USA > Vermont > Early history of Vermont, Vol. I > Part 3
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22
Will still preserve me in a state much more Exalted mentally, beyond decay,
In the blest regions of eternal day."
Levi Allen resided in the State but a short time. He left the State, became a Tory, and continued
30
EARLY HISTORY
to be one to the end of the Revolutionary war. He was a man of ability, but eccentric and un- stable, and was said to be as the "rolling stone that gatt ers no moss." Somewhat of an ill feel- ing grew up between him and his brothers Ethan and Ira. While smarting under the loss of his property, which he attributed to Ira, he wrote the five following verses. The first represents Ethan speaking; the 2nd, Ira; the 3d, Levi; the 4th, Ethan and Ira; and the 5th, Levi-to wit :-
()id Ethan once said over a full bowl of grog. Though I believe not Jesus. I hold to a God ; There is also a Devil-you will see him one day In a whirlwind of fire to take Levi away.
Save Ira to Ethan, it plain doth appear That vo are inclined to banter and jeer - I think for myself and freely declare our levi's too stout for the prince of the air ;
If ere you see them engaged in affray, 'Tis our Levi who'll take the Devil away. Sans lev. your speeches make it perfectly clear 'That to both seem to banter and jeer ; Though through all the world my name stands enrolled For trie s sly and crafty, ingenious and bold. Th ie i- one consolation which none can deny, Then there is one greater rogue in this world than I. What's . it? they both cry with equal surprise. "Ti- fra! 'tis Ira! yield him the prize."
Ira Allen was 21 years of age when he came to Vermont. He became distinguished both in civil and military service. He arose to the position of Major ' eneral of militia. He was busy with his pen in d . ding the interests of the State, assisting Gov. Chi venden in his correspondence. preparing
31
OF VERMONT.
documents for the Convention, and in conducting the diplomatic correspondence with the enemy hereafter referred to. He was a member of the Council of Safty and of the board of war, member of the legislature two years, and of the Governor's Council nine years. State treasurer nine years, and a leading man in conducting the affairs of the State till she was admitted into the Union. Hon. E. P. Walton, remarking upon him and Ethan Allen, said in his 1st volume of the "Gov- ernor and Council," "That the State of Vermont has just provided munificently for a statue of Eth- an Allen to stand in the old Representative Hall of Congress till it shall crumble by the breath of time, a mute but an eloquent witness of the brav- ery and patriotism of her sons; but the record of the service of Ira Allen in her struggle and history -- of his skill, as statesman and diplomatist-of his grand designs for the promotion of her learn- ing and the development of the material resources of the State, will forever stand, a monument more brilliant than brass and more lasting than marble."
It would be interesting to follow the career or the prominent men intimately connected with the early history of Vermont, and especially that of Gov. Chittenden, who was Governor from March, 177S, till Aug. 25, 1797, except one year. The territory known as the New Hampshire Grants took on the name, and was called, down to the 4th of June, 1777, New Connecticut, but was changed at that date to Vermont, in accordance with a suggestion of a Dr. Young of Pennsyl-
δΊ†
32
EARLY HISTORY
vania. By order of the Convention, held on the 4th of June, 1777, the Committees of Safety in the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester were for- bidden acting under any authority derived from New York. Many persons who continued to act in the interests of New York were summarily dealt with.
The first record of the doings of the Council of Safety, appointed under the Constitution, that have been preserved, were the records of its pro- ceedings the day before the battle of Bennington, and is as follows: "Bennington, in Council of Safety, Aug. 15, 1777. Sir, You are hereby desired to forward to this place, by express, all the lead you can possibly collect in your vicinity, as it is expected, every minute, an action will commence between our troops and the enemy, within 4 or 5 miles of this place-and the lead will be positively wanted .- By order of the Council, Paul Spooner, D. Sec'y."
The orders of the Council of Safety were of the most peremptory kind, and some of them were not a little amusing. One to Capt. John Fassette was this: "You are requested to take a potash kettle, for the Hessian troops to cook in,-give your receipt for the same and bring the same to the meeting house in this place ( Bennington)." Some of their orders were humane in their nature, as appears from one dated Aug. 27, 1777, which says "that the Council had received information that our scouts had taken all the stock of every kind, from Auger Hawley's wife, of Rupert, and she made application to him for a cow, as her
33
OF VERMONT.
children were in a suffering condition. These are therefore, to require you to let her have one cow, for the time being, out of the first cows you take from any disaffected person. By order of Council, Ira Allen, Sec'y." One order was to Mr. Harris, directing him to employ some one to harvest Mr. Brackenridge's wheat and put the same into his barn; to pay the expenses out of the wheat, and what is not wanted for the use of the family, you will keep until further orders from this Council.
The Council did not hesitate to order the taking of anybody's private property for the public serv- ice. On the 27th of Aug., 1777, they ordered four horses to be taken belonging to John Mun- roe, Esq., and convey them to the Council; but on the same day gave Mrs. Munroe the following permission : "By sending to Bennington to-mor- row, you can have one of your riding horses to use, until we send for him." The Council did not seem to spare the Tories or their property, as it appears from the following order of the Council of Safety, to wit: "Aug. 28, 1777. To David Fas- sette-Sir, You will proceed to Mr. James Brack- enridge's, and if you find any stock or other effects, which you have reason to expect belongs to any enemical person within this State, you will seize the same and cause it to be brought to this Coun- cil." Benjamin Fassette, on Aug. 29, 1777, was ordered to "proceed to Pownal and bring from some of the Torics, that are gone to the enemy, or otherwise proved themselves to be enemy to their country, a load of sauce for the use of wounded prisoners here." One Tory was permit-
34
EARLY HISTORY
ted to return home "and remain on his father's home farm (and if found off, to expect 39 lashes of the beech seal)."
The Tories were closely watched in all their movements, and were required to obtain passes from the Council to go out-of the State, as the following show. One was permitted to go to Arlington to see his wife as she was sick, and to re- turn again in 36 hours. One was permitted to pass the guards from Bennington to Manchester, and remain on his farm, during his good behavior or the pleasure of the Council. One was allowed to go to his farm in Manchester, there to remain unmolested. "he behaving as becometh a friend to his country, as he has taken the oath of allegiance to the States of America."
Anybody's property was used or pressed into the service if the public needs demanded it. One order to Captain Nathan Smith was "to march with the men under his command to Pawlet, on horse back, where you will apply to Colonel Simonds for a horse load of flour to each man and horse, who will furnish sufficient for that purpose." One order was to Capt. John Simonds. giving him power to "let or lease the estate, both real and personal, of a certain Colonel late of Kent, now with the King's troops; and all real estate, except so much as humanity requires for the comfortable support of the family left behind, you will sell at public vendue, and return the money raised on such sale, after the cost is paid. to the treasurer of this State. You will return to this Council an account of all the estate, both
Vient
35
1769918
OF VERMONT.
real and personal, that you shall seize." The property of loyal people was, of course, returned to them when the necessity for its use had passed. One certificate from the Secretary of the Council was as follows: "This may certify that we, pursuant to Gen. Gates' orders, employed Mr. Moses Cleaveland to ride post from this to Sheffield, and to impress fresh horses when he should find it necessary." One certificate from the Council as to a certain Tory was, "Thatit was their opinion that he return to his farm in Castle- ton, whenever he shall procure a certificate from under the hands of his several neighbors in that vicinity, that they are severally satisfied to re- ceive him into their friendship."
Whenever any were ready to return and remain loval to the State, mercy and pardon was extended to them. On Nov. 16, 1777, the Council "recommended to the respective Com- mittees of Safety in this State, to be ever mindful of the worthy and laudable example set by His Excellency Gen. Washington, and the good people, inhabitants of New Jersey-always bear in mind to consider the weak capacities of many who have been affrightened into submission to Gen. Burgoyne, after which, seeing their error, confess their faults, and are willing to defend their count- ry's cause at the risk of life and fortune.
Many acts of favor were extended to the women. One order was, "Mary Reynolds is per- mitted to send for her gray horse, and keep him in her possession until further orders from this Council." Andrew Hawley was permitted to
36
EARLY HISTORY
take his gun, first obtaining liberty of the Com- mitte of Safety, and return it to the Committee within six weeks from the date of the order. Capt. John Fassette was commissioned. to se- quester Tory effects. John Wood and Benjamin Fay were appointed assistants to Capt. Samuel Robinson, as overseers of Tories. When crops were scarce' people were forbidden transporting them out of this State. On Jan. 14, 1778, in Council, it was resolved, that no wheat, rye, In- dian corn, flour, or meal be transported out of this State, except they have a permit from this Council, and if found guilty of violating the or- der, the property was forfeited and three-fold value thereof in money.
The first license law was passed by the Council Jan. 24, 1778, which provides that those who sold any kind of spirituous liquors in any less quantity than one quart, or in any quantity to be drank on or about the premises, should forfeit and pay the sum of six pounds.
It has already been stated that the Convention held at Westminster Jan. 15, 1777, had declared the district an independent jurisdiction or State. and christened it New Connecticut. At the same Convention a report of a committee was adopted, recommending that proper information be given to Congress of the reasons why the New Hamp- shire Grants have been declared a free State, and praying Congress that the State be granted representation in that Honorable body. Jonas Fay, Thomas Chittenden, Heman Allen and Reuben Jones were appointed a committee to
37
OF VERMONT. .
convey the information and prayer to the Hon- orable Continental Congress of the U. S. A. The authorities of New York learning of this, Ten Broeck, President of the Convention of New York, Jan. 20, 1777, made a bitter complaint to Con- gress and protested against the dismemberment of their State. He claimed the action of the New Hampshire Grants was brought about by the arts and influences of certain designing men, and that it was a misfortune to be wounded so soon, sensibly, while they were making their utmost exertions in the common cause. And he found fault with Congress for allowing Col. Warner and other officers to receive commissions independent of New York, and closed his letter by saying, "If the State is to be rent asunder, and its juris- diction subverted, to gratify the deluded and disorderly subjects, it is a folly to hazard their lives and fortunes in a contest which in every event, must terminate in their ruin."
As the New York authorities learned that the then so-called State of Vermont had friends scat- tered all through the Colonies, both in and out of Congress, they became thoroughly alarmed, and again addressed John Hancock, the President of Congress, endeavoring to stay any action of that body favorable to Vermont. Thomas Young of Philadelphia, heretofore alluded to, a friend of the Grants, had written several communications, en- couraging the Grants to take action towards be- coming a State, and asking to be represented in Congress. These communications reached the New York authorities. New York, on the 23d of
38
EARLY HISTORY
June, 1777, got Congress to take action on these complaints; and among other things, it resolved, "That the independent government attempted to be established by the people styling themselves in- habitants of New Hampshire grants, can derive no countenance or justification from the act of Congress; and that the petition of Jonas Fay, Thomas Chittenden, Heman Allen, and Reuben Jones, be dismissed; and that Congress, by rais- ing and officering the regiment commanded by Col. Warner, never meant to give any encourage- ment to the people aforesaid, to be considered an independent State; and certain paragraphs in the letters of Thomas Young, addressed to the people of the grants, were derogatory to the honor of Congress, and tended to deceive and mislead the people to whom they were addressed."
This was throwing cold water on the move- ment of the people in Vermont to become inde- pendent and free. While Congress was passing these resolves, the people of Vermont, in conven- tion assembled, were forming a constitution and perfecting a system of civil government. While the Convention was at work at Windsor, their at- tention was called to the more exciting scenes of war. News arrived of the evacuation of Ticonde- roga. Gen. Burgoyne was sweeping up Lake Champlain, across the western border of the grants, and towards Albany, creating consterna- tion and alarm. The Green Mountain Boys, for a time, forgetting everything but the common cause and the enemy, gathered with the New Hampshire soldiers under Gen. Stark, and met the British
39
OF VERMONT.
forces under Gen. Baum, fought and won the bat- tle of Bennington on the memorable 16th of Aug., 1777, and which led to the surrender of Gen. Bur- goyne a few days after. The bravery and success of the Green Mountain Boys on this occasion won for them and the people of the grants a respect and a standing that they had not before gained.
The New Hampshire Grants had declared them- selves an independent State. No sooner had they done this than they were met with new difficul- ties. The territory of New Hampshire was made up of several grants from the Council of New England to John Mason, between the years of 1621 and 1635, and their western boundary was 60 miles from the sea. The land between Mason's grant and Connecticut River, was granted by vir- tue of a royal commission to the Governors of New Hampshire. The people of this last grant, as soon as Vermont had organized its government, showed a disposition to dissolve its connection with New Hampshire and unite with the people of Vermont. They put their claim on the ground that inasmuch as the Colonies had dissolved their con- nection with the mother country, they had re- verted to a state of nature, and were at liberty to form a separate government, or connect with an- other, as they thought best. Consequently 16 towns on the east side of Connecticut River peti- tioned the Legislature of Vermont, praying to be admitted into its union. This proposition was re- ferred to the people of Vermont, and a majority of the towns voted "that the union take place ;- the vote standing 37 in the affirmative and 12 in the
:
40
EARLY HISTORY
negative. These 16 towns announced their with- drawal to the Governor of New Hampshire, and asked for a divisional line to be drawn. You may imagine the just alarm it created in New Hamp- shire. Governor Weare of New Hampshire, Aug. 19, 1778, addressed their delegates in Congress, informing them of the situation, and asking them to advise with other members of Congress con- cerning the situation; and giving it as his opin- ion, that if they did not, it was "very probable the sword would decide the controversy, as the mi- nority in those 16 towns were claiming protection from this (New Hampshire) State, and he thought they were bound by every tie to afford it.
On the 22nd day of Aug., 1778, Gov. Weare addressed Gov. Chittenden, and stated to him, among other things, that the idea that those 16 towns did not belong to any State and were at liberty to form another union with Vermont, was "an idle phantom, a mere chimera, without the least shadow of reason for its support." He told Gov. Chittenden, the people of Vermont were fur- nishing her enemies, to her becoming a separate State, with arguments against her. And he be- sought him for the sake of the people he presided over and for the sake of future peace, to relinquish every connection, as a political body, with the towns on the east side of the Connecticut River. Gov. Chittenden, on the receipt of this letter, con- vened the Council and sent Ethan Allen to Phila- delphia to ascertain in what light the proceedings of Vermont in this matter, were viewed. Ethan Allen performed this service and reported back to
41
OF VERMONT.
the Council, October 10, 1778, that it was his "opinion, that unless this State recede from such union immediately, the whole power of the Confed- eracy of the United States of America will join to annihilate the State of Vermont and vindicate the right of New Hampshire. The whole matter was taken into the consideration by the Vermont As- sembly for a long time, and finally it began to hes- itate to go any further with the hazardous exper- iment of claiming to hold the 16 towns against the wishes of New Hampshire.
The seceding 16 towns struggled hard to con- tinue their union with Vermont, but the people of Vermont had become aware of the danger of at- tempting to continue the union. and by a vote of the General Assembly, Feb'y 12, 1779, voted that the union of the 16 towns with Vermont ought to be considered as being null from the beginning. About this time there had been a convention called, of those who were favorable to uniting with the 16 towns, that met at Cornish; and a petition was presented by that convention to the House of Representatives of New Hampshire, ask- ing that all towns west of the Mason line, might go together-either all be allowed to go with Ver- mont, or all the grants, including the 16 towns, be allowed to unite with New Hampshire, and thus annihilate Vermont; and the House of Repre- sentatives of New Hampshire, by a committee, re- ported that "New Hampshire should lay claim to all of New Hampshire grants (so-called) lying west of Connecticut River, but, if the Conti- nental Congress shall allow the towns west of 5
i
42
EARLY HISTORY
Connecticut River to become a separate State, they would acquiesce therein," which report was adopted June 24, 1779, by the House. This idea of being swallowed up by New Hampshire was. opposed by the leading men of Vermont.
At this critical moment, when the State was threatened with annihilation, events took place in the County of Cumberland, which gave a new im- pulse to the controversy with New York. There was a party that had always existed in the Coun- ty of Cumberland that was opposed to the inde- pendence of Vermont, and had up to that time reluctantly submitted to its authority. A conven- tion was organized by these disaffected ones, which met at Brattleboro on the 4th of May, of 1779. This convention petitioned Gov. Geo. Clin- ton of New York for relief from their unhappy sit- uation, setting forth in their petition that those who did not yield obedience to the pretended Ver- mont authorities, had to suffer the loss of their property both real and personal, and that they were compelled to pay taxes to the authorities that be, that they did not recognize as legal, and called earnestly for protection from the New York government, and if that protection was not speed- ily granted they should have to obey a govern- ment which they viewed as usurpation, and add their strength to oppose the government of New York. About this time a military association was formed in the County of Cumberland to oppose Vermont authorities. Ethan Allen was directed by the Governor to suppress it. Col. Patterson, who headed the opposition to Vermont authori-
43
OF VERMONT.
ties, asked aid from New York, which was prom- ised by Gov. Clinton of New York, who assured the opposition party that the authority of Ver- mont should in no instance be acknowledged, ex- cept in the alternative of submission or inevitable ruin ; and also addressed Congress, stating in that address, that he daily expected to be obliged to order out a force for the defence of those who ad- hered to New York.
Congress took the matter into consideration June 1, 1779, and appointed a committee to re- pair to the New Hampshire Grants and inquire the reasons why they refuse to continue citizens of the States that before that time exercised jurisdic- tion over them, and to take prudent means to ef- fect an amicable settlement of the difficulty. A committee of five was appointed. While these matters were transpiring in Congress, Col. Ethan Allen marched with an armed force and arrested the militia officers that were acting in Vermont under the authority of New York. This was made known to Congress by Gov. Clinton, and Con- gress authorized said committee to take this mat- ter also into their consideration. Only two of this committee appeared in Vermont, and on the 24th of Sept., 1779, the committee was by Congress discharged.
At this time the Vermont authorities were pained and surprised to learn that Massachusetts was laying claim to a part of her territory. And Gov. Chittenden addressed a letter Oct. 28, 1779, to Samuel Adams, President of the Council of Massachusetts, and sent the same by Brig .- Gen.
44
EARLY HISTORY
Ethan Allen, asking him to state "what part of this State they meant to extend their claim over, and how far they meant to carry such pretension into execution. At this time Congress had passed a resolve to take the claims of New Hampshire, New York, and Vermont into their consideration. with a view of settling them in some way. On the 28th of October, 1779, Adams replied to Chitten- den, "that Massachusetts had an ancient and a just claim to all the territory between Connecticut and Hudson Rivers-that their territory was bounded easterly by Connecticut River, westerly, by the eastern line of New York, and northerly by the northern boundary of Massachusetts Bay ; and this includes a part of that territory which you call the State of Vermont, and over this tract they meant to extend their claim." This shows that Massachusetts was not bashful. After a par- tial hearing of these disputes in Congress, they were postponed.
Previous to this, on the 24th of Sept., 1779, and on Oct. 2, 1779, Congress unanimously passed resolutions recommending to New York, Massa- chusetts Bay, and New Hampshire to pass laws authorizing Congress to hear and determine the controversy as to their respective boundaries and the dispute with the Grants, and then Congress would, on the first day of Feb., 1780, hear and de- termine said controversy and dispute, and pledged their faith to carry into execution their decision. And also resolved that it was the duty of those who were loyal to Vermont, to abstain from exer- cising any power over any of the inhabitants who
45
OF VERMONT.
profess to owe allegiance to either of the other States; and that the other States abstain from exercising authority over the loyal citizens of Ver- mont; and that no towns east of Connecticut Riv- er should be conceded within the jurisdiction of Vermont; and that any violation of the true in- tent and meaning of these resolutions of Congress should be considered as a breach of the peace of the confederacy. In short, Congress desired that all matters should remain as they then were till a determination should be made in Congress as to the matters of dispute. Congress sent a copy of these resolutions to Gov. Chittenden.
On the 29th of October, 1779, the Governor, Council, and House of Representatives of Vermont resolved unanimously "that this State ought to support their rights to independence, at Congress, and to the world, in the character of a free and in- dependent State," and chose Ethan Allen, John Fay, Paul Spooner, Stephen R. Bradley and Moses Robinson "to vindicate their rights to independ- ence, at Congress, and to transact all other po- litical affairs of this State at Congress, as a free and independent State." Congress did not pro- ceed to a final determination of said dispute on the 1st of February 1780, but the matter was postponed from time to time, and on the 2nd of June, 1780, it passed a resolve requiring the au- thorities of Vermont to abstain from all acts of authority, civil or military, over the inhabitants who hold themselves to be subject to any other State.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.