USA > Virginia > Tazewell County > Tazewell County > History of Tazewell county and southwest Virginia, 1748-1920 > Part 54
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The other prisoners were tried in succession, and they shared the same fate that befell their desperate leader. Below is a record of what befell John Brown and his "Men-at-Arms," as they were named by one of Brown's admiring biographers:
General John Brown-Executed at Charleston, Dec. 2nd, 1859. Captain John E. Cook-Escaped, but was captured at Cham-
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bersburg, Pennsylvania, Oct. 25th, was tried, found guilty, sen- teneed Nov. 2nd, and executed Dec. 16th, 1859.
Lieutenant Edwin Coppie-Tried immediately after Joum Brown, found guilty, and executed Dec. 16th, 1859.
Captain Aaron C. Stephens-Trial postponed until spring term on account of his severe wounds. Tried, convicted, and executed March 16th, 1860.
Lieutenant Albert Hazlett-Escaped from Harper's Ferry, was captured at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, October 22nd, extradited to Virginia, tried and sentenced at spring term, and executed March 16th, 1860.
Lieutenant William H. Leeman-Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Captain Oliver Brown -- Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Captain Watson Brown-Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Captain John Kagi-Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Lieutenant Jeremiah Anderson-Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Stewart Taylor-Killed at Harper's Ferry.
William Thompson -Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Dauphin O. Thompson-Killed at Harper's Ferry.
Charles P. Tidd-Made his escape. Died at Roanoke Island from fever while the battle was going on at that place, Feb. 8th, 1862. He was a soldier in the Federal Army.
Francis J. Merriam-Escaped, and died in New York City, Nov. 28th, 1865.
Owen Brown-son of John-escaped, and died in California. Jan. 9th, 1891. He was the last of the five who escaped to die.
Barclay Coppie-Escaped and was killed in a railroad accident in Kansas, Sept. 3rd, 1861, was then a Lieutenant in a Kansas regiment.
John A. Copeland-(Free Negro)-was tried, found guilty. and executed at Charlestown, December 16th, 1859.
Shields Green-( Escaped slave from South Carolina)-was executed at Charlestown, Dec. 16th. 1859.
Lewis L. Leary-(Free negro)-died from wounds at Harper's Ferry.
Oscar P. Anderson-(Free negro)-escaped. and died from con- sumption at Washington, D. C., Dec. 13th, 1872.
Dangerfield Newby-(Free negro)-killed at Harper's Ferry. The prompt action of the Virginia authorities in trying and
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disposing of John Brown and his professional outlaw associates was bitterly denounced by the Abolitionists as merciless and unjust. They were so blinded by fanaticism that they did not realize the enormity of Brown's lawless deeds; and they elaimed that the incident was magnified in importance by the Southern people through fear of future similar occurrences. Governor Wise and the Virginians were actuated by no vague fear of other similar insurrections ; but were resolved to show the people of the North how the South would meet and repel the mightier attack upon Southern institutions that was foreshadowed by the insurrection at Harper's Ferry --- the attack that came about eighteen months later.
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CHAPTER III.
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860.
Agitation of the slavery question was forcshadowed by the admission of Louisana to the Union in 1812; and it became a dan- gerous issue in American politics when the struggle for the admis- sion of Missouri as a slave State began in 1820. For a period of forty years the agitation continued and grew in violence until the climax came in 1860. The Presidential election of that year trans- formed the militant National Democracy into a disrupted and powerless minority party-in which condition it remained for twenty-four years-and relegated the scattered remnants of the once great Whig party to political oblivion.
When the Democrats assembled in their National Convention at Charleston, South Carolina, on the 23rd of April, 1860, to nomi- nate a Persidential ticket, it was found impossible to reconcile the divergent views of the delegates who came from the two sections of the Union. The delegates from the free States were enthusiastically in favor of the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas, while the dele- gates from the slave States were more deeply concerned about the position the party should take on the slavery question than they were in the choosing of a Presidential candidate. Southern extrem- ists, led by Judah P. Benjamin, demanded that there should be written into the platform an explicit assertion of the right of citizens to settle with their slaves in the Territories; and also make emphatic declaration that this right should not "be destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation." The extreme pro-slavery men also insisted upon a declaration that "it is the duty of the Federal Government, when necessary, to protect slavery in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends." These demands were resisted by the delegates from the free States, and the Southern men refused to accept any compromise proposi- tion made by the Democrats from the North. Seven of the Southern States-Louisiana, Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi. Florida, Texas and Arkansas-withdrew from the convention, and organized another assemblage, which was presided over by James A. Bayard, T.H .- 38
.
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of Delaware. The Douglas men then had control of the convention but could not muster enough votes to give him the nomination. Finding it impossible to make a nomination, on the 3rd of May the convention adjourned to reconvene in Baltimore on the 18thi of June.
When the Democratic Convention re-assembled at Baltimore on the 18th of June the sectional spirit manifested at the Charleston gathering had not abated but had become more aggravated. The delegates from the South, with those from California and Oregon, and two delegates from Massachusetts-Caleb Cushing and Ben- jamin F. Butler-nominated John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice President. The delegates from the North, assisted by a few scattering votes from the South, nominated Stephen A. Douglas for President, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, for Vice President.
William P. Cecil, of Tazewell County, was one of the delegates from the Thirteenth Congressional District of Virginia to the Na- tional Democratic Convention ; and attended and participated in its deliberations both at Charleston and Baltimore. Knowing that the people whom he represented were in sympathy with the men of the South, who were resolved to maintain their constitutional rights, he co-operated with the Southern delegates both at Charles- ton and Baltimore, and voted for the nomination of Breckinridge and Lane. The Thirteenth Congressional District was then com- posed of the following counties: Smyth, Washington, Lee, Wise, Russell, Tazewell, McDowell, Buchanan, Wythe, Grayson, Carroll, Pulaski, and Scott.
During the interval between the adjournment at Charleston and the assembling of the Democratic convention at Baltimore, an organ- ization which styled itself the "Constitutional-Union Party" held a convention in Baltimore, and nominated John Bell of Tennessee for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, for Vice President. The new party, which never again appeared in American politics, was an aggregation of old Whigs and men from the defunct American, or Know Nothing party. They were anxious to pre- serve the Union, but upheld the Institution of slavery as a guaran- teed constitutional right.
And, in the interval between the adjournment of the Democratic convention at Charleston and its re-assembling at Baltimore, the
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Republicans had met in National Convention at Chicago. Abraham Lincoln was nominated as the candidate of the party for the Presi- dency ; and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was made its candidate for Vice President. Mr. Lincoln was opposed to the extension of slavery, and favored the enactment of laws to prohibit its extension beyond the States where the institution already existed. Mr. Breck- inridge advocated the extension of slavery, and was not averse to the doctrine of secession. The campaign was conducted upon the widely divergent views of Lincoln and Breckenridge on the slavery question, and four years of awful civil strife was the fruit it bore.
As the campaign progressed the rift that divided the Democrats of the two sections of the Union was widened, and the ranks of the Republicans were constantly augmented by accessions from Northern Democrats, who were indignant because of the avowed purpose of the Southern leaders to withdraw from the Union, if necessary, to extend and perpetuate slavery. It soon became evident that the voters of the free States would vote for either Lincoln or Douglas, and that the votes of the Southerners would be cast for cither Breckinridge or Bell. When the election returns were canvassed, it was found that Lincoln had carried every free State, and that Breckinridge had won in every slave State except four; Virginia, Kentucky, and Maryland voting for Bell, and Missouri for Douglas. The electoral vote by the colleges stood: 180 for Lincoln and Hamlin; 72 for Breckinridge and Lane; 39 for Bell and Everett ; and 12 for Douglas and Johnson. By a plurality of the popular vote, Lincoln carried 18 States; Breckinridge, 11; Bell, 3; and Douglas, only 1. Of the entire popular vote Lincoln got 1,857,601 ; Douglas, 1,291,574 ; Breckinridge, 850,082 ; and Bell, 646,124. Thus it will be seen that Lincoln lacked 930,170 of a popular majority, and was a minority President. The election was purely sectional in char- acter, as all the States carried by Mr. Lincoln were north of what is known as "Mason and Dixon's Line."
When the result of the election was announced the Abolitionists at the North were greatly elated, especially those who had eulogized John Brown and his criminal associates for their conduct at Harper's Ferry. The people of the South were thrown into a state of intense anger and excitement, and felt that no other course was left them but peacable withdrawal from the Union. A political party had gained control of the executive branch of the Federal Government
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with the avowed purpose of not only preventing the extension of slavery into the Territories, but of eventually securing, through peaceful means, its abolishment from the States of the Union.
The session of Congress that followed Mr. Lincoln's election was stormy and eventful. John C. Crittenden, then a Senator from Kentucky, tried to avert, by compromise, the impending catastrophc. Early in the session, in December, 1860, he presented in the Senate, as the basis for settlement of the slavery question, the famous Missouri Compromise line 36° 30' as a division of the public domain. The proposition of Mr. Crittenden was offered in the form of a constitutional amendment. Large numbers of petitions were received daily from citizens of the free States urging the adoption of the proposition. Jefferson Davis, Robert Toombs, and nearly all the extremist Southern Senators, together with Stephen A. Douglas and the conservative Senators from the North, were in favor of the Crittenden plan for restoring peace and harmony between the two sections of the Union. But it was found that no Abolitionist, and not a single prominent man of the party that had elected Mr. Lincoln, would accept and stand by the proposed plan for settlement of the momentous question. Thereupon, nearly all the Southern Senators, including Mr. Davis and Mr. Toombs, united in sending a telegram to the people of the South. advising them, as a matter of safety, to withdraw from the Union.
On the night of the 14th of November, 1860. Alexander H. Stephens, afterwards Vice President of the Confederate States, made an address to the Legislature of Georgia and an immense audience at Milledgeville. It was a very conservative and able address ; and Mr. Stephens took the position that Georgia ought not to seeede from the Union because of Mr. Lincoln's election. In part. he said: "In my judgment, the election of no man, consti- tutionally chosen, to that high office (the President) is sufficient cause to justify any State to separate from the Union. We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it." He urged. that "if the Republie is to go down, * * * Let the fanaties of the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose." Mr. Stephens also called attention to the fact that the opposing parties had control of both Houses of the newly eleeted Congress, which made the Republican President powerless to carry into effeet any unconstitutional principles of his party. Hear-
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ing of this speech, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Stephens for a copy, that he might be more fully informed of its import. On Dee. 22, 1860, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Stephens a private letter, endorsed at the head "For your eye only", and, in part, saying:
"Do the people of the South really entertain fears that a Repub- lican administration would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them, about their slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no canse for such fears. The South would be in no more danger in this respect, than it was in the days of Washington. I suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You think slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. That I suppose is the rule. It certainly is the only substantial difference between us."
Clearly it was at that time Mr. Lincoln's purpose not to disturb slavery in the Southern States, but to prevent its extension beyond those States where it already existed. This, however, was not satisfactory to the ultra pro-slavery men of the South, who had resolved to extend it into the Territories, and to also demand a strict enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law. They were also demanding that persons committing crimes against slave property in one State, and fleeing to another should be delivered up for trial in the State where the crime was committed, and that: "A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or any other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdic- tion of the crime." Executives of certain of the free States had refused to deliver up such criminals; and the Governor of Ohio had actually refused to deliver up to the Virginia authorities men who were engaged in the Harper's Ferry insurrection.
Following the advice of Jefferson Davis, Robert Toombs and other Southern Senators, South Carolina withdrew from the Union by an ordinance of secession, passed by a convention on the 20th day of December, 1860. Later on, at short intervals, Mississippi. Louisiana, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and Texas passed ordinances of secession. In her ordinance, South Carolina had incorporated an invitation to all the Southern States who might secede to join her in sending delegates to a Congress to meet on the 4th of February,
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1861, at Montgomery, Alabama. This invitation was accepted by Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas; and the delegates from those States assembled with the delegates from South Carolina at Montgomery on the day fixed in the invitation. The Senators and Members in the Federal Congress, of each of the seceding States, had resigned their positions, except Mr. Bouligney of Louisiana. He occupied his seat until the expiration of his term on the 4th of March, 1861. The delegates or deputies of the "Sovereign and independent States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana," then proceeded to ordain and establish a Constitution for the Provisional Government of the same.
On Saturday the 9th of February, 1861, the first Congress of the Confederate States of America was organized, the president and each member taking the following oath: "You do solemnly swear that you will support the Constitution for the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, so help you God."
The Congress of the Confederate States of America then pro- ceeded to elect a President and Vice President for the Provisional Government. The vote being taken by States, Hon. Jefferson Davis of Mississippi was unanimously elected President; and Hon. Alex- ander Hamilton Stephens of Georgia, was unanimously elected Vice President of the Provisional Government. And on the 18th day of February, 1861, the inauguration of Jefferson Davis as President and Alexander H. Stephens as Vice President of the Confederate States of America took place. At an early date President Davis announced his cabinet as follows: Secretary of State, Robert Toombs, of Georgia; Secretary of Treasury, Christopher G. Mem- minger, of South Carolina; Postmaster General, John H. Reagan. of Texas; Secretary of Navy, Stephen R. Mallory, of Florida ; Attorney General, Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana.
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CHAPTER IV.
VIRGINIA 11OLDS CONVENTION AND SECEDES FROM UNION.
In the meantime Governor John Letcher, of Virginia, who was as conservative in his opinions on the question of secession as Alexander H. Stephens, beeame greatly disturbed; and he called the General Assembly in extra session, to meet on the 7th of January, 1861. Upon the recommendation of Governor Letcher, the General Assembly, on the 14th of January, one week after it assembled, passed an aet which provided for electing members of a convention to consider the grave questions that confronted the country. This aet required a poll to be opened "to take the sense of the qualified voters as to whether any action of said convention dissolving our connection with the Federal Union or changing the
Major William P. Cecil, son of Samuel Cecil and uncle of the author, was born on the Clinch, April 9th, 1820, and died on New River at the mouth of Walker's Creek, July 12th, 1899. For a number of years he was prominent in the affairs of Tazewell County, as a lawyer and in an official capacity. He served several terms as Com- monwealth's Attorney; was one of the delegates that represented the county in the Virginia Secession Convention in 1861; and represented the county in. the House of Delegates at the sessions of 1874 and 1875 and 1876 and 1877-the Legislature then met annually. In the Civil War, he was first captain of a company in the 22nd Battalion, Virginia Infantry, and was promoted to major of the battalion.
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organic law of the State, shall be submitted to the people for rati- fieation or rejection." The election for delegates was held on the 4th of February, 1861, and the question submitted to the people was decided affirmatively by a large majority. One hundred and fifty delegates were elected, apportioned among the various counties and cities of the State. Tazewell County, and Buchanan and McDowell counties that had not been separated from Tazewell by legislative apportionment, elected William P. Cecil and Samuel L.
Judge Samuel Livingston Graham was born September 19th, 1816, and died April 12th, 1896. In early life he was clerk of the courts of Tazewell County; was a member of the Virginia Secession Convention of 1861; captain of a reserve company from Tazewell County, and was engaged with his company in the battle of Saltville, Virginia, in October, 1864. He was judge of the county court for the counties of Buchanan and Wise; and United States Marshal for the Western District of Virginia during Mr. Cleveland's first administration.
Graham as their representatives in what has since been called the "Secession Convention."
When the convention assembled on the 13th of February, it was found to be largely composed of the most prominent leaders of the Whig and Democratic parties in the State. The author, then a boy fourteen years old, was living with his parents in Richmond, and it was my privilege to witness the opening and organization and to frequently attend the deliberations of this splendid Convention of Virginians. I have looked upon many legislative and other
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deliberative bodies ; but, in all my experience, I have never seen an assembly of men, representing the people, that surpassed this con- vention in ability and earnestness of purpose. It was manifest that a large majority of the members opposed withdrawal from the Union under conditions then existing.
On the 19th of February, 1861, Hon. John S. Preston, Com- missioner from South Carolina, made his famous speech to the convention. Mr. Preston was born at the Salt Works, in the present Smyth County, Virginia, and was one of three distinguished sons- William C., John S. and Thomas L .- of General Francis Preston. I sat on a step of the rostrum from which he spoke, and heard him, with burning eloquence, make appeal for Virginia to go to the assistance of her endangered sister States of the South. Secession sentiment was increased by Mr. Preston's speech; and during the weeks that followed, until the ordinance was passed, the question was debated on the floor of the Convention by great Virginia statesmen, ably, earnestly, and sometimes thrillingly.
On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated President of the United States. In his inaugural address, Mr. Lincoln referred to the apprehension that existed "among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered." He gave assurance that "There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension;" and this assur- ance was reinforced by quoting an utterance made in one of his speeches when a candidate: "I have no purpose, directly or indi- rectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so. and I have no inclination to do so."
But, Mr. Lincoln, announced his purpose to "preserve, protect and defend" the Government. He declared: "The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being your- selves the aggressors." These words were addressed to his dis- satisfied countrymen at the South. The members of the Virginia Convention, after reading these utterances of the President, were hopeful that the disturbing questions might still be amicably adjusted. So believing, on the 8th of April. the Convention adopted a resolution creating a committee of three to wait upon the Presi- dent; "and to respectfully ask of him to communicate to this con-
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vention the policy which the Federal executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States." It was a committee com- posed of three very eminent men; William Ballard Preston, of Mont- gomery County ; Alexander H. H. Stuart, of Augusta, and George W. Randolph, of the city of Richmond.
The committee went to Washington on the 12th of April, and the President received them on the morning of the 13th. Unfor- tunately for the peaceful mission of the committee, on the day of their arrival at Washington bombardment of Fort Sumter was commenced by General G. T. Beuregaurd and war had actually begun. The President handed the committee a written reply to the preamble and resolution of the Virginia Convention, in which he said:
"The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what is necessary for . these objects there will be no invasion-no using of force against or among the people anywhere. * *
"But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authorities from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the government was devolved upon me. And in any event I shall to the extent of my ability repel force by force."
Two days after sending his reply to the Virginia Convention, President Lincoln issued his eventful proclamation calling forth the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate num- ber of 75,000. This was done to carry out the policy he had announced in his reply to the resolution of inquiry sent from the Virginia Convention. A requisition was made upon the Governor of Virginia for her quota of militia under the proclamation. Gov- ernor Letcher immediately issued a proclamation declaring that Virginia would not, under any circumstances, supply troops to aid in any manner in any assault upon the Southern States.
Following these important incidents the Convention went into secret sessions; and, after sitting several days with closed doors, on the 17th of April, 1861, adopted an ordinance which repealed the ratification of the Federal Constitution by the State of Virginia, and resumed all the rights and powers granted by the State to the
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