USA > Alabama > Madison County > Huntsville > Early history of Huntsville, Alabama 1804 to 1870 > Part 9
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From a constitutional standpoint, it is plain the South was within her rights in withdrawing from the Union. Students of history, both North and South, now admit this. This right of a sovereign state to sever its connections with the Union was first asserted by Massachusetts in 1811, when she threat- ened secession in order to back up her position relative to the Louisiana Purchase. From thence forward this right was boldly asserted by the other states at the North and constantly held over the head of the South as a warning, until the South sought to put it into practical effect and withdraw. From thence forward, as viewed at the North, this doctrine became heresy and the right of a (Southern) state to exercise it was vigorously denied and denounced. That supreme political opportunist, Daniel Webster, known at the North as "the most profound and unerring constitutional lawyer of his day, the great expounder," declared as late as 1856 that "If the South is treated as bad as she has been, she will secede. She has a constitutional right to secede, and she ought to secede." Yet, when the South asserted this right, he traversed the country, (having first, however, changed his views, owing to the politi- cal exigencies of the times), assailing and reproaching her leaders and governments. By the magic of his words and the necromancy of his specious logic he beguiled the masses at the North into the belief that the South and its people were trait-
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ors to the Union. Such are the teachings the children of the South have received since the war, concerning the origin and history of the Confederacy.
The sovereignty of a state was a sacred trust to be defended and zealously guarded at all hazards by her sons. It was para- mount to the preservation of the Union, and so had we been taught, even in the colleges of the land, North and South. When the North by state and municipal legislation, upheld by the courts, had repeatedly denied the constitutional rights of the Southern States. When the Missouri Compromise was held unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court, in the Dread Scott Case, and four of the justices dissented from the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, the unyielding determina- tion at the North to utterly disregard the guaranteed rights of the South, wreck her institutions and destroy state sovereignty, became all too evident. By the time the South seceded, all ties of friendship and kindly relation between the North and South had been severed, though there yet remained at the South some love for the Union, and a far greater respect for the rights of others as guaranteed in the Constitution. Wherein all rights not delegated to the general government nor denied the states are reserved to the latter.
The biased and purblind histories used in our public schools, teach the children of the South, that Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and Joseph E. Johnston fought for so sordid a cause as the maintenance of slavery. Not once are we told that : Lee freed his slaves, voluntarily, long before the war ; Jackson never owned but two slaves, bought by him at the request of the slaves themselves, in order that they might be set free, which he accordingly did; Johnston never owned a slave. Even more studiously is the fact suppressed, that the "Immortal" Ulysses S. Grant, owned many slaves, and that they were never freed by any act of his, but by the Emancipation Proc- lamation, and when so freed were being refugeed in Missouri to keep them out of the danger of escaping.
In a conflict, he is the aggressor who first renders the use of force necessary, and not he who strikes the first blow. So it is that the North and not the South was the aggressor, and pro- voked the Civil War. The construction is enforced by the con- duct of the South before war actually broke out.
One of the first official actions of the Confederate States of America was to send a commission to Washington to treat with Secretary of State Seward, to the end that an amicable settle-
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ment might be had of all differences between the two govern- ments, and for the evacuation of Fort Sumter. This commis- sion was held at Washington for twenty-three days, with al- most hourly promises of a considerate hearing. While thus ostensibly giving heed to the proffered negotiations of the Con- federacy, a squadron of ten battleships was being made ready, and sent out from New York with instructions to take Fort Sumter, by force if necessary. This "relief squadron," bris- tling with guns, steamed into a Confederate port, intent upon its hostile purpose, before the Confederate commission was even aware that war was intended by the government at Wash- ington. Not until then, did the commissioners from the Con- federacy realize that Secretary Seward had diplomatically lied and misrepresented the facts to them.
This brings us to a consideration of the sentiment prevailing at the South as to its course in the near future. Probably the most eloquent and comprehensive exposition of the attitude, feeling and spirit of the South was made by that peerless states- man, Clement Claiborne Clay, in the Senate of the United States, on the eve of his resignation from that body, after his beloved state, Alabama, had withdrawn from the Union. As an introduction to that portion of this work yet to follow, the author begs leave to quote from the condensed record of this "Statement of the South's Case":
"It has been forty-two years, he said, since Alabama had entered the Union, amidst scenes of excitement and violence caused by the hostility of the North against the institution of slavery in the South-referring to the conflict over Missouri. In the churches, Southern christians were denied communion because of what the North styled the "leprosy of slavery." In violation of the Constitution and laws Southern people were refused permission to pass through the North with their prop- erty. The South was refused a share in the lands acquired mainly by her diplomacy, blood and treasure. The South was robbed of her property, and restoration was refused. Criminals who fled North were protected and Southern men who sought to recover their slaves were murdered. Southern homes were burned and Southern families murdered. This had been endured for years, and there was no hope of better. The Republican platform was a declaration of war against the South. It was hostile to domestic peace, reproached the South as unchristian and heathenish and imputed sin and crime to that section. It was a strong incitement to insurrection, arson and murder
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among the negroes. The Southern whites were denied equality with Northern whites, or even with free negroes, and were branded as an inferior race. The man nominated for president- Lincoln-disregarded the judgment of courts, the obligations of the Constitution, and of his oath by declaring his approval of any measure to prohibit slavery in the territories of the United States. The people of the North branded the people of the South as outlaws, insulted them, consigned them to the execration of posterity and to ultimate destruction.
"Is it to be expected that we will or can exercise that God- like virtue that beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things; which tells us to love our ene- mies, and bless them that curse us? Are we expected to be denied the sensibilities, the sentiments, the passions, the reason, the instincts of men? Have we no pride, no honor, no sense of shame, no reverence of ancestors and care for posterity, no love of home, of family, of friends? Are ye to confess base- ness, discredit the fame of our sires, dishonor ourselves and degrade posterity, abandon our homes and flee the country-all -all-for the sake of the Union? Shall we live under a gov- ernment administered by those who deny us justice and brand us as inferiors? Whose avowed principles and policy must destroy domestic tranquillity, imperil the lives of our wives and children, and ultimately destroy the State? The freemen of Alabama have proclaimed to the world that they will not."1
DISUNION SENTIMENT AND SECESSION
We have observed that as early as 1854 at an election held in the county for the purpose of ascertaining public sentiment, "Disunionists and abolitionists" were strongly condemned and reproached. This spirit of forbearance toward maintaining the Union was still strongly in evidence when the future policy of the State was up for consideration in 1861. Some of Hunts- ville's most prominent and respected citizens were pronounced "Union Whigs" and opposed disunion. But when the ordi- nances of secession were passed they cast their lot with the "Republic of Alabama," and remained throughout the war steadfast and faithful to the cause of the Confederacy.
In describing the problems confronting the South for the so- lution of which, as to Alabama, a convention was held, Mr. Fleming, in his "Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama"
1 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, Fleming, page 25.
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(page 27) says: "With Lincoln as president, the abolitionists would soon control the Supreme Court, and then slavery would be abolished in the Federal district and the territories. There would soon be a majority of free states large enough to alter the Constitution and to destroy slavery in the states. The state of society with four million negroes turned loose, would be too horrible to contemplate, and the only safety for Alabama lay in secession, which was within her right as a sovereign state. The Federal Government was established for the protection and not the destruction of rights; it had only the powers delegated by the states and hence had not the power of coercion. Alabama was devoted to the Union but could not consent to become a degraded member of it. The State in seceding ought to con- sult the other Southern States; but first, she must decide for herself, and co-operate afterwards. The convention, the gov- ernor said, would not be a place for the timid or the rash. Men of wisdom and experience were needed ; men who could deter- mine what the honor of the State and security of the people demanded, and who had the moral courage to carry out the dic- tates of their honest judgment."
"On January 7th, every one of the one hundred delegates was present. It was a splendid body of men, the best the people could send."
The delegates to the convention were composed of "seces- sionists," who wanted Alabama to withdraw from the Union without regard to the action of the other states ; "co-operation- Ists," who were not in entire accord ; some wanted co-operation of the Southern States with the Union in order to force their rights from the central government; while others of them wanted the Southern States to come to an agreement within the Union and then secede, and form a Confederacy; still others wanted the cotton states to have a clear understanding among themselves before seceding.
The secessionists were in the majority and controlled the convention. North Alabama voted with the minority, the "co-operationists." Three of the minority leaders, seven in number, were from Huntsville: Nicholas Davis, Jeremiah Clemens, and David P. Lewis ; all of whom afterwards became doubtful of the fortunes of war and "went over to the enemy."
When the convention settled down to business, practically the only question presenting itself was, "How to secede?" The first resolution which was unanimously adopted was "that the
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people of Alabama would not submit to the administration of Lincoln and Hamlin."
Madison's delegates, like those from other North Alabama counties, opposed the majority and were styled "obstruction- ists." Among the most prominent of these was Davis, who threatened armed resistance by North Alabama to the measures adopted in the convention, and insisted on a submission of the measures to a popular vote, for ratification. Mr. Davis later changed his views, probably realizing that his former remarks were hasty and improvident, declaring that he and all North Alabama would cheerfully stand by the State in the coming conflict. Jeremiah Clemens was at first an "obstructionist," but later became less conciliatory toward the Union and opposed sending a commission to treat with the government at Wash- ington. Upon the secession of the State and the forming of the Republic of Alabama, Clemens was placed in command of its troops.
Huntsville and Madison county freely and without resent- ment accepted the will of the State, and busied themselves about making ready for the changed conditions. Loyalty to the "Republic of Alabama" was universal and pronounced, even on the part of all those leaders who had opposed unconditional secession.
After the adoption of the ordinances of secession, the leaders of the victorious majority stepped aside and handed over to the minority leaders, to a great extent, the reins of authority ; for the sake of harmony, entrusting to them the work of organizing the new government. Alabama sent nine delegates to the Pro- visional Congress, three of whom, R. H. Walker, David P. Lewis and Dr. Thomas Fearn, all anti-secessionists, were from Huntsville.
Following close upon the heels of these proceedings by the State, war with the North became imminent. So intense was the feeling that no middle ground could be occupied ; one was either for, or against the State and loyal to its interests.
There were to be found among the mountains of North Ala- bama and southern and eastern Tennessee, many "tories," parties afraid to declare themselves for either side. Usually they leant toward the side of power. So great did the disaffec- tion among the mountain people become that during the early part of 1861 a propaganda was put out, by them, for the form- ing of the free State of "Nick-a-Jack." The name chosen
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being that of an Indian village in Jackson county, Alabama.2 The tories promoting this scheme had as their object the estab- lishment of a new State to be carved out of Alabama and Ten- nessee, in much the same fashion as West Virginia was formed from Virginia by the tories and Union sympathizers of that State. The government was to be neutral, neither a member of the Confederacy nor of the Union ; a sort of city of refuge for themselves and other cowardly scamps. The plans met with no general support and failure resulted. Throughout the war and during Reconstruction this same breed of vultures preyed upon the people of this section. Vampires they were, gorging their lusts, passions, and prejudices.
CONDITIONS DURING THE WAR
Montgomery having been selected as the first capital of the Confederate States of America, all Alabama was astir with war-like preparations and activities. Huntsville became the seat of things generally for North Alabama. Here, during the early part of 1861, four thousand Confederate soldiers were stationed, awaiting supplies and equipment. They remained here several months before they could be armed for the field.3
4
Devotion and loyalty to the South's cause, and a firm belief that it was right and just in the eyes of God and man were manifest on all sides. The energies of the entire community were rendered in a supreme effort, continuing throughout the four years of bloodshed, to uphold the honor of the State and the South.
The women of the South, fittingly denominated the "Women of the Confederacy ;" from the first, gave untiringly, lavishly, and cheerfully of their very best for the success of the Confed- eracy. Their labors were consecrated upon the altars of love and devotion. Thrughout those four years of untold and inde- scribable hardships and privations, they suffered and endured, without murmur, as only women can suffer and endure. They yielded to the sword of the enemy, without protest and without reproach, their loved ones; and when the war was ended and their battle-scarred heroes returned home, foot-sore and weary, broken in health and spirit, these same noble women by their own heroic example of fortitude and unselfish devotion sus- tained them in their determination and endeavor to reclaim
2 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, Fleming, page 111.
3 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 80.
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their own, this beloved Southland, and save the shattered rem- nants of its glory and its grandeur from the rapacious maw of those goths and vandals, the Carpet-bagger and the Scalawag.
During the early years of the war there was organized at Huntsville a "Ladies' Humane Society," whose object was to make endurable the life of the Confederate soldier at the front. Every month throughout the war, this society sent large boxes of clothing and supplies, and tokens of love and affection, to the men in the ranks from North Alabama.4 Much, if not all, the clothing, including the uniform worn by the Confederate sol- diers from Huntsville, and throughout the entire South as well, were made by the hands of the women of the Confed- eracy. Verily did they sustain the armies of the Confederacy and make it possible to keep them in the field those awful four years.
Religious organizations at Huntsville contributed, both spir- itually and substantially, to the Confederate cause. When companies departed for the front, special religious services were held and divine blessings were invoked upon them and the Confederate States of America. Sectarianism was merged into a solidified Christian body and thus they labored throughout the war.
In the early part of 1861 the Episcopal, Methodist, Presby- terian and Cumberland Presbyterian Churches dismantled their spires of bells, and sent them to Holly Springs, Mississippi, where they were smelted and cast into cannon, to be known as the "Bell Battery of Huntsville." Though given to the Confederate States of America at such noble sacrifice, this bat- tery served only a very limited time, as it was captured by the Federals on April 11, 1862, in a raid on Huntsville.5
CONDITIONS RESULTING FROM FEDERAL RAID IN 1862
Huntsville did not fall into the hands of the Federals until April 11, 1862, when General O. M. Mitchell raided North Alabama.ยบ Probably the greatest destruction and loss of prop- erty, throughout all Alabama during the war was effected when the Federals took possession of Huntsville. Here they cap- tured and confiscated practically all the rolling stock of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, which had been collected
4 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 244.
5 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 224.
6 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 62.
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at Huntsville pending removal to a more secure place. This irreparable loss was caused through the treachery of a tele- graph operator. The railroad shops located here were com- pletely demolished. Upon evacuating Huntsville the Federals burned all bridges along the system throughout North Ala- bama, tore up the tracks, heated the rails and cured them around trees so as to render them unfit for further use, and burned and wrecked all other property belonging to the road. By the end of the war the company had lost all its tangible property, and in addition thereto $1,195,166.79 invested in se- curities of the Confederate States of America.7 A consider- able portion of this loss was upon the citizens of Huntsville and Madison county, who were heavy investers in the company. As a concomitant of this raid, many of Huntsville's most promi- nent and beloved citizens were made prisoners and taken North, as a sort of hostage, where they were confined. A Federal army post was established at Huntsville upon the withdrawal of the raiders.
As a result of this raid, conditions in and about Huntsville became very unsettled, being filled with explosive possibilities. This unrest was especially prevalent among the class known as "tories." Their inherent cowardice made of them a ready prey to their fears and apprehensions. In 1862 Clement Comer Clay stated, "Huntsville is the center of disaffection."
The community was filled with deserters from the Confed- erate ranks; some coming from the commissioned ranks. "tories," "renegades," and "traitors" abounded. These un- principled wastrels often acted as spies and aided and abetted the Federal troops in their carnival of pillage and outrage against the defenseless ones of the community. Much of the carnage and vandalism visited upon the community was at the hands of these dastardly wretches themselves, under the pro- tection or with the connivance of the federal troops. Many were the instances of murder, rapine and arson committed by these utlaws, under the guise of federal authority or while wearing the uniform of the federal soldier.8
From accounts of these despicable characters, it would seem that their lust for blood was oftentimes indulged just to make a "Roman holiday." One of the most atrocious of crimes on record occurred when "twenty federals or disguised tories, led
7 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 259.
8 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 117.
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by a tory from Madison county, killed an old man, his son, a nephew and his son and murdered a fifth person by throwing him into the Tennessee river. When he caught hold of the branches on the bank, they beat and shot him until dead." Death was the penalty paid by one enrolling men into the Con- federate ranks. One such officer was forced to wade into the river, where he was shot to death from the bank. Bloody vio- lence was done almost daily. Overseers who had concealed stock from the raiders were hung. A Confederate officer was robbed of several thousand dollars and then driven from the county.9
These marauding outlaws facetiously styled themselves "De- stroying Angels."10 Again, in 1863, Huntsville was invaded by federal troops under General Stanley. Large quantities of stores and supplies were seized and carried off. Other than this, however, no outrages were committed or violence inflicted upon the inhabitants.11
Not only were the inhabitants of the town and county ter- rorized and preyed upon by these vultures, but the merest detail of life and commercial activity was circumscribed by the martial law, enforced by the federal troops stationed at the army post here. All business was regulated and supervised at their sweet will; all stores and supplies were in their hands and at their mercy. Prices (to those loyal to the Confederacy) on all articles of clothing, and food were raised to heights hitherto unknown. Even the necessaries of life could be pur- chased only for cash with federal currency. The brutality of this last measure-whereby only federal currency was recog- nized as a medium of exchange-can scarcely be imagined, so broad and disastrous was its effect. The suffering and hard- ships produced thereby cannot be described. Suffice it to say, this measure served to make all things practically prohibitive to those loyal to the South. The people had no federal currency and little enough Confederate currency.
From time to time the officer in command at Huntsville established the charges to be made for articles of general use, as for example :
"Green tea,-poor quality,-per pound. $4.00
Common rough trousers, per pair. $13.00
9 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 119.
10 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 120.
11 Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, page 76.
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Boots, per pair.
$25.00 12$5.00-$12.00" Shoes, per pair.
After the establishment of the federal army post here in 1862 Colonel Horner was made provost-marshal at Huntsville. During his regime many outrages were perpetrated by him upon private citizens, non-combatants. He it was that sum- moned before him, as such marshal, Dr. Thos. Fearn, and Reverends Banister and Ross to answer certain questions pro- pounded by him; upon their refusal-the very thing he most desired-they were to be banished from the county. This, and many other such acts of wanton abuse were heaped upon the heads of the defenseless citizens at the suggestion and upon the advice of Jeremiah Clemens and Judge Lane, as history has already recorded.13
Under the supervision of the altruistic(?) government at the North, the federal troops in this vicinity confiscated the ele- gant home and properties of Ex-Governor Reuben Chapman, in 1863, to the use of a negro regiment, and banished Governer Chapman from the county, after confining him in prison for a time. The house was finally burned. Toward the latter part of the war and during the miserable years following thereafter, this plantation was used as a camp for refugee negroes. It is estimated that before August, 1864, several hundred negroes were received and there supported in profligate idleness by the federal government. Chaplain Stokes was in command of the Camp.14
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