A history of California and an extended history of its southern coast counties, also containing biographies of well-known citizens of the past and present, Volume I, Part 21

Author: Guinn, James Miller, 1834-1918
Publication date: 1907
Publisher: Los Angeles, Cal., Historic record company
Number of Pages: 1184

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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD.

in the corral of my quarters, which we at once cleared and mounted upon the axles of carts."

Serbulo Varela, a young man of some ability, but of a turbulent and reckless character, had been the leader at first, but as the uprising as- sumed the character of a revolution, Castro's old officers came to the front. Capt. José Maria Flores was chosen comandante-general; José Antonio Carrillo, major-general; and Andres Pico, comandante de escuadron. The main camp of the insurgents was located on the mesa, east of the river, at a place called Paredon Blanco (White Bluff).

On the 24th of September, from the camp at White Bluff, was issued the famous Pronun- ciamiento de Barelas y otros Californias contra Los Americanos (The Proclamation of Barelas and other Californians against the Americans). It was signed by Serbulo Varela (spelled Bare- las), Leonardo Cota and over three hundred others. Although this proclamation is gener- ally credited to Flores, there is no evidence to show that he had anything to do with framing it. He promulgated it over his signature Octo- ber I. It is probable that it was written by Varela and Cota. It has been the custom of American writers to sneer at this production as florid and bombastic. In fiery invective and fierce denunciation it is the equal of Patrick Henry's famous "Give me liberty or give me death!" Its recital of wrongs is brief, but to the point. "And shall we be capable of permit- ting ourselves to be subjugated and to accept in silence the heavy chains of slavery? Shall we lose the soil inherited from our fathers, which cost them so much blood? Shall we leave our families victims of the most barbarous servi- tude? Shall we wait to see our wives outraged, our innocent children beaten by American whips, our property sacked, our temples pro- faned, to drag out a life full of shame and dis- grace? No! a thousand times no! Compatriots, death rather than that! Who of you does not feel his heart beat and his blood boil on con- templating our situation? Who will be the Mexican that will not be indignant and rise in arms to destroy our oppressors? We believe there will be not one so vile and cowardly!"

Gillespie had left the government house (lo-

cated on what is now the site of the St. Charles Hotel) and taken a position on Fort Hill, where he had erected a temporary barricade of sacks filled with earth and had mounted his cannon there. The Americans had been summoned to surrender, but had refused. They were besieged by the Californians. There was but little firing between the combatants, an occasional sortie and a volley of rifle balls by the Americans when the Californians approached too near. The Californians were well mounted, but poorly armed, their weapons being principally muskets, shotguns, pistols, lances and riatas; while the Americans were armed with long-range rifles, of which the Californians had a wholesome dread. The fear of these arms and his cannon doubtless saved Gillespie and his men from capture.

On the 24th Gillespie dispatched a messenger to find Stockton at Monterey, or at San Fran- cisco if he had left Monterey, and apprise him of the perilous situation of the Americans at Los Angeles. Gillespie's dispatch bearer, John Brown, better known by his California nick- name, Juan Flaco or Lean John, made one of the most wonderful rides in history. Gillespie furnished Juan Flaco with a package of cigar- etees, the paper of each bearing the inscription, "Believe the bearer;" these were stampd with Gillespie's seal. Brown started from Los Angeles at 8 p. m., September 24, and claimed to have reached Yerba Buena at 8 p. m. of the 28th, a ride of six hundred and thirty miles in four days. This is incorrect. Colton, who was al- calde of Monterey at that time, notes Brown's arrival at that place on the evening of the 29th. Colton, in his "Three Years in California," says that Brown rode the whole distance (Los An- geles to Monterey) of four hundred and sixty miles in fifty-two hours, during which time he had not slept. His intelligence was for Com- modore Stockton and, in the nature of the case, was not committed to paper, except a few words rolled in a cigar fastened in his hair. But the commodore had sailed for San Francisco and it was necessary he should go one hundred and forty miles further. He was quite exhausted and was allowed to sleep three hours. Before day he was up and away on his journey. Gil-

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lespie, in a letter published in the Los Angeles Star, May 28, 1858, describing Juan Flaco's ride says: "Before sunrise of the 29th he was lying in the bushes at San Francisco, in front of the Congress frigate, waiting for the early market boat to come on shore, and he delivered my dispatches to Commodore Stockton before 7 o'clock."

In trying to steal through the picket line of the Mexicans at Los Angeles, he was discovered and pursued by a squad of them. A hot race ensued. Finding the enemy gaining on him he forced his horse to leap a wide ravine. A shot from one of his pursuers mortally wounded his horse, which, after running a short distance, fell dead. Flaco, carrying his spurs and riata, made his way on foot in the darkness to Las Virgines, a distance of twenty-seven miles. Here he se- cured another mount and again set off on his perilous journey. The trail over which Flaco held his way was not like "the road from Win- chester town, a good, broad highway leading down," but instead a Camino de heradura, bridle path, now winding up through rocky canons, skirting along the edge of precipitous cliffs, then zigzagging down chaparral covered mountains; now over the sands of the sea beach and again across long stretches of brown mesa, winding through narrow valleys and out onto the rolling hills-a trail as nature made it, unchanged by the hand of man. Such was the highway over which Flaco's steeds "stretched away with nt- most speed." Harassed and pursued by the enemy, facing death night and day, with scarcely a stop or a stay to eat or sleep, Juan Flaco rode six hundred miles.

"Of all the rides since the birth of time, Told in story or sung in rhyme, The fleetest ride that ever was sped,"

was Juan Flaco's ride from Los Angeles to San Francisco. Longfellow has immortalized the "Ride of Paul Revere," Robert Browning tells in stirring verse of the riders who brought the good news from Ghent to Aix, and Buchanan Read thrills us with the heroic measures of Sher- idan's Ride. No poet has sung of Juan Flaco's wonderful ride, fleeter, longer and more perilous than any of these. Flaco rode six hundred miles

through the enemy's country, to bring aid to a besieged garrison, while Revere and Jorris and Sheridan were in the country of friends or pro- tected by an army from enemies.

Gillespie's situation was growing more and more desperate each day. B. D. Wilson, who with a company of riflemen had been on an expedition against the Indians, had been ordered by Gillespie to join him. They reached the Chino ranch, where a fight took place between them and the Californians. Wilson's men being out of ammunition were compelled to sur- render. In the charge upon the adobe, where Wilson and his men had taken refuge, Carlos Ballestaros had been killed and several Cali- fornians wounded. This and Gillespie's stubborn resistance hadembittered the Californians against him and his men. The Chino prisoners had been saved from massacre after their surrender by the firmness and bravery of Varela. If Gillespie continued to hold the town his obstinacy might bring down the vengeance of the Californians not only upon him and his men, but upon many of the American residents of the south, who had favored their countrymen.

Finally Flores issued his ultimatum to the Americans, surrender within twenty-four hours or take the consequences of an onslaught by the Californians, which might result in the mas- sacre of the entire garrison. In the meantime he kept his cavalry deployed on the hills, com- pletely investing the Americans. Despairing of assistance from Stockton, on the advice of Wil- son, who had been permitted by Flores to inter- cede with Gillespie, articles of capitulation were drawn up and signed by Gillespie and the leaders of the Californians. On the 30tl of September the Americans marched out of the city with all the honors of war, drums beating, colors flying and two pieces of artillery mounted on carts drawn by oxen. They arrived at San Pedro without molestation and four or five days later embarked on the merchant ship Vandalia, which remained at anchor in the bay. Gillespie in his march was accompanied by a few of the American residents and probably a dozen of the Chino prisoners, who had been exchanged for the same number of Californians, whom he had held under arrest most likely as hostages.

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Gillespie took two cannon with him when he evacuated the city, leaving two spiked and broken on Fort Hill. There seems to have been a pro- viso in the articles of capitulation requiring him

to deliver the guns to Flores on reaching the embarcadero. If there was such a stipulation Gil- lespie violated it. He spiked the guns, broke off the trunnions and rolled one of them into the bay.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE DEFEAT AND RETREAT OF MERVINE'S MEN.

T HE revolt of the Californians at Los An- geles was followed by similar uprisings in the different centers of population where American garrisons were stationed. Upon the receipt of Gillespie's message Commodore Stockton ordered Captain Mervine to proceed at once to San Pedro to regain, if possible, the lost territory. Juan Flaco had delivered his message to Stockton on September 30. Early on the morning of October Ist, Captain Mer- vine got under way for San Pedro. "He went ashore at Sausalito," says Gillespie, "on some trivial excuse, and a dense fog coming on he was compelled to remain there until the 4th."

Of the notable events occurring during the conquest of California there are few others of which there are so contradictory accounts as that known as the battle of Dominguez Ranch, where Mervine was defeated and compelled to re- treat to San Pedro. Historians differ widely in the number engaged and in the number killed. . The following account of Mervine's expedition I take from a log book kept by Midshipman and Acting-Lieut. Robert C. Duvall of the Savannalı. He commanded a company during the battle. This book was donated to the Historical So- ciety of Southern California by Dr. J. E. Cowles of Los Angeles, a nephew of Lieutenant Duvall. The account given by Lieutenant Duvall is one of the fullest and most accurate in existence.

"At 9.30 a. m." (October 1, 1846), says Lieu- tenant Duvall, "we commenced working out of the harbor of San Francisco on the ebb tide. The ship anchored at Sausalito, where, on ac- count of a dense fog, it remained until the 4th, when it put to sea. On the 7th the ship entered the harbor of San Pedro. At 6:30 p. m., as we

were standing in for anchorage, we made out the American merchant ship Vandalia, having on her decks a body of men. On passing she saluted with two guns, which was repeated with three cheers, which we returned. * * Brevet Capt. Archibald Gillespie came on board and reported that he had evacuated the Pueblo de Los Angeles on account of the overpowering force of the enemy and had retired with his men on board the Vandalia after having spiked his guns, one of which he threw into the water. He also reported that the whole of California below the pueblo had risen in arms against our authorities, headed by Flores, a Mexican cap- tain on furlough in this country, who had but a few days ago given his parole of honor not to take up arms against the United States. We made preparations to land a force to march to the pueblo at daylight.

"October 8, at 6 a. m., all the boats left the ship for the purpose of landing the forces, num- bering in all two hundred and ninety-nine men, including the volunteers under command of Cap- tain Gillespie. At 6:30 all were landed without opposition, the enemy in small detachments re- treating toward the pueblo. From their move- ments we apprehended that their whole force was near. Captain Mervine sent on board ship for a reinforcement of eighty men, under con- mand of Lieut. R. B. Hitchcock. At 8 a. m. the several companies, all under command of Capt William Mervine, took up the line of march for the purpose of retaking the pueblo. The enemy retreated as our forces advanced. (On landing, William A. Smith, first cabin boy, was killed by the accidental discharge of a Colt's pistol.) The reinforcements under the com-

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mand of Lieut. R. B. Hitchcock returned on board ship. For the first four miles our march was through hills and ravines, which the enemy might have taken advantage of, but preferred to occupy as spectators only, until our approach. A few shots from our flankers (who were the volunteer riflemen) would start them off; they returned the compliment before going. The remainder of our march was performed over a continuous plain overgrown with wild mustard, rising in places to six or eight feet in height. The ground was excessively dry, the clouds of dust were suffocating and there was not a breath of wind in motion. There was no water on our line of march for ten or twelve miles and we suffered greatly from thirst.

"At 2:30 p. m. we reached our camping ground. The enemy appeared in considerable numbers. Their numbers continued to increase until sundown, when they formed on a hill near "Finding it impossible to capture the gun, the retreat was sounded. The captain consulted with his officers on the best steps to be taken. It was decided unanimously to return on board ship. To continue the march would sacrifice a number of lives to no purpose, for, admitting we could have reached the pueblo, all com- munications would be cut off with the ship, and we would further be constantly annoyed by their artillery without the least chance of capturing it. It was reported that the enemy were be- tween five and six hundred strong at the city and it was thought he had more artillery. On ahead of us. us, gradually inclining towards our camp. They were admirably formed for a cavalry charge. We drew up our forces to meet them, but find- ing they were disposed to remain stationary, the marines, under command of Captain Mars- ton, the Colt's riflemen, under command of Lieut. I. B. Carter and myself, and the volun- teers, under command of Capt. A. Gillespie, were ordered to charge on them, which we did. They stood their ground until our shots commenced 'telling' on them, when they took to flight in every direction. They continued to annoy us by firing into our camp through the night. About 2 . retreating they got the gun planted on a hill a. m. they brought a piece of artillery and fired into our camp, the shot striking the ground near us. The marines, riflemen and volunteers were sent in pursuit of the gun, but could see or hear nothing of it.

"We left our camp the next morning at 6 o'clock. Our plan of march was in column by platoon. We had not proceeded far before the enemy appeared before us drawn up on each side of the road, mounted on fine horses, each man armed with a lance and carbine. They also had a field piece (a four-pounder), to which were hitched eight or ten horses, placed on the road ahead of us.

"Captain Mervine, thinking it was the enemy's intention to throw us into confusion by using

their gun on us loaded with round shot and copper grape shot and then charge us with their cavalry, ordered us to form a square-which was the order of march throughout the battle. When within about four hundred yards of them the enemy opened on us with their artillery. We made frequent charges, driving them before us, and at one time causing them to leave some of their cannon balls and cartridges; but owing to the rapidity with which they could carry off the gun, using their lassos on every part, en- abled them to choose their own distance, en- tirely out of all range of our muskets. Their horsemen kept out of danger, apparently con- tent to let the gun do the fighting. They kept up a constant fire with their carbines, but these did no harm. The enemy numbered between one hundred and seventy-five and two hundred strong.

"The captain made us an address, saying to the troops that it was his intention to march straight ahead in the same orderly manner in which we had advanced, and that sooner than he would surrender to such an enemy, he would sacrifice himself and every other man in liis command. The enemy fired into us four times on the retreat, the fourth shot falling short, the report of the gun indicating a small quantity of powder, after which they remained stationary and manifested no further disposition to molest 11s. We proceeded quietly on our march to the landing, where we found a body of men under command of Lieutenant Hitchcock with two nine-pounder cannon gotten from the Vandalia

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to render us assistance in case we should need it.

"We presented truly a pitiable condition, many being barely able to drag one foot after the other from excessive fatigue, having gone through the exertions and excitement in battle and afterwards performing a march of eighteen or twenty miles without rest. This is the first battle I have ever been engaged in, and, having taken particular notice of those around me, I can assert that no men could have acted more bravely. Even when their shipmates were fall- ing by their sides, I saw but one impulse and that was to push forward, and when retreat was ordered I noticed a general reluctance to turn their backs to the enemy.

"The following is a list of the killed and wounded: Michael Hoey, ordinary seaman, killed; David Johnson, ordinary seaman, killed; William H. Berry, ordinary seaman, mortally wounded; Charles Sommers, musician, mortally wounded; John Tyre, seaman, severely wounded; John Anderson, seaman, severely wounded; recovery doubtful. The following- named were slightly wounded: William Con- land, marine; Hiram Rockvill, marine; H. Lin- land, marine; James Smith, marine.

"On the following morning we buried the bodies of William A. Smith, Charles Sommers, David Johnson and Michael Hoey on an island in the harbor.

"At II a. m. the captain called a council of commissioned officers regarding the proper course to adopt in the present crisis, which de- cided that no force should be landed, and that the ship remain here until further orders from the commodore, who is daily expected."

Entry in the log for Sunday, IIth: "William H. Berry, ordinary seaman, departed this life from the effect of wounds received in battle. Sent his body for interment to Dead Man's Island, so named by us. Mustered the com- mand at quarters, after which performed divine service."

From this account it will be seen that the number killed and died of wounds received in battle was four; number wounded six, and one accidentally killed before the battle. On October 22d, Henry Lewis died and was buried on the island. Lewis' name does not appear in the list

of wounded. It is presumable that he died of disease. Six of the crew of the Savannah were buried on Dead Man's Island, four of whom were killed in battle. Lieutenant Duvall gives the following list of the officers in the "Expedi- tion on the march to retake Pueblo de Los An- geles:" Capt. William Mervine, commanding; Capt. Ward Marston, commanding marines; Brevet Capt. A. H. Gillespie, commanding vol- unteers; Lieut. Henry W. Queen, adjutant; Lieut. B. F. Pinckney, commanding first com- pany; Lieut. W. Rinckindoff, commanding sec- ond company; Lieut. I. B. Carter, Colt's rifle- men; Midshipman R. D. Minor, acting lieuten- ant second company; Midshipman S. P. Griffin, acting lieutenant first company ; Midshipman P. G. Walmough, acting lieutenant second com- pany; Midshipman R. C. Duvall, acting lieuten- ant Colt's riflemen; Captain Clark and Captain Goodsall, commanding pikemen; Lieutenant Hiensley, first lieutenant volunteers; Lieutenant Russeau, second lieutenant volunteers.

The piece of artillery that did such deadly execution on the Americans was the famous Old Woman's gun. It was a bronze four-pounder, or pedréro (swivel-gun) that for a number of years had stood on the plaza in front of the. church, and was used for firing salutes on feast days and other occasions. When on the approach of Stockton's and Fremont's forces Castro aban- doned his artillery and fled, an old lady, Dona Clara Cota de Reyes, declared that the gringos should not have the church's gun; so, with the assistance of her daughters, she buried it in a cane patch near her residence, which stood on the east side of Alameda street, near First. When the Californians revolted against Gil- lespie's rule the gun was unearthed and used against him. The Historical Society of South- ern California has in its possession a brass grapeshot, one of a charge that was fired into the face of Fort Hill at Gillespie's men when they were posted on the hill. This gun was in the exhibit of trophies at the New Orleans Ex- position in 1885. The label on it read: "Trophy 53. No. 63. Class 7. Used by Mexico against the United States at the battle of Dominguez' Ranch, October 9, 1846; at San Gabriel and the Mesa, January 8 and 9, 1847; used by the United

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States forces against Mexico at Mazatlan, No- vember II, 1847; Urios (crew all killed or wounded), Palos Prietos, December 13, 1847, and Lower California, at San José, February 15, 1848."

Before the battle the old gun had been mounted on forward axle of a Jersey wagon, which a man by the name of Hunt had brought across the plains the year before. It was lashed to the axle by means of rawhide thongs, and was drawn by riatas, as described by Lieutenant Duvall. The range was obtained by raising or lowering the pole of the wagon. Ignacio Aguilar acted as gunner, and having neither lanyard or pent-stock to fire it, he touched off the gun with the lighted end of a cigarette. Never before or since, perhaps, was a battle won with such crude artillery. José Antonio Carrillo was in com- mand of the Californians. During the skirmish- ing of the first day he had between eighty and ninety men. During the night of the 8th Flores joined him with a force of sixty men. Next morning Flores returned to Los Angeles, taking with him twenty men. Carrillo's force in the battle numbered about one hundred and twenty men. Had Mervine known that the Californians had fired their last shot (their powder being ex- hausted) he could have pushed on and captured the pueblo.

The expulsion of Gillespie's garrison from Los Angeles and the defeat of Mervine's force raised the spirits of the Californians, and there was great rejoicing at the pueblo. Detachments of Flores' army were kept at Sepulveda's rancho, the Palos Verdes, and at Temple's rancho of the Cerritos, to watch the Savannah and report any attempt at landing. The leaders of the revolt were not so sanguine of success as the rank and file. They were without means to procure arms and supplies. There was a scarcity of ammuni- tion, too. An inferior article of gunpowder was manufactured in limited quantities at San Gabriel. The only uniformity in weapons was in lances. These were rough, home-made af- fairs, the blade beaten out of a rasp or file, and the shaft a willow pole about eight feet long. These weapons were formidable in a charge against infantry, but easily parried by a swords- man in a cavalry charge.

After the defeat of Mervine, Flores set about reorganizing the territorial government. He called together the departmental assembly. It met at the capital (Los Angeles) October 26th. The members present, Figueroa, Botello, Guerra and Olvera, were all from the south. The as- sembly decided to fill the place of governor, vacated by Pico, and that of comandante-gen- eral, left vacant by the flight of Castro.

José Maria Flores, who was now recognized as the leader of the revolt against American rule, was chosen to fill both offices, and the two of- fices, as had formerly been the custom, were united in one person. He chose Narciso Bo- tello for his secretary. Flores, who was Mex- ican born, was an intelligent and patriotic officer. He used every means in his power to prepare his forces for the coming conflict with the Americans, but with little success. The old jealousy of the hijos del pais against the Mex- ican would crop out, and it neutralized his efforts. There were bickerings and complaints in the ranks and among the officers. The na- tives claimed that a Californian ought to be chief in command.

The feeling of jealousy against Flores at length culminated in open revolt. Flores had decided to send the prisoners taken at the Chino fight to Mexico. His object was twofold-first, to enhance his own glory with the Mexican government, and, secondly, by showing what the Californians had already accomplished to obtain aid in the coming conflict. As most of these men were married to California wives, and by marriage related to many of the leading California families of the south, there was at once a family uproar and fierce denunciations of Flores. But as the Chino prisoners were foreigners, and had been taken while fighting against the Mexican government, it was neces- sary to disguise the hostility to Flores under some other pretext. He was charged with the design of running away to Sonora with the pub- lic funds. On the night of December 3, Francisco Rico, at the head of a party of Californians, took possession of the cuartel, or guard house, and arrested Flores. A special session of the as- sembly was called to investigate the charges.

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A history of California and an extended history of its southern coast counties, also containing biographies of well-known citizens of the past and present, Volume I, Part 21

Author: Guinn, James Miller, 1834-1918 Publication date: 1907 Publisher: Los Angeles, Cal., Historic record company Number of Pages: 1184

Author: Guinn, James Miller, 1834-1918
Publication date: 1907
Publisher: Los Angeles, Cal., Historic record company
Number of Pages: 1184