History of the diocese of Hartford, Part 9

Author: O'Donnell, James H
Publication date: 1900
Publisher: Boston : D.H. Hurd Co.
Number of Pages: 580

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In 1786 the number of French residents in New London must have been 1 Caulkins' " History of New London."

DIOCESE OF HARTFORD.

considerable, as in that year Phillip de Jean was appointed by the French Government naval agent at that port. He remained for about eight years, when he was transferred to San Domingo. Other names that appear in New London about this time are Badet, Bocage, Bourean, Constant, Dupignac, Durivage, Girard, La Borde, La Roche, Laurence, Laboissiere, Mallet, Montenot, Berean, Poulin, Renouf, Rigault and Rouget.1 .

However, not all the French residents' of New London were from France. They came in great numbers from San Domingo, driven thence by an internal warfare that fiercely raged between the whites, blacks and mulattoes from 1791 to the end of the century-a struggle that "may well be characterized as the most vindictive on record, a struggle which, before the close of the eighteenth century, led to the extermination of the once dominant Europeans, and the independence of the .colored insurgents." During these years of riot, insurrection, and bloodshed, a steady stream of exiles flowed into New London. They were of every age, class and

condition, and all were Catholics. After the destruction of Cape Fran- cois 2 in 1793, a number of French refugees were landed at New London from the brig "Sally," Captain Tryon commanding. Later in the same year thirty-four more arrived in the brig "Prudence. " 3 Among the hap- less exiles to reach New London was an abbess of a Convent in Cape Francois.

The residents of New London received these homeless wanderers with unbounded hospitality. Their sufferings and trials, the loss of their worldly possessions appealed strongly to the charity of their hosts. Public inns and private dwellings became their homes, though many of the refugees had nothing wherewith to make recompense. This generous welcome com- pensated in a measure for the cruel hardships they had endured. Captivated by the hospitality lavished upon them, many settled among their benefactors and established permanent homes. Others wandered here and there through the State, weary, heart-broken and penniless, in the endeavor to stifle the memory of their misfortunes.

The unfortunate exiles from San Domingo deserved a better fate. They were a virtuous people, peaceable, industrious, grateful and devotedly attached to their faith. Like their co-religionists, the Acadians, who also suffered the hardships and cruelties attendant upon compulsory exile, their hearts aclied for home, for scenes upon which their eyes would never more rest. They were accompanied by devoted priests, who shared the anguish of their souls. One of these faithful shepherds was the Rev. Mons. Cibot, Superior-General 4 of the clergy of San Domingo. On August 4, 1793, he preached a sermon

1 " Hist. of New London."

? Now Cape Haytien ; nearly seven-eigliths of the town was destroyed.

$ Conn. Gazette, July and August, 1793 .- In 1791 the Marquis Bragelogue with his wife and family and a retinue of seventeen servants arrived at New London. Conn. Gazette .- It is estimated tliat in 1793, 40,000 whites fled from San Domingo to escape the fury of the blacks ; many of them landed at the various ports of the United States.

4 Conn. Courant, September 2, 1793. More likely, Vicar-General.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.

at Baltimore,1 in which he gave fervent and eloquent expression to the feel- ings of gratitude that welled up in his heart. After saying that their own sins had drawn upon them their sufferings, he continued : "It is painful to you, perhaps, to hear me speak these truths in a foreign land and in the midst of a people, mild, affable, generous and beneficent, who compassionate your sufferings and try to erase the memory of them from your minds, and have succeeded, at least, in softening their rigor by their generous and unanimous consent in affording you relief. Oh! worthy and generous inhabitants of Baltimore! Oh ! all you who dwell on this continent ! Oh ! our brothers and benefactors ! may this heroical act of benevolence be told and proclaimed amidst all nations of both hemispheres."

The names of Don Manuel de Valladores, Don Francisco Xavier de Arriola, Don Juan de Campderros and Don Gabriel Sistera bear witness to their owners' nationality and religion. They were residents of New London in 1773 and later.2 Sistera was naturalized in 1773, and became a subject of the King of Great Britain. To do so it was necessary for him to renounce the Pope and deny the Real Presence of Christ in the Blessed Eucharist. He was obliged to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, the declaration against "Popery " and the oath of abjuration. The record is as follows :3

" An Act for the Naturalization of Don Gabriel Sistera. May, 1773.4

" Whereas Don Gabriel Sistera, a native of Barcelona in the Kingdom of Spain, now resident in New London, hath by his petition preferred to this Assembly, prayed to be admitted to the privileges of his Majesty's subjects within this colony ; therefore

" Be it enacted by the Governor, Council and Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, That the said Gabriel Sistera, having taken the oaths of allegiance, supremacy and abjuration by law appointed, be, and he is hereby declared to be naturalized and entitled to all the privileges, immunities and advantages of his Majesty's English subjects born within this colony, as fully and effectually, to all intents, construction and purposes whatsoever, as though he, said Gabriel Sistera, had been born within the dominions of and subject to the King of Great Britain ; excepting only such privileges and immunities as by law are not competent to foreigners who have been or are naturalized."

Gabriel Sistera was a sea captain, and carried on an extensive trade between Spanish ports, New London and the West Indies. He came to New London from Barcelona in 1771 with his son Gabriel. One of his descendants, Charles Sistera, was graduated from Trinity College, Hartford, in 1848, while another, Joseph C. Sistera, was among the first to find a resting place in Cedar Grove cemetery, New London, November 23, 1851.5

1 On the 9th of July, 1793, fifty-three vessels arrived at the port of Baltimore, carry- ing about 1,000 whites and 500 inulattoes from San Domingo. "Beside the emigration from France, a very large number of the most respectable inhabitants of San Domingo, flying from the massacre of 1793, found refuge at Baltimore. Many of these refugees were endowed with eminent piety."-DeCourcey-Shea's "History."

2 " Pub. Rec. of Conn.," Vol. XIII., p. 655.

3 See page 22 for these oaths.

4 Ibid., Vol. XIV., p. 94.

5 " Hist. of New London."

DIOCESE OF HARTFORD.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE ACADIANS IN CONNECTICUT.

E come now to the saddest page in the history of early Catholicity in Connecticut. We are to follow the footsteps of the exiled Acadians in their sorrowful wanderings from their peaceful and happy homes in Nova Scotia to the shores of Connecticut, where, by legislative enactment, they were distributed throughout the State. The sufferings endured by this kindly, industrious and religious people vividly recall the persecution of their coreligionists in Ireland by the same despotic power. Seven thousand Aca- dians were scattered along the coast from New Hampshire to Georgia. Of this number, four hundred reached Connecticut. In ruthlessly expelling these unfortunate people from their homes and forcibly transporting them into exile, the British Government maintained its reputation for severity when dealing with its Catholic subjects. Its hostility to the Catholic religion led it to perpetrate crimes from which humanity recoils, not the least of which was the expulsion of the French Neutrals and the barbarous destruction of their churches, harvests and homes.

What wrong had these people done, what crime had they committed, that they should be visited with such appalling chastisements? Were they rebel- lious, disloyal ? Had the odious charge of treason to the crown been proved against them ? No; the impartial, justice-loving historian, will bring no such accusation against the inhabitants of Acadia. In British hate and avarice will be found the reasons for the inception and execution of a scheme, whichi unbiased witnesses declare to have no parallel in the annals of the world. It is true, that those who were directly interested in bringing about the expul- sion of the Acadians accused them of refusing to take the oath of allegiance to George II., but we shall see that their refusal was justifiable. "Nothing," says Garneau, "could tempt the honorable minds of Acadians to take an oath of fealty to aliens, repugnant to their consciences; an oath which it was and is the opinion of inany Britain had no right to exact. The Acadians were not British subjects, for they had not sworn fidelity ; therefore they were not liable to be treated as rebels ; neither ought they to be considered prisoners of war, or rightly be transportable to France, since, during half a century, they had been left in possession of their lands on the simple condition of remaining neutral. But numerous adventurers, greedy incomers, looked upon their fair farms with covetous eyes. Smoldering cupidity soon burst into flame. Rea- sons of state polity were soon called in to justify thic total expulsion of the Acadians from Nova Scotia. Although the far greater number of thein liad done no act which could be construed into a breach of neutrality, yet, in the horrible catastrophe preparing for them, the innocent and the guilty were to be involved in a con1111011 perdition."

The charge of disloyalty brought against the Acadians has not beci1 s11s-

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.

tained. They were Neutrals in fact as well as in name. It is true, that when Verger, who was in command of Fort Beausejour, was hard pressed by Lieu- tenant-Colonel Winslow, he called upon the Acadians for reinforcements, and that three hundred went to his assistance under penalty of death if they refused. But when the fort surrendered to the British these were pardoned. They had fought the British under compulsion; in fact, some of them had deserted, while others had pleaded in vain for permission to lay down their arms. At the surrender it was "stipulated," says Minot, "that they should be left in the same situation that they were in when the army arrived, and not be punished for what they had done afterwards." The most violent enemy of the Acadians cannot adduce another instance of their taking up arms against the Britishi. Why, then, were 15,000 people made to suffer the most barbarous treatment because three hundred of them were compelled to engage in conduct disloyal to the government? Was it a reason sufficient to justify the wholesale banishment of thousands? Why punish an entire nation for an offence committed by some, and which, committed under duress, had been condoned? The reason must be souglit elsewhere than in the disloyalty of the Acadians. They were not conspirators. They had no grievance against the British crown. In 1742, nearly thirty years after the treaty of Utrecht, which ceded Acadia to England, Governor Mascarene wrote to the Duke of Newcastle that, "The frequent rumors we have had of war being declared against France liave not as yet made any alteration in the temper of the inhabitants of the Province, who appear in a good disposition of keeping to their oath of Fidelity." In a letter to the Lords of Trade, Governor Law- rence wrote : "I believe that a very large part of the inhabitants would sub- mit to any terms rather than take up arms on either side."

When the English government determined upon the deportation of the Acadians, it resolved to make their expulsion as thorough as possible. To deport thein to Canada was to transfer them among a people of kindred la11- guage, religion and sympathies ; moreover, the addition of 7,000 persons to the population would have added to its military strength. Furthermore, the English professed to believe that as Canada had no cleared lands to distribute among them they might take up arms against Nova Scotia and other English colonies. "After mature consideration it was unanimously agreed that to prevent as much as possible their attempting to return and inolest the settlers that may be set down on their lands, it would be inost proper to send them to be distributed among the smaller colonies on the Continent, and that a suffi- cient number of vessels should be hired with all possible expedition for that purpose."

The transports were quickly obtained and orders were given them to assemble in the Basin of Minas and in Annapolis Basin. The vessels whose rendezvous was in the Basin of Minas were to transport to North Carolina 500 persons, to Virginia 1000, and to Maryland 500, "or in proportion, if the number to be shipped off should exceed two thousand persons." The trans- ports in Annapolis Basin were ordered to carry 300 persons to Philadelphia, 200 to New York, to Connecticut 300, and to Boston 200, "or rather more in

DIOCESE OF HARTFORD.

proportion to Connecticut, should the number to be shipped off exceed one thousand persons." 1

The masters of the vessels were strictly enjoined to be "careful and watchful " during the whole voyage, lest the exiles attempt to seize the ships. To prevent this they were to permit only a small number on deck at a time. Moreover, they were to be "particularly careful" that the prisoners carried on board with them "no arms nor other offensive weapons." "You will use," continues Governor Lawrence in his Instructions, "all the means proper and necessary for collecting the people together so as to get them on board. If you find that fair ineans will not do with them, you must proceed by the most vigorous measures possible, not only in compelling them to embark, but in depriving those who shall escape of all means of shelter and support, by burning their houses and destroying everything that may afford them a means of subsistence in the country." 2

The Governor's instructions were literally obeyed. The unsuspecting Acadians were lured to the parish church at Grand Pré to the number of 1,293 souls. "The church," says Smith,3 " was a large edifice, sufficient for the needs of that extensive parish. It was sacred to the hearts of this simple people; it was the place where, at the stated gatherings of the populace, the venerable Father La Blanc was wont to break to them the bread of life: it was the scene of their christenings, the solemnization of their marriages, and above all, hallowed by the recollections of the last rites in memory of deceased loved ones.''

Gathered within the sacred precincts they listened to no discourse from the lips of their venerable father and pastor, but heard instead from Colonel Winslow the astounding declaration that they were the King's prisoners. What a cruel sentence to pronounce in the house of the God of Mercy ! What a mockery of justice it all was! Some, more courageous than others, made a bold dash for liberty, but from their liding places soon saw the flames devouring their homes. At Cumberland the terrified people, overcome with despair, took refuge in flight. Two hundred and fifty-three homes there were reduced to ashes, and the entire harvest, the fruit of months of patient indus- try, was ruthlessly destroyed. "In the district of Minas alone," says Hali- burton, "there were 255 houses, 276 barns, 155 out-houses, II mills and one church destroyed. The people were so paralyzed at such wholesale destruc- tion that they appeared quite resigned. .... Their resignation, however, was the resignation of despair ; and when, on the 10th of September, they were driven on board the transports, nature found relief in loud lamentations at their fate." "I know not," says Bancroft, " if the annals of the human race keep the record of sorrow so wantonly inflicted, so bitter and so perennial as fell upon the French inhabitants of Acadia." "We have been true," said the broken-hearted exiles, "to our religion, and true to ourselves ; yet nature appears to consider us only as the objects of public vengeance."

1 " Nova Scotia Archives," p. 274. 2 " Nova Scotia Archives," p. 276. 3 " Hist. of Acadia."

II-5

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.

We shall now trace, as far as existing records will permit, the wanderings of the unfortunate exiles who were consigned to Connecticut.

Five months before their arrival at the port of New London, intimation of their contemplated expulsion reached the Colony. Remote preparations were begun for their reception and distribution. In October, 1755, the Gen- eral Assembly at New Haven enacted the following:

"Whereas, public measures appear to be taking for evacuating the Province of Nova Scotia of its French inhabitants, and removing or dispersing them to other places. more consistent with the safety of his Majesty's American dominions,

" Resolved by this Assembly, That if, in pursuance of such design, any of them hap- pen to be brought into any place in this colony with expectation of being received and cared for, his Honour the Governor is desired on such their arrival, to issue forth such orders for their being received, taken care of and disposed of, in such place or places in this government and under such circumstances, as may be judged most expedient, or otherwise for their removal elsewhere having regard to such order or authority as may attend their conveyance hither." 1

On January 21, 1756, three hundred Acadians were landed at New Lon- don. On May 22, another transport arrived at the same port, after a long and tempestuous experience, with many liapless exiles sick and dying of the smallpox. What was now to be done for these four hundred luckless victims of British avarice and bigotry ? What measures were to be taken for their maintenance and distribution, for it was felt that so large a number would become a burden upon the Colony ? Stripped of their worldly pos- sessions, they were now paupers among strangers, the wards of a people for- eign in race, religion, language and customs, a people who had little sym- pathy with their devotion and loyalty to the ancient faith. "The exiles were anything but welcome in New England," says Palfrey. "Their support was an uninvited burden, and their presence, by reason of national and religious animosity, was a vexation and offence."

Though unwelcome guests, the General Assembly of Connecticut gave evidence of its desire to provide for the maintenance of its hapless charges. The conduct of Connecticut in dealing with the exiles was in marked con- trast with the cold, cheerless and unchristian methods adopted by Massachu- setts.

At its session in January, 1756, the General Assembly at New Haven passed :

"An Act for distributing and well ordering the French People sent into this Colony from Nova Scotia, as follows : 2

"Whereas, there is a number of French people sent by Governour Lawrence into this Colony, and more daily expected, to be disposed of here, supposed to be about four hun- dred in the whole,

" It is therefore resolved and enacted by this Assembly, That a committee be ap- pointed, and Hezekiah Huntington, Gourdon Saltonstall, Christopher Avery and Py- gan Adams, Esqrs., or any three of them, are hereby appointed a committee to receive

1 " Col. Rec. of Conn.," Vol. X., p. 425. 2 " Col. Rec. of Conn." Vol X., pp. 452-453.

DIOCESE OF HARTFORD.

said people and distribute them in the towns hereafter mentioned, in the following manner, viz. : 1

In New London .. 12 In Wallingford. 12

In Hebron. 5 In Voluntown ...... 3

Groton .. 8 Woodbury. 9 Suffield ... 5 Weathersfield .. 9

Saybrook 7 Norwalk. I2 New Haven .19 Farmington ..... 14

Lebanon I2 Danbury 6 Milford.

9 East Haddam .. 6

Pomfret. 6 Norwich 19

Durham 4

Bolton

Plainfield. 4 Preston .. 6

Fairfield. 17

Enfield 3

Hartford. I3 Killingsworth 4 Stanford 9

Guilford. II

Middleton 16 Coventry 5

Newton 4

Derby 4

Tolland 3 Killingly 8 Stonington II

Colchester 7 Canterbury 5 Lyme. 8

Symsbury 6 Windsor .13

Windham 8 Greenwich 6

Ashford 3 Glassenbury 4

Mansfield 5

Branford. 8

Haddam. 3

Woodstock 6

" And the selectmen of each of said towns are hereby directed and required to re- ceive of said committee the number set to such town as above, or as near as may be a like proportion of the whole number, whether greater or less, and with the advice of the civil authority in such town to take care of, manage and support them as tho' they were inhabitants of such town, according to the laws of this Colony. And if said committee shall judge that any of said French people by reason of age, sickness, etc., shall be unable to travel, or cannot be conveyed from the town where they are or in1ay be landed, that in such case said committee shall provide for and support such aged, sick or otherwise in- firm persons, at the charge of the Colony.

" And, to prevent such French people making their escape out of this Colony,

" It is resolved and enacted, That none of them be allowed to depart out of the respec- tive towns where they belong without a writing under the hand of some of the civil authority of such town allowing of such departure. And if any of said French shall be found in any other town than that in which they were ordered to dwell, without liberty in writing as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the civil authority where such persons shall be found, to confine such persons until upon examination it can be known from what town they departed, and when known, to convey them back from constable to con- stable to tlie towns where they belong, there to be confin'd and not suffered any more to depart without liberty as aforesaid. And said committee are hereby directed to take care in distributing said people, that no one family of them be separated and sent into two or more towns."

The expenses incidental to the support of the French exiles, from their arrival at New London till they had reached their respective destinations, were borne by the Colony, as provided by an act of the General Assembly February, 1756, viz .:

" Resolved by this Assembly, That such accounts of expence and charge as have been occasioned by the distributing the Neutral French and providing for their support till they were conveyed to the respective towns to which they were assigned, be laid before the Committee of the Pay-Table, who are liereby directed to adjust the same and give orders on the Treasurer accordingly." 1

1 " Colonial Records of Conn.," vol. X., p. 461.

Waterbury 6

Stratford 14

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND.

Colony of Connecticutt for sundry Charges on the French People brot. from Nova Scotia pr Capt. Rockwell, & distributed in this Colony by order of General Assemblye To G. Saltonstall Dr1

1756

£. S. D.

Jany. 28th. To 56 1b Rice 9/4-I Cordwood out of yard 8 / 4 .. E I7 8

paid Shaw for I bb. fresh beef unsalted. 13 4

Muton 8/II I /4-ditto 6/7-Cabages 4/2. 19 84

3 10 814

To 2 Tierces bread deld Capt. Rockwell

I ditto = Peter Haris 9 0 I @ 18/6 ... 8 6 8

3 ditto - Tinker & Lester

the 6 Tierces ...... @, 2/6. 15

3 barels Beef dd. Tinker & Lester bound up Connecticut River ...... @ 3/ pr .. 5 5

4 bushels Beans deld. Tinker & Lester @, 4/ 16

Feby. 12. To Cash paid Tailor & Daniels, transporting 7 French persons, & their bagage to Colchester in 2 Carts, some being Sick, & travel Charges, per accot .. 2 5 2

March 6. To Cash pd. Tinker, hire of Sloop Hanah from Feby. I, to 25th. Inclusive, 26 days (@, 8/4 pr Ton pr month, being 30 Ton, the owner victualg & maning ... 12 IO paid Ditto for Sloop Dove (Capt. Lester) from 3d Feby. to 20th Inclusive 18 days @ 8/4 pr Ton pr month being 20 ton 5 1 15 I 8 914

1,300 bread he bout. of Wylys & Co. at Middletown @, 20/ 9112 1b Porke he bout. @, 372d 26/814 12 bus. beans @ 2/ I

41 12 374

To days time 2d, 3, 4, 5, Feby. in distributg. the French, & makg. out the Rule. I 80

a Journey to Norwich on rect. of Govr. Fitch's orders to Confer with the Comte. 0 76

postage Gov Lette 6d.

43 7 914

To my Commissions. .......

O IO

£43 17 914 New London March 11th, 1756. G. SALTONSTALL

Errors Excepted.

Colony of Connecticutt for Sundry Charges on the French People Brot into this Colony per Capt Rockwell & Distributed pr order order of the General Assembly To Hez. Huntington Dtr

To 4 Days Spent at New London @ 7/ .€

I 8 0 To Capt. Peter Harrisses Bill Transporting I 8

107 of them to Norwich 8 10 0

To man and Horse at Norwich to provide teem to Transport the people .. 0 5 0 To Thomas & Saml Leffingwell their Bills Transporting to Canterbury Plainfield &c .. 2 2 2 To Transporting these to preston as pr Bill 0 8

1 State Archives, War. Vol. V.

DIOCESE OF HARTFORD.

To Dito to Volluntown and Killingly by Selectinen of Plainfield as pr Bill I I 2

To Ditto those to Windham & mansfield as pr Bill of Saml Gifford 1 15 8

To Abell Griswold these to Lebanon Mansfield &c. as pr his Bill. 3 5 3

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History of the diocese of Hartford, Part 9

Author: O'Donnell, James H Publication date: 1900 Publisher: Boston : D.H. Hurd Co. Number of Pages: 580

Author: O'Donnell, James H
Publication date: 1900
Publisher: Boston : D.H. Hurd Co.
Number of Pages: 580