26th, 1856, he assaulted Senator Sumner, striking him over the head with a heavy cane while he was sitting in his chair in the Senate Chamber. Mr. Sumner was so severely injured that he had to go abroad for medical treat- ment, and did not resume his seat in the Senate until 1859. A resolution was introduced in the House for the expulsion of Brooks, and the committee to which it was referred recommended that he be expelled. Brooks resigned, and was immediately re-elected by his constitutents. When the resolution to expel him was being considered in the House, Brooks declared that "a blow struck by him then would be followed by a revolution." This incident greatly accelerated the Abolition movement that had already attained dan- gerous proportions at the North.
On the 1st of June, five days after the Brooks-Sumner affair occurred, the Democrats held their National Convention at Balti- more. They nominated James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckinridge for Vice President. In their platform they endorsed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and upheld the "right of the people of all the Territories to form a constitution with or without slavery.".
The newly formed Republican party, which had been organizing and consolidating its forces during 1854 and 1855, had met in National Convention previous to the Democrats. They nominated John C. Fremont, of California, for President, and William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for Vice President. In making their plat- form the Republicans declared that it was "both the right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism-polygamy and slavery." The Whigs had nominated Millard Fillmore for the Presideney, and selected Andrew Jackson Donelson, of Tennessee, as their candidate for the Vice Presidency. They made no declarations in their platform on the slavery question. By this avoidance of the most vital issue in American politics, the Whigs made but little showing at the election. Buchanan received the electoral votes of every Southern State except Maryland, which 'gave its vote to Fillmore. Of the
583
and Southwest Virginia
Northern States, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois and California voted for Buchanan. In the aggregate he received 174 electoral votes. Fremont received the votes of the other eleven free States. The Republicans had developed great strength and spirit in their first National encounter with the Democratic foc. Then began the movement to array a solid North against a solid South.
After the inauguration of President Buchanan, the Democrats had control of every department of the Federal Government; and steps were promptly taken by the extreme men at the South to introduce slavery into Kansas and such other new Territories as should be organized. An event then happened which gave oppor- tunity for the enforcement of this policy. Very soon after President Buchanan was inaugurated the Supreme Court of the United States rendered its decision in the famous Dred Scott case. Dred Scott was a Missouri slave, whose master in 1834 took him to Illinois, a State which prohibited slavery within its bounds. Scott married in Illinois, where he remained, with his master's consent, until 1838. Then he was taken to Minnesota Territory, where slavery had been prohibited by the Missouri Compromise. Later, his master brought Scott to Missouri, where the master asserted his right to treat him as a slave, and whipped him for some offense. Scott brought a suit for damages against his master, claiming that his residence in Illinois and Minnesota had made him a free man. The master denied that Scott had any right to sue, as he was descended from slave ancestors and had himself never been set free. Scott won in the Missouri court, but his master appealed the case to the Supreme Court of the United States. This high tribunal in 1857 reversed the decision of the Missouri court, holding that negro slaves were chattels, mere things, "who had no rights and privileges but such as those who held the power and the government might grant them." The court also declared that Scott's residence in Minnesota and Illinois could not confer freedom upon him, because the act of 1820 (the Missouri Compromise) was unconstitutional and void. The Supreme Court also decided that Congress had no more right to prohibit the carrying of slaves into any State and Territory than it had to prohibit the carrying thither of horses or any cther property, holding that slaves were property whose secure possession was granted by the Constitution. The opinion of the Supreme
-
584
History of Tazewell County
Court was in harmony with the views of President Pierce as expressed in his inaugural address on the 4th of March, 1853.
Throughout the years 1858 and 1859 there was a bitter strug- gle, sometimes attended with bloodshed, between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery men for the possession of Kansas. In this momen- tous struggle Stephen A. Douglas separated himself from the Southern Democracy and thereby disrupted the Democratic party.
585
and Southwest Virginia
CHAPTER II.
THE HARPER'S FERRY INSURRECTION.
The most significant and appalling event that occurred during the prolonged agitation of the slavery question was the insurrection led by John Brown at Harper's Ferry in October, 1859.
John Brown, son of Owen Brown, a New England fanatic, was born at Torrington, Connecticut, May 9th, 1800. When he was five years old his father moved to Ohio. After he attained manhood he met with business failures in Ohio, Massachusetts and Con- necticut. In 1855 he moved from Connecticut to Kansas, no doubt at the instance of the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society. He became a leading spirit among the Abolitionists who were struggling to prevent the introduction of slavery into Kansas ; and was engaged in a number of lawless enterprises against the slaveholders. Brown assumed the role of a religious enthusiast, was a rigid Presbyterian, and pretended to believe he was called of God to give freedom to the Africans held in slavery at the South.
As early as 1857, Brown began to formulate secret plans to invade Virginia for the avowed purpose of liberating slaves. His scheme was to make the line of the mountains which cut diagonally through Maryland and Virginia, down through these States into Tennessee and Alabama. the base of his operations. These plans were formed with associate conspirators in Kansas, Iowa, Canada, Ohio, New England and other places. In 1858 he and his two sons, Oliver and Watson, went to Harper's Ferry, then in Jefferson County, Virginia, now West Virginia, where, under the assumed name of Smith, they pretended to be prospectors hunting for ores. They stayed thereabout several months and then disappeared. After an absence of several months, John Brown returned to the vicinity and rented a farm in Maryland about four miles from the Ferry. He and his sons made frequent visits to Harper's Ferry. where the old man still appeared as "Bill Smith." The invading force, which was composed of John Brown, three sons, and thirteen other white men, and five negroes, was assembled at the rented farm. And large quantities of arms, ammunition, clothing and other
586
History of Tazewell County
supplies, purchased with money supplied by Northern Abolitionists, were deposited at the farm.
About 10:30 o'clock Sunday night, October 16th. 1859, John Brown, his three sons, Oliver, Watson and Owen, and thirteen other white men, and five negroes crossed the Potomac on the railroad bridge and took violent possession of Harper's Ferry. A small party of the desperadoes was sent into the adjacent country to arrest slaveholders, and take possession of slaves. They arrested Colonel Lewis Washington and twelve of his slaves; then arrested a Mr. Allstadt and his sixteen-year-old son, and forced all their negroes they could find to go with them. The prisoners were taken to the Ferry and confined in the engine house of the United States Arsenal, Brown and his band having taken possession of that build- ing. In the morning, when the people came from their houses they found the town in complete possession of the insurrectionists. A number of men in the employ of the U. S. Government at the Arsenal, on going to their work, were arrested and confined in the Armory.
Alarms were sent to Charlestown, the county seat of Jefferson County, and to other nearby towns, calling for assistance; and companies of the volunteer militia were quickly dispatched to aid the citizens of Harper's Ferry. The "Jefferson Guard" from Charlestown arrived upon the seene at 11:30 A. M .; and during the day troops from Shepherdstown, Martinsburg and other points came in. They took possession of the railroad bridge, and occupied houses that commanded the front, rear and sides of the Armory, where Brown and his men had congregated after leaving a small squad in charge of the railroad bridge. Before the arrival of the troops a negro man had been killed by the insurgents, because the negro refused to join them. They had also killed Joseph Boerly, a citizen, while standing unarmed in his door; and had shot and killed Samuel P. Young, a eitizen from the country, who was riding in to give assistance to the people of the town. While desultory shots were being exchanged between the soldiers and the insurrec- tionists, Fontaine Beckham, mayor of the town, was shot by one of Brown's sons and died almost instantly. The troops had cap- tured William Thompson when the bridge was taken from the insurgents, and the indignant populace demanded that he should be immediately executed, because of Beckham's death. Thompson
587
and Southwest Virginia
was taken out on the bridge and shot to death, his body being rid- dled with balls.
By directions of Captain Brown, a squad of insurrectionists had taken possession of Hall's rifle works. They were dislodged by the soldiers and one of the squad killed. Earlier in the day the Mar- tinsburg men, who were mostly railroad employees, tried to force their way into the Armory to rescue the prisoners. In the charge Conductor 'Evans Dorsey, of Baltimore, was instantly killed, and Conductor George Richardson received a wound from which he died during the day. Colonel Robert W. Baylor, who was "Colonel Commandant" of the military forces, in his report to Governor Henry A. Wise of the operations of the day said: "During this engagement and the previous skirmishes, we had ten men wounded, two I fear mortally. The insurgents had eleven killed, one mortally wounded, and two taken prisoners, leaving only five in the engine house, and one of them seriously wounded." Night came on and operations ceased, but a strong guard was placed around the Armory to prevent the eseape of any of the desperadoes.
At 11 o'clock that night a train arrived at Sandy Hook on the Maryland side of the Potomac. The train brought a military com- pany from Baltimore, and eighty-five U. S. Marines sent from Washington by the War Department. General John B. Floyd was then Secretary of War, and he had selected Colonel Robert E. Lee to command the marines ; and Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart, of the 1st U. S. Cavalry, was Colonel Lee's aid. Colonel Lee promptly marched the marines across the river and stationed them within the Armory grounds, so as to completely surround the engine house. Late on Monday, Brown had sent a written message to Colonel Baylor proposing to yield, if he was permitted to cross the Potomac bridge with his men and all their arms and ammunition, and to take along his prisoners who would be released as soon as they got a little beyond the river. This proposition was rejected promptly by Colonel Baylor. It was agreed between Colonel Lee and Colonel Baylor that at daybreak "the volunteer forces should form around the outside of the government property and clear the streets of citizens and speetators, to prevent them from firing random shots. to the great danger of our soldiers, and to remain in that position whilst he would attack the engine house with his marines."
At early dawn the troops were drawn up in accordance with the
588
History of Tazewell County
above arrangement. Lieutenant Stuart then advanced to the engine house and, in a parley with Brown, demanded an unconditional surrender. Brown refused to surrender on any terms, except those he had presented to Colonel Baylor the day previous. Colonel Baylor in his report to Governor Wise says: "The marines were then ordered to force the doors. The attempt was made with heavy sledge hammers, but proved ineffectual. They were then ordered to attack the doors with a heavy ladder which was lying a short dis- tance off. After two powerful efforts the door was shattered suffi- ciently to obtain an entrance. Immediately a heavy volley was fired in by the marines, and an entrance effeeted which soon termi- nated the conflict. In this engagement, the marines had one killed and one slightly wounded. The insurgents had two killed and three taken prisoners. After the firing ceased, the inprisoned citizens walked out unhurt."
At about noon on the same day the Independent Grays, of Bal- timore, were dispatched to Brown's house across the river to search for arms and ammunition. They returned at six o'clock and brought with them what had been found secreted by the insurgents. There were two hundred Sharpe's rifles, two hundred revolvers, twenty- three thousand percussion caps, one hundred thousand pereussion pistol caps, ten kegs of gunpowder, thirteen thousand ball cart- ridges for Sharpe's rifles, one Major General's sword, fifteen hun- dred pikes, and a large assortment of blankets, shoes and clothing of every description. They also discovered a carpet bag, containing documents throwing much light on the conspiracy, printed consti- tutions and by-laws of an organization, showing or indicating ramifications in various States of the Union. They also found letters from various individuals at the North-one from Fred Douglas, containing ten dollars from a lady for the eause; also a letter from Gerrit Smith, about money matters, and a cheek or draft by him for $100, endorsed by a cashier of a New York bank. All these were turned over to Governor Wise.
Governor Wise, who had arrived on Tuesday, went with Colonel Lee and others to have an interview with Brown. The Governor said "he was sorry to see a man of his age in that position." Brown defiantly replied, "I ask no sympathy and have no apologies to make." Then, the Governor asked him if he did not think he had done wrong, and he replied, "No." And he deelared, that though
589
and Southwest Virginia
he had but twenty-two men with him on the raid, he expected large reinforcements from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and the New England States and New York. This was an admission that the conspiracy was much more extensive than Brown later claimed it to be; and that he and his associates expected to excite a wide-spread insurrection among the slaves at the South.
On Wednesday, the 19th of October, United States Senator James M. Mason, of Virginia, and Congressman C. L. Vallanding- ham, of Ohio, sought and obtained an interview with Captain Brown. The object of the interviewers was to persuade him to disclose the names of the prominent Abolitionists who were connected with the conspiracy and had helped to finance the enterprise. A reporter of the New York Herald was present and made a stenographic report of the questions propounded and the answers given by Brown. He either refused to answer or evaded all questions that would accomplish the purpose of Mason and Vallandingham. But he lost no opportunity to magnify his own importance as a Great Deliverer, Philanthropist, and exponent of the Golden Rule; and he tried to justify his many criminal acts during the years he had been engaged in outlawry. Shortly after this interview the prison- ers-John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens. Edwin Coppie, Shields Green and John Copeland-were placed in the custody of the sheriff of Jefferson County and lodged in the county jail at Charles- town.
On the 20th of the month a mittimus was issued by Rodger Chew, a justice of the peace, directing the sheriff to deliver the bodies of the prisoners to the county jailer for safe keeping. And on the 26th a grand jury brought in an indictment against John Brown, Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, and Edwin Coppie, white men, and Shields Green and John Copeland, free negroes. The prisoners were indicted: "For conspiring with negroes to produce an insurrection; for treason in the Common- wealth; and for murder."
The prisoners were brought into court under an armed guard. and upon their arraignment each prisoner plead, "Not Guilty." Then the prosecuting attorney announced that, "The State elects to try John Brown first." Thereupon, Brown asked for delay in his trial for various reasons, chiefly because of his physical condition and absence of counsel he was expecting to be sent by his sympath-
590
History of Tazewell County
izers at the North; but the court, for sufficient cause, refused to grant the request, and the trial was begun.
The first day was occupied in selecting a jury. When Brown was brought into court the second day, Mr. Botts, of his counsel, informed the court that friends had tried to persuade the accused to put in a plea of insanity, but that he disdained to put in the plea. Brown then said: "I will add, if the court will allow me, that 1 look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext of those who ought to take a different course in regard to me, if they took any at all, and I view it with contempt more than otherwise. I am perfectly unconscious of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am capable, any attempt to interfere in my behalf on that score."
This act of the prisoner made it impossible for his counsel to make any reasonable defense for their client. He made no denial that he had committed the offenses charged in the indictment, and persisted in claiming that what he had done with his organized band of outlaws was righteous in the sight of God. The jury could not do otherwise than bring in a verdict of guilty on all of the three charges laid in the indictment, and the verdict was: "Guilty of treason, and conspiring and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and murder in the first degree." Before sentence was pro- nounced by Judge Richard Parker, the presiding judge, Brown was asked by the clerk if he had anything to say. The condemned man arose and addressed the court in a clear voice. He undertook to justify the criminal conduct of himself and companions, and denied having any sense of guilt; and he said: "I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received on my trial. Consider- ing all the circumstances, it has been more generous than I expected." When Brown concluded, Judge Parker declared that no reasonable doubt could exist of the guilt of the prisoner and sentenced him to be hung in public, on Friday, the 2nd of December, 1859. The sentence was executed and John Brown expiated his many crimes on the appointed day.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.