USA > Connecticut > The history of Connecticut, from its earliest settlement to the present time. Ed. by W. H. Carpenter and T. S. Arthur > Part 15
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18
260
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1800.
In 1800, only two years after their enactment, Thomas Jefferson, the candidate of the Republi- cans, or Democrats, was elected over Mr. Adams to the presidency. In Connecticut, however, the people "stood firm for Federalism and steady habits," as they likewise did in the succeeding presidential campaign, when Jefferson was chosen for a second term.
During the progress of the sanguinary war waged by the allied sovereigns of Europe against Napoleon, the Americans, as neutrals, were ra- pidly acquiring commercial importance by the great extension of the carrying trade. To destroy this profitable trade, the English government issued a formal order in council, suppressing all commercial relations between France and the United States. Imitating his more powerful maritime rival, Napoleon soon afterward issued his famous Berlin and Milan decrees, rendering American vessels trading to England liable to capture and confiscation.
The measures thus adopted by the two govern- ments were, perhaps, equally detrimental to our commerce; but England had set the first ex- ample, and the indignation of a majority of the American people, including the administration party, was almost wholly directed against her. The Federalists, on the other hand, denounced France as being the most blameworthy. Both countries, however, received the repeated pro-
261
ADOPTION OF THE EMBARGO.
1807.]
tests of the United States with cool and insult- ing indifference.
Yet with England there were other and weighty causes of quarrel. Among these were certain pretended rights of search and of im- pressment, which, at this period, the British government claimed and attempted to enforce, greatly to the injury of our seamen, native-born as well as adopted citizens. The ill-feeling thus drawn upon England was still further excited by the wanton attack made by one of her crui- sers, the Leopard, upon the American frigate Chesapeake, under the pretence of recovering a few seamen claimed as deserters from the British navy.
Hoping to force both England and France into the adoption of a more liberal policy, Con- gress, in 1807, on the recommendation of Mr. Jefferson, passed an act prohibiting the departure, unless by special direction of the president, of any vessel from any port of the United States bound to any foreign country. All registered vessels which, during the operation of the em- bargo, might engage in the coasting trade, were to give heavy bonds to reland their cargoes within the United States.
Opposed by the Federalists, as being likely to affect the interests of the country more injuri- ously than the measures it was intended to reta- liate, the embargo act was received in the New
262
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. [1809.
England commercial states with bitter denuncia- tions. As the pressure of it began to be more and more felt, the contrivances to evade it grew more and more ingenious, daring, and effectual. To prevent these evasions, the "Enforcing Act" was passed by the general government in Janu- ary, 1809.
To carry out the restrictive provisions of this act, the president called upon Governor Trum- bull, of Connecticut, to designate special officers of militia, on whom the collectors of customs might rely for aid. Not knowing, as he said, of any authority under which such appointments could be made, Trumbull declined complying with the president's requisition, and summoned a meeting of the legislature. In his opening address to that body, he took the ground that, on emergencies of the present character, when, as he said, the national legislature had over- stepped its constitutional limits of authority, it became the right and duty of the state legisla- tures to interpose their protection between the assumed power of the general government and the rights and liberties of the people.
Acting upon suggestions contained in the governor's address, the legislature presently adopted a memorial to Congress against the embargo. Resolutions were also passed, in which, while the Enforcing Act was denounced as unconstitutional and binding upon none, such
263
NON-INTERCOURSE ACT.
1810.]
persons as suffered by its operation were exhort- ed to make no forcible resistance to it, but to resort to the more peaceful remedies provided by the laws of the state.
Already, however, alarmed by the feeling manifested in New England, and moved also by the evident distress occasioned there by the various embargo measures, a number of Demo- cratic members had joined with the Federal op- position in Congress, and procured the repeal of the obnoxious acts, in February, 1809 --- less than a month after the passage of the Enforcing Bill.
In the following July, the less stringent act of non-intercourse, as to France and Great Bri- tain, was adopted by the national legislature. But finding this measure almost as injurious to the commercial interest of New England as the embargo had been, and quite as ineffectual as that act in inducing the French and English governments to adopt a just and more liberal policy, Congress finally, in 1810, removed its restrictions upon commercial pursuits, and yield- ed to the merchants and seamen their point of being left to their own risk and discretion.
Our commerce, however, still remained subject to the caprices and injustice of England and France. For two years longer the general go- vernment vainly endeavoured by amicable nego- tiation to effect some favourable change in the
264
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1812.
conduct of those two nations. France, it is true, gave some little evidence of a desire to adopt a better policy ; but England grew every day more insolent in her demands and aggres- sive in action. Having, at length, uselessly " exhausted remonstrances and expostulations," and finding that hostilities could no longer be avoided with honour, the United States, in Con- gress assembled, declared war against Great Britain, on the 18th of June, 1812.
CHAPTER XXI.
New England peace party-Contest between the executives of Connecticut and the United States-Governor Griswold refuses to yield the command of the militia to officers of the regular service-General Assembly approves his course- Law for a provisional army in Connecticut-Federal tri- umphs-John Cotton Smith, governor-Progress of the war -Captain Isaac Hull-Militia called out to defend the United States ships of war-Report of a joint committee of the Assembly against withdrawing the regular troops from the seaboard-Peace party losing strength-Origin of the term "blue-light federalist"-Shipping destroyed at Say- brook-British repulsed in an attack on Stonington-Con- scription and minor enlistment bills-Denounced by the Connecticut assembly-Hartford Convention called-Meet- ing of the convention-Outline of its report-State law relative to the enlistment of minors-Peace.
A FEW days subsequent to the declaration of war, Major-General Dearborn, of the regular service, by authority of the president, called
4
265
MILITIA DISPUTE.
1813.]
upon Governor Griswold, of Connecticut, for certain detachments of the state militia. With this requisition Griswold declared that he could , not comply without violating his duty. In his opinion there was no constitutional emergency demanding the services of the militia, they not being needed " to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections, or to repel invasions." Approving of the governor's course, the Con- necticut council, which presently met, took further exception to Dearborn's requisition, be- cause it contemplated the placing of the troops under United States officers-clearly, they con- tended, a disposal of them not sanctioned by the constitution. Viewing the governor " as of right the commander-in-chief of the militia," they could not permit them "thus to be withdrawn from his authority."
Backed by a letter from the president to the executive of Connecticut, declaring that "the danger of invasion actually existed," Dearborn reiterated his call for detachments of the state troops, still insisting that they should be under the command of officers belonging to the regular service. While they " believed that the militia of the state would be among the first to perform their constitutional duties, and not among the last to understand and appreciate their con- stitutional rights," the council yet declared that, "if Congress have seen fit to proclaim war be-
23
266
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1813.
fore they have carried into effect another provi- sion of the constitution, to raise and support armies, it does not follow that the militia are bound to enter their forts and garrisons to per- form ordinary garrison duty, and wait for an invasion which may never happen." "It is surely important," they continued, "that the constitution and sovereignty of this state should not be impaired or encroached upon; that the powers delegated to the United States may be exercised, and the powers ' reserved to the states respectively' may be retained." Therefore, it was their advice to the governor, "to retain the militia of the state under his own command."
Against these doctrines, and against the course which the executive of Connecticut was thus encouraged to pursue, a great outcry was raised by the administration party throughout the country. That clamour rose to a still higher key when, in October, the general assembly, on the governor's recommendation, and for the pur- pose of providing for the defence of the state by some method less expensive and vexatious than detachments of militia, passed a law for raising a provisional army of twenty-six hundred men, of which David Humphreys, formerly United States minister to Spain, was named commander. Resolutions were adopted during the same ses- sion, approving the governor's conduct in the militia dispute, and declaring, in the belief of the
267
NAVAL VICTORIES.
1813.]
assembly, "that it was the deliberate and solemn sense of the people of the state that the war was unnecessary."
The state elections taking place soon after, gave conclusive evidence that the "sense" of the people had been rightly judged. Of the one hundred and ninety-nine representatives chosen, no less than one hundred and sixty-three were members of the Federal or peace party. Go- vernor Griswold, having died a short time pre- viously, was succeeded in the executive office by John Cotton Smith.
Meanwhile a series of disasters had befallen the attempts of the American land forces to enter Canada, which had been made the chief point of attack. Happily, the dispiriting effect of these disasters was more than counteracted by successes on the ocean. On the 19th of Au- gust, the United States ship Constitution, com- manded by Captain Isaac Hull, of Connecticut, captured the British frigate Guerriere, after a close fight of thirty minutes duration. This was the first of a series of naval victories that, for nearly a year, was uninterrupted by a single defeat. On the 1st of June, 1813, however, the Chesapeake, commanded by the heroic Lawrence, fell a prize to the British frigate Shannon.
A few days after this first naval defeat, the American ships United States, Macedonian, and Hornet, while passing seaward through Long
268
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1813.
Island Sound, were intercepted by a British squadron under Sir Thomas Hardy, and obliged to take refuge in New London harbour. To defend these vessels and the town of New. Lon- don, upon which an attack by the enemy was apprehended, Governor Smith issued a call for the militia, who accordingly assembled in consi- derable force and with commendable alacrity. The alarm along the seaboard was great ; but, beyond a strict blockade of the harbour, from which the American fleet found every effort to escape unavailing, the British did little of im- portance.
A vast deal of dissatisfaction was felt, how- ever by the people of Connecticut on this occa- sion, which afterward found expression in the report of a joint committee of the assembly. Disapproving of the general plan of warfare adopted by the administration, "the inhabitants of the seaboard," continued the report, " have an undoubted and imperative right to such pro- tection as the government can provide ; instead of which, the regular forces have been almost without exception ordered to the interior of the country, in pursuit of conquests which, if achiev- ed, will probably produce no solid benefit to the nation, while the seaboard is left exposed to the multiplied horrors usually produced by an in- vading and exasperated enemy."
Meanwhile, the prostrating effects of the war
269
CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR.
1813.]
upon New England had begun to be in some measure counteracted. While the agriculturalist found occasion for satisfaction in the increased demand and higher prices obtained for his pro- ducts, the shipowner, engaging in the hazardous but still lucrative occupation of privateering, almost ceased to regard his loss of foreign com- merce as a serious drawback. A new and rapidly rising interest had also sprung up in the various domestic manufactures, which the stoppage of English importations-a consequence of the war -tended greatly to foster and encourage. Op- posed by these various interests, the peace party of New England began to manifest some loss of strength-even in Connecticut, where the new manufactures had been extensively engaged in.
From an early period in the war, the eastern seaboard of the United States, New England for a while excepted, had been closely blockaded by the enemy's fleets. This exception of New England could not but attract observation ; and by the ultra Democrats it had been, while it ex- isted, attributed to a collusion between the Fe- deralists and the British. Of such a collusion they found additional proof, as they deemed it, in an incident that occurred at New London, late in the year.
In his vexation at being baffled in every at- tempt to get to sea, Commodore Decatur, of the squadron blockaded in New London harbour, 23*
270
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1813.
wrote to the navy department that, beyond all doubt, the British by some means obtained im- mediate intelligence of all his movements. To confirm this statement, he said that, after seve- ral nights of favourable weather, the report cir- culating through the town that an attempt would be made to get to sea, in the course of the even- ing two blue lights were burned on both points of the harbour's mouth. These "signals to the enemy," he continued, " had been repeated, and had been seen by twenty persons, at least, of the squadron."
Upon the Federalists of Connecticut this story at once brought the charge of a guilty connivance with the enemy. So violent were the denunciations it excited against the popular party of the state, that one of the Connecticut members of Congress moved for a committee of investigation. But Calhoun, a prominent De- mocrat in the national legislature, thought the matter wholly unworthy of attention, and no in- quiry was made. The story had gained publi- city, however, and the extreme advocates of . peace soon began to be stigmatized as " blue- light Federalists"-a term even yet occasionally employed by our politicians.
During the winter, the blockade of New Lon- don was vigorously maintained. For the militia, at first called out to guard the more exposed points on the seaboard, regulars had been sub-
271
STONINGTON BOMBARDED.
1814.]
stituted ; but early in the year 1814 they were again withdrawn, notwithstanding the remon- strances of Governor Smith. The consequence was, that, on the 7th of April, two hundred Bri- tish sailors and marines quietly entered the mouth of the Connecticut, and ascended to Say- brook and Brockway's Ferry, where, before any force could be assembled to oppose them, they destroyed more than two hundred thousand dol- lars worth of shipping, and then effected a safe retreat to the squadron.
About sunrise on the 9th of August following, the inhabitants of Stonington were alarmed by the sudden appearance in their harbour of four heavily armed English ships of war. The only defence of the town was a slight breastwork, dignified by the name of fort, and covering two eighteen-pound and one six-pound cannon, mounted as field-pieces. To this battery the handful of Stonington militia repaired, having first sent all the non-combatants out of harm's way, and despatched messengers to New London for assistance. At eight o'clock the fleet opened a brisk cannonade and bombardment of the fort and town, under cover of which an ineffectual attempt was made to land. Maintaining a steady bombardment till midnight, the enemy, early the next morning, a second time attempted to land on the eastern side of the town, but were again repulsed with some loss. Meanwhile, the fleet
272
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1814.
had been reinforced by the arrival of an eighteen- gun brig, which, opening a severe fire upon the fort, compelled the garrison to spike their guns and retire. But the neighbouring militia pre- sently assembling in force, the battery was again manned, and the brig in turn driven away badly damaged. Unable to effect a landing, the enemy renewed their bombardment of the town, which was maintained without intermission till the fol- lowing noon, when, having thrown more than sixty tons of metal upon shore, and lost about seventy-five men in killed and wounded, the squadron weighed anchor and put to sea. Of the gallant militia, not one was killed, and but six wounded ; and, although most of the houses of the town were injured, and some set on fire, only three were totally destroyed.
What had been for two years an offensive war on the part of the United States, was now con- verted into one of defence, against an " enemy" -in the language of President Madison- " powerful in men and money on the land and on the water," and who, " availing himself of fortuitous advantages," aimed, " with his undi- vided force, a deadly blow at our growing pros- perity, perhaps at our national existence."
At this juncture, bills were brought into Con- gress to increase the regular army by conscrip- tion, and to authorize the enlistment of minors not less than eighteen years of age.
273
HARTFORD CONVENTION.
1814.]
On receiving intelligence of the introduction of these bills, the Connecticut assembly, which was then in session, denounced them as uncon- stitutional, intolerably barbarous and oppressive. In the event of their passage, the governor was authorized, by a resolution adopted almost unani- mously, to call a special session of the assembly to provide for the protection of the rights of the citizens.
But a few days after the passage of this reso- lution, a circular letter was received from the legislature of Massachusetts, proposing a con- vention of deputies from the several New Eng- land states, " to deliberate upon the dangers to which they were exposed," and to devise and recommend such measures for their welfare and safety as would not be " repugnant to their obli- gations as members of the national Union." Acceding at once to this proposition, the Con- necticut assembly appointed seven delegates to meet those of the other New England states at Hartford, on the 15th of December then fol- lowing.
On the day and at the place appointed, the New England deputies, numbering in all twenty- six, assembled together, and proceeded to deli- berate with closed doors. After a session of twenty days they adjourned, having first adopted a report addressed to the legislatures which they represented.
274
HISTORY OF . CONNECTICUT.
[1814.
The tone and substance of this report, while they did indeed disappoint the desires and ex- pectations of a few extreme New England Fede- ralists, yet relieved the Democrats from the apprehensions in which they had indulged with regard to the objects and designs of the conven- tion, as well as fron the necessity of continuing to denounce its originators and members as plotters of secret treason and the disruption of the confederacy. 1
According to their report, "the convention had proceeded to deliberate, first, as to relief against pressing dangers ; and, secondly, as to the means of future security.
" The dangers pending over New England were twofold-dangers from the usurpation of the general government, dangers from the com- mon enemy. The power over the militia claimed for the general government the exclusive right of the president to decide on the existence of the constitutional emergencies for calling them into service, thus placing them, in fact, at his dispo- sal; the delegating this power to officers of the regular army, for the apparent purpose of su- perseding the governors of the states and the other militia officers in their constitutional right to command; the filling up the ranks of the regular army by conscription ; the authorizing the enlistment of minors without the consent of their parents or guardians, thus invalidating
275
REPORT OF CONVENTION.
1814.]
contracts, and overturning the parental authority existing under the laws of the state; in all these measures the convention could see nothing but total disregard of the constitution, such as de- manded from the individual states firm and decided opposition.
" Though acts of Congress in violation of the constitution were merely void, it did not seem consistent with the respect and forbearance due from a confederate state toward the general go- vernment, to fly at once, upon every infraction, to open resistance. Yet, in cases of dangerous and palpable infractions of the constitution, affecting the sovereignty of a state and the liberties of the people, it was the right and duty of the state to interpose its authority for their protection." Accordingly, the convention re- commended the several states represented there- in to await the final action of Congress on the conscription and minor enlistment bills, and, if they should be passed, to adopt such measures as would most effectually protect their own and their peoples' rights.
Hitherto, continued the report, the New Eng- land states have for the most part, defended themselves. But, under existing circumstances, they would be unable to do so longer, unless the general government, which was bound to protect them, but had failed in its duty, should allow them a reasonable proportion of the weighty
276
HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
[1814.
taxes they had contributed to the common fund. Such an appropriation was justly their due, and the states were recommended to make application for it to Congress. Should this application prove ineffectual, it was advised that a new convention should meet at Boston in the following June.
To prevent the future recurrence of present evils, the convention proposed to amend the federal constitution by rendering the president ineligible for a second term; by disqualifying all except native citizens to hold office; by appor- tioning representatives and direct taxes accord- ing to the free population ; by limiting embargoes to sixty days; and by requiring a two-thirds vote to admit new states, to interdict foreign intercourse, and to declare any but a defensive war.
Having accepted this report, the legislatures of Connecticut and Massachusetts, in accordance with one of its recommendations, appointed com- missioners to proceed to Washington, and lay the proposed arrangement as to taxes before Congress.
Pending the session of the convention, the bill for the enlistment of minors received the sanction of Congress. Immediately the Con- necticut assembly enacted a law, requiring the state judges to discharge, on habeas corpus, all minors enlisted without the consent of their parents or guardians, and subjecting to fine and
277
PEACE CONCLUDED.
1815.]
imprisonment any person concerned in any such enlistment who should remove any such minor out of the state, so that he could not be thus discharged.
Happily, at this juncture, when the state and federal authorities seemed to be on the eve of a collision, and before the commissioners of Con- necticut and Massachusetts could reach Wash- ington on their ungracious errand, intelligence, as cheering as it was unexpected, arrived to allay the dissensions that had assumed so serious an aspect. Peace had been concluded between Great Britain and the United States; and, on the 17th February, 1815, the treaty which secured it was ratified by the president and senate.
CHAPTER XXII.
Reviving effects of peace-Decline of the Federal party in Connecticut-" Toleration party"-Triumph of the " Tole- rationists"-Oliver Wolcott governor-Constitutional con- vention called-Constitution sanctioned by the people- Changes made by it-Disorganization of parties-Wolcott the first governor under the constitution-Is succeeded by Gideon Tomlinson-Charles H. Pond, the present executive -Statistics of education-Of benevolent and other institu- tions-Of religion-Agriculture-Manufactures-Commerce -- Mineral resources of the state-Internal improvements- Banking capital-State debt-Population.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.