USA > Connecticut > The history of Connecticut, from its earliest settlement to the present time. Ed. by W. H. Carpenter and T. S. Arthur > Part 14
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defenceless and unresisting garrison, and slew sixty of them in cold blood. Of the wounded Americans, many were thrown into a cart, which was then turned loose down the hill. Near the bottom it ran against a tree. By the violence of the shock, several of the wretched inmates were killed, while painful bruises and contusions were superadded to the wounds of all. After this exploit, the victors, having laid a train of powder from the magazine to the gate of the fort, fired it, and retreated hastily to their ship- ping. But the looked-for explosion did not fol- low. One of the garrison, who had received a mortal wound, having witnessed the laying of the train, exerted his expiring strength to crawl to it. Throwing his body across it, he steeped the powder in his life-blood, thus preserving many of his more fortunate comrades, whose wounds were slighter than his own.
Proceeding meanwhile to New London, Arnold had laid that flourishing town in ashes. "It has been said," writes his historian, Sparks, "that Arnold, while New London was in flames, stood in the belfry of a steeple, and witnessed the con- flagration. And what adds to the enormity is, that he was almost in sight of the spot where he drew his first breath; that every object around was associated with the years of his childhood and youth, and revived those images of the past which kindle emotions of tenderness in all but
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1780.
hearts of stone; that many of the dying, whose groans assailed his ears, and of the living, whose houses and effects he saw devoured by the flames, were his early friends, the friends of his father, his mother, his family."
Toward evening the neighbouring militia be- gan to assemble in force. Knowing their spirit, Arnold did not venture to await an attack from them ; but, gathering up what valuables he could, withdrew precipitately to the landing-place, and re-embarked for New York.
The burning of New London was the last ex- ploit of Arnold in the country of his birth. Ap- parently unheeding it, Washington steadily con- tinued his operations against Cornwallis, who was finally compelled to surrender to the allied forces of America and France, at Yorktown, on the 17th of October.
Foreseeing that the war was about to close, Arnold, having obtained leave from Clinton, sailed in the following December for England. His subsequent life, though prolonged a score of years, was one marked by little worthy of notice. Almost all that we know of it is, that he entered largely into commercial speculations, and grew rich, but not less offensively ostenta- tious and overbearing in his general deportment, nor more honest and upright in his business transactions. Treated with uniform contempt by such of his countrymen as came into contact
243
NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.
1781.]
with him, and frequently slighted and insulted by the officers of that nation which had sought to profit by his defection, he resided at London for several years, and there died, on the 14th of June, 1801, in the sixty-second year of his age.
CHAPTER XIX.
Negotiations for peace-Settlement of the jurisdiction dispute between Connecticut and Pennsylvania-Dissatisfaction of the Wyoming colonists- Peace-Condition of the country -Slavery abolished in Connecticut-Griswold and Hun- tingdon governors-Cession of public lands-Connecticut reserve sold-Permanent common-school fund established- Proposed federal impost-New York refuses to sanction it -National convention recommended-Meeting of the con- . vention-Character of the delegates-Roger Sherman- Proceedings of the convention-Struggle between the larger and smaller states-Sherman procures a committee of con ference-Franklin's proposition-Northern and southern parties -- Connecticut delegates act as compromisers-New difficulties between the north and south-Third great com- promise of the constitution-Constitution signed-Gloomy presentiments.
THE capture of Cornwallis was the last im- portant conflict of the Revolution. Though in certain sections of the country a few partisan corps continued for some time to wage a desultory warfare, the prospect of a favourable peace grew subsequently every day brighter and more dis-
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1783.
tinct. At length, during the summer of 1782, negotiations were entered into by the American and English commissioners, with a view to the final adjustment of difficulties.
While these negotiations were pending, the dispute which had so long existed between Con- necticut and Pennsylvania as to the jurisdiction of the Wyoming Valley, was referred to a federal court, composed of five commissioners, who met at Trenton, in New Jersey, in November, 1782. After a five weeks' careful examination of the arguments of both the interested parties, the court decided in favour of Pennsylvania. Pre- sently confirmed by Congress, this decision was cheerfully acquiesced in by Connecticut. So far as it concerned that state, the controversy was now settled. But the subsequent claim of Penn- sylvania to the ownership as well as to the juris- diction of the Wyoming territory, excited general dissatisfaction among the Connecticut immi- grants, and was sternly resisted, even to the shedding of blood. Many years of expensive litigation followed; and it was not until time had considerably modified the sectional feelings with which the dispute was originally imbittered, that a satisfactory settlement of it was at length ob- tained.
On the 3d of September, 1783, the entire in- dependence of the confederated states of North America was finally secured by the ratification
1785.] IMPORTATION OF SLAVES PROHIBITED. 245
of definitive treaties between France, England, and America.
Peace, that was thus guaranteed, found the disenthralled colonies labouring under a heavy load of debt. Nor was this the only evil with which they were soon to contend. There were reflecting persons who foresaw that a brief period only could elapse before perplexing questions of state and national policy would of necessity arise and agitate deeply, if not fatally, the union of young republics. Yet, in the first out- burst of rejoicing created by the tidings of peace, and the recognition of our political independence, these forebodings, based upon an intelligent ob- servation of the embarrassed condition of the country, were confined to the breasts of a few.
One of the earliest steps of Connecticut after the termination of the war, was to enact a law prohibiting the further importation of slaves, and declaring that all persons thereafter born within her limits should be free. The same year -1784, the aged and patriotic Trumbull was succeeded as governor by Matthew Griswold, who, in 1785, was replaced by Samuel Hunting- don, for the next eleven years the chief executive of the state.
By this time the embarrassments of the con- federacy, and the incompleteness of the funda- mental articles of the federal union, were becom- ing painfully evident. Already measures had
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1786.
been adopted to free the nation from debt ; pro- minent among which was the cession to the general government by the states of their respec- tive shares of vacant lands in the West. Diffi- culties were at first experienced in obtaining the consent of the states to such a relinquishment ; but, incited by the magnanimity of Virginia, the rest at length assented to the measure. Con- necticut, the last to adopt it, insisted upon re- taining certain lands, in what is now a portion of the State of Ohio. Hesitating a little, Con- gress, at length, in 1786, consented to accept the cession of Connecticut, notwithstanding the reservation which she claimed.
The lands thus secured to the state, under the title of the "Connecticut Reserve," were pre- sently sold, jurisdiction and all, to a company of speculators, for the sum of one million two hundred thousand dollars. Previously, however, five thousand acres had been granted to such persons as had suffered from the depredations of the British during the War of Independence. The proceeds of the sale, after some discussion, were appropriated to the establishment of a per- manent common-school fund.
As another means of reducing the burden of public debt, Congress proposed that the several states should confer upon it the privilege of lay- ing a moderate impost duty on certain articles. The consent of all the states being necessary tc
247
1787.] CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA.
sanction this desirable measure, it was defeated by the non-concurrence of New York alone. Much ill-feeling of a sectional character was excited in consequence; which, together with violent outbreaks in Massachusetts, and a grow- ing disposition to favour the idea of a division of the confederacy into two or three independent commonwealths, at length rendered it plain to the mass of the community that some modifica- tion, or complete reorganization, of the federal , compact was absolutely necessary.
With this object in view, commissioners from six states assembled at Annapolis, Maryland, in September, 1786; but having no competent au- thority to act as the emergency required, after recommending a convention of delegates from all the states to meet at Philadelphia in the fol- lowing May, they resolved to adjourn.
After some hesitation, this recommendation was approved and sanctioned by Congress, and eleven states appointed delegates to the conven- tion. Organizing on the 25th of May, 1787, the convention elected Washington president, and commenced its proceedings with closed doors and an injunction of secrecy on the debates.
Fifty delegates were present-all men of tried patriotism, and eminent for abilities, experience, and character. From Connecticut came the venerable Roger Sherman, Oliver Ellsworth, and William S. Johnson ; the former of whom, origi-
248 1
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1787.
nally a poor shoemaker, had worked his way to distinction as a lawyer and legislator, and ac- quired an extensive reputation for sound judg- ment and practical knowledge.
After some debate as to the powers of the convention, two questions arose in relation to the ratio of representation and the rule of voting in the national legislature. By the existing articles of confederation each state was allowed one vote in Congress, and no more. This equality the smaller states desired to maintain. The larger ones, on the contrary, were determined to obtain that legislative preponderance to which the numerical superiority of their inhabitants was thought to entitle them. The subject having been warmly discussed, the rule of representa- tion by population was at length carried against the small states, Connecticut included, by the slender majority of one.
The mode of electing the members of the first branch of the national legislature was next con- sidered. It was proposed that it should be by popular vote. To this proposition Sherman objected. The late outbreaks in Massachusetts, probably, prompted him to declare that "the less the people had to do immediately with the government the better." Madison, of Virginia, and others, replied, " that no republican govern- ment could stand without popular confidence, which could only be secured by giving the peo-
249
1787.]
PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION.
ple one branch of the legislature." On the question being put, the election by the people was carried; two states only against it, and two -Connecticut and Delaware-divided.
How senators should be elected was the next question. Insisting upon their being chosen by the local legislatures, the smaller states, after some discussion, gained their point; but the pro- posal, by them deemed vitally important, for an equality of representation in the senate, was voted down.
It having been decided-Connecticut voting affirmatively-that the chief executive should consist of one person, the question arose as to the mode of that individual's election. Wilson of Virginia hesitatingly proposed that it should be by the people. Sherman suggested, by the national legislature. Wilson then proposed a college of electors, chosen by the popular vote. Finally, however, Sherman's plan was adopted. In fixing the term of office, Sherman advocated three years, with the privilege of re-election. Mason, of Virginia, suggested seven years and no re-election, which was at length carried, Con- necticut voting with the minority.
Having been otherwise slightly modified, the Virginia Plan, as it was called, was reported back to the house.
Meanwhile, the smaller states had matured a counter scheme, known as the Jersey or State
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1787.
Rights' Plan, which was now brought forward by Patterson, of New Jersey. This, and the one just reported, were referred to a new committee of the whole, by which the entire question was again considered.
After an exciting debate, in which the Con- necticut delegates took part as peacemakers, Paterson's scheme was thrown out and the Vir- ginia plan again reported to the house,
The discussion now grew alarmingly stormy. Failing to obtain equality of representation in the lower branch of Congress, the State Rights' members demanded it in the senate. Ellsworth's proposal to concede it to them, as a fair compro- mise between the large and small states, having been lost by a tie vote, the dissatisfaction of the losing party rose so high that an angry dissolu- tion of the convention seemed inevitable. At this juncture, on motion by Sherman, a commit- tee of conference was appointed, consisting of one member from each state.
In this committee, Franklin proposed that, while in the senate the states should be equally represented, in the lower branch there should be one representative for every forty thousand persons. Reluctantly acquiesced in by the mem- bers from the larger states, this proposition was reported to the convention. A triumph to the State Rights' men, and a mortification to their more zealous opponents, it gave rise to a warm
1787.] NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN PARTIES. 251 -
debate, which however was momentarily quieted by the consideration of another question relative to the rule of apportionment.
In the protracted and exciting debate, that now arose, the existence of a northern and a southern party was developed, the questions at issue being, Whether there should be a slave re- presentation ? and, if so, How should it be appor- tioned ? Motions were made and voted down to count blacks equally with whites, and to reckon, in a periodical census, by which future appor- tionments should be regulated, the whole number of freemen and three-fifths of all others.
Davie, of North Carolina, now rose and de- clared, "it was time to speak out. He was sure North Carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate the blacks at least as three-fifths. If the eastern states meant to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end."
Hereupon the Connecticut delegates stepped in as compromisers. After some debate, their efforts proved successful. A motion was finally carried, to apportion representatives and direct taxes among the states according to their free populations ; in determining which, five slaves were to be counted as three freemen.
The question now arising on accepting the reference committee's report, as thus modified, an attempt was made to do away with that part
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1787
of it which gave the states an equal representa- tion in the national senate. Ably argued against by Ellsworth and Sherman, this proposition was voted down, and the report subsequently adopt- ed, Connecticut voting with the majority.
Mortified by this result, the delegates from the larger states, having carried an adjournment, met in consultation. Some few were for seceding, and framing a separate constitution ; but the suggestion met with little favour, and nothing could be agreed upon. The next day the ques- tion was set at rest by the failure of a motion to reconsider, and the convention proceeded with, and, after two warm debates, finished its consi- deration of the report of the committee of the whole.
The amended report was now referred to a committee of detail, which, ten days subse- quently, reported a rough draught of the present constitution.
In the federal plan as now reported, there appeared several new provisions, which gave rise to much excitement and feeling in the conven- tion. The most important of these forbade the national legislature to impose export duties ; to prohibit the importation of slaves ; and to pass any navigation act, unless by a two-thirds vote.
· These provisions again arrayed the North and South in opposition. The eastern ship-owning states were extremely desirous that Congress
253
1787.]
THIRD GREAT COMPROMISE.
should have unrestricted power to enact naviga- tion laws, to which the southern exporting states were decidedly hostile. By the northern dele- gates, export duties were viewed as an equitable and necessary source of revenue; while those from the south, where exporting was carried on largely, regarded them as oppressive, and in- jurious to the interests of the people they repre- .
sented. The provision forbidding Congress to prohibit the importation of slaves, though against the sentiment of most of the states, had been reluctantly conceded in the committee to Georgia and South Carolina, the delegates from which intimated that those states neither could nor would confederate without it.
During the heated and exciting debate that arose upon the report of the committee, it be- came evident that, unless some amicable settle- ment were made, the convention could not satis- factorily conclude its important labours. Again the Connecticut delegates stepped forward to harmonize conflicting interests. As before, their efforts were successful, and the third great com- promise of the constitution was effected. The first two were the concession to the smaller states of an equal representation in the senate, and to the slaveholders the counting three-fifths of the slaves in determining the ratio of representation. By this, the third, the unrestricted power of Congress to enact navigation laws was conceded
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1787.
to the northern shipping interest, and to the Carolina rice-planters, as an equivalent, twenty years' continuance of the slave trade; while the entire South was conciliated by the retention of the provision forbidding the national legislature to impose duties on exports.
Some few other amendments having been sub- sequently adopted, the revised constitution was engrossed, and again brought into the conven- tion, where it received the signatures of all pre- sent, except three. Few of those who signed expressed their satisfaction with the instrument as a whole; and it was only through the persua- sions of Washington, Franklin, and others, that many of the reluctant members were induced to affix their signatures. Even when they gave it the sanction of their names, they did so with gloomy presentiments of future discord and anarchy, and the ultimate ruin of the confede- ration.
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CONSTITUTION RATIFIED.
1788.]
CHAPTER XX.
Ratification of the constitution by Connecticut-Federal and Republican parties-Political complexion of Connecticut- Amendments of the constitution adopted-Washington elected president-New partisan differences-Contest be- tween the administration and Genet-Public sentiment in Connecticut-Governors Wolcott and Trumbull-Difficul- ties with France-Alien and sedition acts-Fall of the Fe- deralists-Foreign relations of the United States-British orders in council-Berlin and Milan decrees-Effect of these measures-Assumptions of Great Britain-Adoption of the embargo-Denounced by the New England states-Address of Governor Trumbull-Action, of the legislature-Repeal of the embargo-Continued aggressions of England-Decla- ration of war.
SUBMITTED to Congress, the new constitution was hesitatingly transmitted by that body to the local legislatures, with a recommendation that state conventions of delegates, chosen by the people, should be called to decide upon its adop- tion or disapproval. To render it the fundamen- tal law of the confederacy, the assent of nine states was required.
The fifth to do so, the Connecticut convention ratified the new constitution by a vote of one hundred and twenty-eight to forty, on the 9th of January, 1788.
On the question of ratifying or rejecting the
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1789.
recently created compact, the whole people of the United States had been suddenly arranged, for the first time, into two definite and well- marked political parties. That friendly to the constitution styled itself the Federal party ; the members of the opposing division presently as- sumed the name of Republicans., Their chief objections to the constitution were, that it was too centralizing, or national-not really federal ; and that it contained no bill of rights, without which there could be little security for personal liberty.
In Connecticut, as well as in most of the states whose delegates had advocated the state rights' view in opposition to a national plan of govern- ment, the mass of the people at once sided with the Federalists. An equality of representation in the upper branch of Congress had been gua- rantied to them, and they were content. But in Virginia and New York the Republicans held an undoubted majority ; and it was not until nine states had ratified the constitution, that they reluctantly yielded their assent to it. Sub- sequently they proposed the calling of a second national convention ; but certain amendments to the constitution having been adopted by the Congress of 1789, this proposal was not agreed to by any other state.
In the mean time, Washington had been elected to the presidency. Though no partisan,
257
1793.] GENET CONTROVERSY.
that great and good man was known to be a friend of the new federal compact. Influenced by his avowed predilections, the mass of the people soon began to regard it with favour. It + was no longer a partisan measure. But new questions, both of foreign and domestic policy, were not long in arising to excite again the flames of political animosity.
Shortly subsequent to Washington's second inauguration, in 1793, citizen Genet arrived in the United States as ambassador from France. That country, emerging from a sanguinary revo- lution, had just proclaimed itself a republic, and declared war upon England. According to a treaty concluded with the royal government, " French privateers and their prizes were entitled to shelter in American ports-a shelter not to be extended to the enemies of France." In the cabinet of Washington there were wise states- men who deemed this treaty no longer binding. Other members, however, were of the contrary opinion. Yet all agreed that, whether binding or not, its conditions could not be fulfilled with- out plunging the country into an expensive war between two foreign nations, whose respective interests alone were at stake. Such a war the administration determined to avoid; and, sus- tained by the Federalists, Washington issued a proclamation of strict neutrality. Soon after- ward the federal authorities seized a number of
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1794.
French privateers, which, in defiance of the president's proclamation, were fitting out in American ports. Against these seizures the new ambassador from France, encouraged by the French or Democratic wing of the Republicans, protested in intemperate language, bitterly de- nouncing the prudent policy of Washington. For a time the contest raged fiercely, and even doubtfully. Flushed with the prospect of finally triumphing over the executive, Genet at length became intolerably insolent. The administra- tion insisted upon his recall. This demand being complied with early in 1794, the excite- ment which had been created partially subsided.
Nowhere in the United States had Washing- ton warmer or more steady friends than in Con- · necticut. In the contest just alluded to, the people of that state, almost to a man, adhered to and supported his views. It is recorded with evident pride by a local historian-Dwight- that, "when citizen Genet approached Con- necticut, although preceded by accounts of the favour and success he had met in other places, he found the feelings of the people so different from what he wished, and his enterprise"-a sort of an electioneering tour against the presi- dent-" was treated with so much irony and ridicule by some of the literary men of Hartford, that he turned back, without crossing the bound- ary, and gave up all attempts in New England."
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1798.]
ALIEN AND SEDITION ACTS.
In 1796, Oliver Wolcott, senior, was elected to the chief magistracy of Connecticut. Two years afterward, Wolcott was succeeded by Jonathan Trumbull, son of the former governor of that name.
Meanwhile, the national government had been subjected to many insults and injuries by the new and illy-regulated French republic. At length, during the administration of Washing- ton's successor, the elder Adams, whose repeated efforts to obtain redress were utterly unavailing, a war with France appeared inevitable. It was at this crisis that the celebrated alien and sedi- tion acts were passed, for the avowed purpose of protecting the administration from its external foes, the French, and from its internal enemies, the Democratic sympathizers with France. By these acts authority was given the president to order out of the country such aliens as he might deem dangerous to its peace and safety ; to ap- prehend, secure, or remove all resident aliens, natives or citizens of hostile nations, and to sus- tain prosecution in the judicial courts for such publications as might be considered libellous on the federal government. It needed but a few cases of prosecution, under the sanction of the sedition act, to kindle a fierce flame of opposition to these arbitrary laws. The party with which they originated almost immediately fell, never to rise again as a great national organization,
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