An illustrated history of Klickitat, Yakima and Kittitas counties; with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington, Part 19

Author: Interstate publishing co., Chicago, pub
Publication date: 1904
Publisher: [Chicago] Interstate publishing company
Number of Pages: 1146

USA > Washington > Kittitas County > An illustrated history of Klickitat, Yakima and Kittitas counties; with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington > Part 19
USA > Washington > Yakima County > An illustrated history of Klickitat, Yakima and Kittitas counties; with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington > Part 19
USA > Washington > Klickitat County > An illustrated history of Klickitat, Yakima and Kittitas counties; with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington > Part 19

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NARCISSE RAYMOND.

The Commander-in-charge coming to Fort Walla Walla.

Mr. Raymond and all the other settlers of the Walla Walla and Umatilla valleys had been directed by Indian Agent Nathan Olney to withdraw from the country as soon as a sufficient escort should arrive for them, and it was with intent to furnish this escort that Major Chinn was marching when he received the startling intelligence contained in the letter just quoted. This information determined him to delay his march until he had received reinforcements and artillery, so he moved next day to the Umatilla and established there a station which became known as Fort Henrietta. It was situated where plenty of water and timber could be obtained, as well as sufficient grass for horses, and it consisted of a tract one hundred feet

THE YAKIMA WAR.

square, picketed in with large, split timber, with bastions of round logs in two of the angles, also two corrals for horses and cattle. Major Chinn sent at once to Colonel Nesmith for the requisite reinforcements and artillery. On the 19th and 20th of November, the colonel sent forward three companies consisting of one hundred and seventy men. He endeavored to procure the howitzers from the regular army, but General Wool had just arrived on the scene and his advent brought to an abrupt termination all hope of further co- operation between regulars and volunteers. The howitzers were, of course, refused.

"The arrival of General Wool," says Evans, "defeated every project which looked to a winter campaign against the Indians. He even sug- gested that the combination of the commands of Rains and Nesmith, in the Yakima country, had been injurious to the service because the Indians were so overawed by such a force, seven hundred men, that they fled upon the approach of the troops. General Wool ordered the reg- ulars from Fort Dalles to Fort Vancouver, except a small garrison. He censured Major Rains for calling for volunteers, and also for going into the Yakima country to make war against the hostiles. He accused the territorial authorities of sinister and dishonest motives. While not accusing the whites in Washington territory of murdering Indians, as he did charge the whites with in the Rogue river country, yet he maintained that the war should only be carried on upon the defensive. To any proposition of the territorial authorities to chastise the Indians for past misdeeds, he was opposed, and should use his efforts to defeat them. In fact, he was so bitterly prejudiced against the two territories, their official author- ities, their volunteers and their people, that his sympathies were entirely with that savage race which it was his highest duty to keep in subjec- tion. For the people who had the right to rely upon him for protection, he had no word of encouragement, no disposition to assist. At that time he was a greater marplot to the regaining of peace, and a more bitter foe to the Oregon and Washington people, than any hostile chief bear- ing arms against them."

However, such succor as was in the power of Nesmith was, as before stated, promptly despatched to Fort Henrietta. The three com- panies joined Major Chinn on the 29th of Novem- ber, but the command was at once assumed by Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, who accompanied the reinforcements. December 2d, Kelly took the field with about three hundred and fifty men, designing to make a swift march to Fort Walla Walla and surprise the Indians who were supposed to be in possession of it. Kelly found "it had been pillaged by Indians, the buildings much defaced and the furniture destroyed." Of his subsequent movements Colonel Kelly thus writes in his official report :

On the morning of the 5th, I despatched Second Major Chinn, with one hundred and fifty men, to escort the bag- gage and pack trains to the mouth of the Touchet, there to await my return with the remainder of the forces under my command. On the same morning I marched with about two hundred men to a point on the Touchet river about twelve miles from its mouth, with the view of attacking the Walla Walla Indians, who were supposed to be encamped there. When I was near to and making to- wards the village, Peo-peo-mox-mox, the chief of the tribe, with five other Indians, made their appearance under a flag of truce. He stated that he did not wish to fight; that his people did not wish to fight; that on the following day he would come and have a talk and make a treaty of peace. Ou consultation with Hon. Nathan Olney, Indian · Agent, we concluded that this was simply a ruse to gain- time for removing his village and preparing for battle. I stated to him that we had come to chastise him for the wrongs he had done to our people. and that we would not defer making an attack on his people unless he and his five followers would consent to accompany and remain with us until all difficulties were settled. I told him that he might go away under his flag of truce if he chose; but, if he did so, we would forthwith attack his village. The alternative was distinctly made known to him; and, to save his people, he chose to remain with us as a hostage for the fulfillment of his promise, as did also those who accompanied him. He at the same time said that on the following day he would accompany us to his village; that he would then assemble his people and make them deliver up all their arms and ammunition, restore the property which had been taken from the white settlers, or pay the full value of that which could not be restored; and that he would furnish fresh horses to remount my command, and cattle to supply them with provisions, to enable us to wage war against other hostile tribes who were leagued with them. Having made these promises, we refrained from making the attack, thinking we had him in our power, and that on the next day his promises would be fulfilled. I also permitted him to send one of the men who accompanied him to his village to apprise the tribes of the terms of the expected treaty, so that they might be prepared to fulfill it.

On the 6th, we marched to the village and found it entirely deserted, but saw the Indians in considerable force on the distant hills, and watching our movements. I sent out a messenger to induce them to come in, but could not do so. And I will here observe that I have since learned, from a Nez Perce boy, who was taken at the same time with Peo-peo-mox-mox, that, instead of sending word to his people to make a treaty of peace, he sent an order for them to remove their women and children and prepare for battle. From all I heve since learned, I am well persuaded that he was acting with duplicity, and that he expected to entrap my command in the deep ravine in which his camp was situated, and make his escape from us. We remained at the deserted village until about one o'clock in the after- noon; and, seeing no hope of coming to any terms, we proceeded to the mouth of the Touchet with a view of going from thence to some spot near Whitman's station, where I had intended to form a permanent camp for the winter.

On the morning of the 7th, the command set out early for Whitman's station, Peo-peo-mox-mox and the other Indian hostages being still with the white men. Soon after a crossing of the Touchet had been effected, the battle began. There is difference of opinion as to who fired the first shot. Kelly's report states that the Indians did, but Gilbert quotes A. P. Woodward as asserting that to his knowledge one Jont, of Company B, committed the first hostile act. The question is of importance only as it bears upon the larger one of whether or not Peo-peo-

CENTRAL WASHINGTON.

mox-mox and his people were acting in good faith in negotiating for peace. At any rate the firing soon became general, and all the companies except A and F, which were ordered to remain with the baggage, began chasing the Indians eagerly. "A running fight was the consequence, the force of the Indians increasing every mile. Several of the enemy were killed in the chase before reaching the farm of LaRocque, which is about twelve miles from the mouth of the Touchet. At this point they made a stand, their left resting on the river covered with trees and underbrush, their center occupying the flat at this place, covered with clumps of sage brush and small sand knolls, their right on the high ridge of hills which skirt the river bottom."

The few white men who outran their com- panions and reached this vicinity first were con- pelled by the murderous fire from savage guns to fall back, but soon rallied and made a charge upon the Indians in the brush, in which charge Lieutenant Burrows, of Company H, was killed, and Captain Munson, Sergeant-Major Isaac Miller and Private G. W. Smith were wounded. Reinforcements of whites arriving, the Indians were compelled to fall back two miles to a farm- house, in attempting to carry which Captain Bennett, of Company F, and Private Kelso, of Company A, were killed.

Continuing the narrative of the engagement, Colonel Kelly says in his report: "Howitzer found at Fort Walla Walla, under charge of Captain Wilson, by this time was brought to bear upon the enemy. Four rounds were fired when the piece burst, wounding Captain Wilson. The Indians then gave way at all points; and the house and fence were seized and held by the volunteers, and bodies of our men were recovered. These positions were held by us until nightfall. when the volunteers fell slowly back and returned unmolested to camp."

During the first day's engagement, at about the hottest part of the action, an event occurred which, though not mentioned in Kelly's official report, has been the theme of much discussion. Peo-peo-mox-mox and his companions in captivity were, with one exception, killed by the guards and volunteers surrounding them, and whether this action was justifiable from the fact that the prisoners attempted to escape, or was wholly unwarranted, will never be ascertained with certainty. The eye witnesses of the affair are not in accord as to the facts. Indeed, it is quite probable that no one of them is able to give an absolutely correct and detailed statement of all that transpired, such was the confusion and excitement prevailing at the time. Of this affair, Gilbert says:

"The following is an account of it as given to the writer by Lewis McMorris, who was present at the time and saw what he narrated. The hospital supplies were packed on mules in charge

of McMorris, and had just reached the LaRocque cabin, where the first engagement had taken place. The surgeon in charge had decided to use it as a hospital in which to place those wounded in the battle and McMorris was unpack- ing the mules. Near it the unfortunate J. M. Burrows lay dead, and several wounded were being attended to. The combatants had passed on up the valley, and the distant detonations of their guns could be heard. The flag of truce prisoners were there under guard and every one seemed electrified with suppressed excitement. A wounded man came in with a shattered arm dangling at his side and reported Captain Bennett killed at the front. This added to the excite- ment, and the attention of all was more or less attracted to the wounded man, when some one said: 'Look out, or the Indians will get away!' At this seemingly everyone yelled, 'Shoot 'em! Shoot 'em!' and on the instant there was a rattle of musketry on all sides.

"What followed was so quick, and there were so many acting, that McMorris could not see it in detail, though all was transpiring within a few yards of and around him. It was over in a minute, and three of the five prisoners were dead, another was wounded, knocked senseless and supposed to be dead, who afterwards recovered consciousness, and was shot to put him out of misery, while the fifth was spared because he was a Nez Perce. McMorris remembers some of the events that marked the tragedy, however, such as an impression on his inind of an attempt by the prisoners to escape, that started the shooting; that everybody was firing because they were excited, and the target was an Indian; that he saw no evidence of an attempt to escape, except from being murdered; that they were killed while surrounded by and mingled among the whites; and that but one Indian offered to defend his life. The prisoner offering resistance was a powerful Willamette Indian called 'Jim' or 'Wolf Skin,' who, having a knife secreted upon his person, drew it and fought desperately. 'I could hear that knife whistling in the air,' said McMorris, 'as he brandished it, or struck at the soldier with whom he was struggling.' It lasted but a moment, when another soldier, approach- ing from behind, dealt him a blow on the head with a gun that broke his skull and stretched him apparently lifeless upon the ground. All were scalped in a few minutes, and later the body of Yellow Bird, the great Walla Walla chief, was mutilated in a way that should entitle those who did it to a prominent niche in the ghoulish temple erected to commemorate the infamous acts of soulless men.

Gilbert also states that McMorris' account was confirmed by G. W. Miller and William Nixon, both of whom were present.

A. P. Woodward, now living at Athena, and who was near by when the chief was killed, tells

THE YAKIMA WAR.

us that the facts, briefly stated, were these: When asked what should be done with the prisoners, Colonel Kelly had told the guard he "didn't care a damn," The prisoners were neither tied nor in any way confined, but were mingled with the volunteers. When the firing became warnı, and several wounded had been brought back to where the guard and prisoners were, some of the troops became badly excited and called out, "Shoot the damned Indians and kill them!" Several shots were fired and two or three of the Indians fell. though they were not attempting to escape. Then Peo-peo-mox-mox sprang off his horse, and walking towards those who were firing, said: "You don't need to kill me-I am not Jesus Christ!" and with these words he fell. The biting sarcasm of the dying words of Peo-peo-mox-mox, if these were his words, can only be appreciated when we remem- ber that they were uttered by a savage who could not be made to understand why the white men had, according to their own account, killed their own God. It should be stated, however, that in answer to a direct question as to whether any such language was used, Samuel Warfield, the slayer of Peo-peo-mox-mox, stated that the only foundation for the story was something that occurred on the evening previous. Wolf Skin, he says, attempted to escape. He was imme- diately recaptured and while being tied to prevent a repetition of this attempt, said: "That is as much as could be expected of you. Christ died for his people, and I can die for mine," where- upon one of the volunteers rejoined, "Christ did not run," raising a general laugh.

. It is but fair to add the account of the killing given by Mr. Warfield, the man who actually took the life of the Walla Walla chieftain. At the request of the writer, he furnished the fol- lowing statement :

"Amos Underwood and I were guards over the six Indian prisoners, Peo-peo-mox-mox, Klick- itat Jimmy, or Wolf Skin, Nez Perce Billy and three others. About four o'clock in the evening there were a number of soldiers around the guard and prisoners Word was sent two or three times for those soldiers to come to the front; but they did not go. Finally, Colonel Kelly came and ordered them to the front. I said to the Colonel, 'I want to go to the front.

What will we do with these prisoners?'

replied, 'Tie them and put them in the house, if they will submit to you; if not, put them in any- how.' Major Miller was there present among the wounded, having been shot in the arm. Just at that time Wolf Skin pulled his knife from his legging and struck at Major Miller, cutting his arm as it was thrown up to ward off the blow. In an instant some one broke a musket over the Indian's head, killing him. Then the fight began. Five of the Indian prisoners were killed, either being shot or struck over the head with

the guns, Peo-peo-mox-mox being the last one. I showed him how to cross his hands so that I could tie him and put him in the house as the colonel had told us, when he grabbed my gun and tried to wrench it around so as to shoot me. I jumped back and grabbed him by the collar and threw him down, still keeping hold of my gun. I also shot at him, but missed, he being too close. He caught me by the breeches leg and tried to regain his feet. I again jumped back from him as he tried to get up, struck him over the head with my gun, settling him for all time.'

This account of Mr. Warfield is probably sub- stantially correct as far as it goes, but it leaves open the question as to what incited Wolf Skin to draw his knife. One of the volunteers con- fessed that he became so excited by the fact that the whites at the front were being hard pressed and that some of them were killed and wounded that he completely lost his head and rushed back, shouting, "Shoot the Indians and kill them!" This and the attempted tying of their hands inspired the Indians with a belief that they would certainly be murdered, causing them to offer resistance, with the melancholy results heretofore given. If this surmise is correct, neither the Indians nor their guards could be very much blamed, the real cause of the tragedy being the hare-brained man whose wild shout- ings alarmed the Indian prisoners. It is hard to understand how the officers could justify their conduct in retaining the Indians at all any longer than they wished to stay. They came under flag of truce, and if Colonel Kelly's report is true, remained voluntarily as hostages, and when they were no longer willing to stay they should have been set at liberty. Nathan Olney, the Indian agent, is quoted as having said: "If you let Peo- peo-mox-mox escape, our hides will not hold shucks." Whether this was true or not, the whites were not justified in retaining any advan- tage gained by disrespect of a flag of truce and the honors of war, and the officers cannot there- fore escape censure as being ultimately responsi- ble for the massacre of the Indians.

Next day the battle was renewed. No better narration of its subsequent events can be given than that furnished by Kelly's report, which is therefore reproduced in extenso.

Early on the morning of the 8th the Indians appeared with increased forces, amounting to fully six hundred war- riors. They were posted as usual in the thick brush by the river-among the sage bushes and sand knolls and on the surrounding hills. This day Lieutenant Pillow, with Company A, and Lieutenant Hannon, with Company H, were ordered to take and hold the brush skirting the river and the sage bushes on the plain. Lieutenant Fellows, with Company F, was directed to take and keep posses- sion of the point at the foot of the hill. Lieutenant Jeffries, with Company B, Lieutenant Hand, with Com- pany I. and Captain Cornoyer, with Company K, were posted on three several points on the hills, with orders to maintain them and to assail the enemy on other points of

CENTRAL WASHINGTON.

the same hills. As usual, the Indians were driven from their position, although they fought with skill and bravery.

On the gth they did not make their appearance until about ten o'clock in the morning, and then in somewhat diminished numbers. As I had sent to Fort Henrietta for Companies D and E and expected them on the roth, 1 thought it best to act on the defensive and hold our posi- tions, which were the same as on the 8th, until we could get an accession to our forces sufficient to enable us to assail their rear and cut off their retreat. An attack was made during the day on Companies A and H, in the brush- wood, and upon B on the hill, both of which were repulsed with great gallantry by those companies with considerable loss to the enemy. Companies F, I and K also did great honor to themselves in repelling all approaches to their positions, although in doing so one inan in Company F and one in Company I were severely wounded. Darkness as usual closed the combat by the enemy withdrawing from the field. Owing to the inclemency of the night, the companies on the hill were withdrawn from their several positions, Company B abandoning its rifle pits which were made by the men of that company for its protection. At early dawn of the next day the Indians were observed from our camp to be in possession of all points held by us on the preceding day. Upon seeing them, Lieutenant McAuliff, of Company B, gallantly observed that his con- pany had dug those holes, and after breakfast they would have them again; and well was his declaration fulfilled, for in less than an hour the enemy was driven from the pits and fled to an adjoining hill which they had occupied the day before. This position was at once assailed, Cap- tain Cornoyer, with Company K and a portion of Com- pany I, being mounted, gallantly charged the enemy on his right flank, while Lieutenant McAuliff, with Company B, dismounted, rushed up the hill in the face of a heavy fire and scattered them in all directions. They at once fled, to return to this battle-field no more, and thus ended our long contested fight.

The winter following the battle of the Walla Walla was an exceedingly severe one, and the suffering of the soldiers was sometimes extreme. The late W. C. Painter, of Walla Walla, was wont to describe his experience of trying to sleep with scant shelter and scantier covering and the thermometer at twenty below zero. Mrs. Victor quotes one of the volunteers, whose name she does not reveal, as having said :

"On the night of December 21st the snow fell from six to eight inches deep, and the mercury stood about twenty degrees below zero. Next morning it fell to my lot to go on guard. My raiment consisted of an old slouch hat, an old coat, a flannel shirt, a threadbare pair of pants, and an old pair of shoes without socks. I had run through my shoes during the battle, but found an old pair in a cache which answered the purpose. I donned my raiment, tied a string around my pants to keep them from slipping above my knees, and at six o'clock was ready for duty. My beat being one mile from camp, I trudged along through the snow until I reached my station, and then passed off the time as best I could. * *

* When I examined my feet, strange to say, they were not very badly frozen, only the tops and sides were raised up in blisters. Several of the boys who had no shoes took raw- hide and sewed it up in shape something like a moccasin. This beat bare feet to wade through

the snow with. But the boys seemed to be con- tent. Our tents were small and thin; our blank- ets were smaller and thinner. I had two of those long, narrow, thin blankets, one blue and one green, that were not long enough to reach from my nose down to my feet, and a saddle blanket; this constituted my bed."

But it is now time to return to Governor Ste- vens, who, as hitherto stated, had set out for the Blackfoot country upon completing his negotia- tions at the Walla Walla council. Having suc- ceeded in inducing the dreaded Blackfeet to treat for the sale of their lands and started upon his return to Olympia, he had reached Hellgate in the present Montana, when a detachment of Nez Perces met him and gave him information of the war and his own isolated and imperiled position. It would require all the tact, ingenuity and daring of this eminent man to run the gaunt- let of these multiplied dangers in safety, but the doughty governor was equal to the task. How he acted under these trying circumstances may best be told in his own language:

The result of our conference (with the Nez Perces) was most satisfactory. The whole party, numbering fourteen men, among whom were Spotted Eagle, Looking Glass and Three Feathers, principal chiefs among the Nez Perces, expressed their determination to accompany me and share any danger to be encountered. They expressed a desire that after crossing the mountains, I should go to their country, where a large force of their young men would accompany me to The Dalles and protect us with their lives against any enemy.

Having replenished my train with all the animals to be had, on November 14th we pushed forward, crossed the Bitter Root mountains the 20th, in snow two and a half to three feet deep, and reached the Coeur d'Alene mission the 25th, taking the Coeur d'Alenes entirely by surprise. They had not thought it possible that we could cross the mountains so late in the season.

With the Coeur d'Alenes I held a council, and found them much excited, on a balance for peace or war, and a chance word might turn them either way. Rumors of all kinds met us here: that the troops had fought a battle with the Yakimas and drove them across the Columbia towards the Spokanes, and that the Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Umatillas were in arms, and that they had been joined by a party of Nez Perces. The accounts were of so contra- dictory a nature that nothing certain could be ascertained from them, excepting that the several tribes below were in arms, blocking up our road, and had threatened to cut off my party in any event. However, I determined to push on to the Spokanes.

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An illustrated history of Klickitat, Yakima and Kittitas counties; with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington, Part 19

Author: Interstate publishing co., Chicago, pub Publication date: 1904 Publisher: [Chicago] Interstate publishing company Number of Pages: 1146

Author: Interstate publishing co., Chicago, pub
Publication date: 1904
Publisher: [Chicago] Interstate publishing company
Number of Pages: 1146