USA > Connecticut > Hartford County > The memorial history of Hartford County, Connecticut, 1633-1884, Vol. I > Part 42
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In the course of their very first interviews the curiosity of the colo- nists had been attracted by the conspicuous preference and value ac- corded by the natives to their treasures of white and purple beads, showily disposed specimens of which constituted the more refined of their personal adornments and came to be known under the rather in- discriminate term of wampum. More intimate intercourse discovered
For evidence, little of it you can make. And of the English so many are guilty, And deal under-hand, in such secrecy, As very rare it is some one to catch, Though you use all due means them for to watch ; Merchants, shopkeepers, traders, and planters too, Sundry of each spare not this thing to do."
Account of New England.
1 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 86.
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other uses and treatment of the evidently cherished thing. It seemed to be the last price demanded in their most reluctant negotiations. It was the coveted tribute from their dependencies. It was offered as the supreme token in their solemn pledges for peace or of alliance in the hostile campaign. It was often strewn upon their sacrifices at the re- ligious ceremonials. A gift of it was the precious sign and seal of their betrothals. It formed the ornament of their most royal insignia, the transcendent symbol in every pageant of war or worship, and was the most considerate provision for their dead, disposed at their burial within reach of the mouldering hands, to supply, as they conceived, the first ne- cessities in the land of spirits. An examination of standard specimens showed an almost incredible product by manual labor with but rude implements to assist in its formation from the shells of the ocean and its comely finish. It was found to be much in use in their primitive barter, and for this was securely strung, each of the two colors carefully assorted with uniform and approved quality. It had its unit of meas- ure in this condition at first, - the handy but variable stretch from the tip of the finger to the point of the elbow, which found an accustomed acceptance and usage among all the tribes of the shores if not of all the continent, indeed. The average length of forearm was not, however, always guaranteed among the New Englanders. Complaints were not alone expressed by the moderate Dutchmen who intimated that the longest-boned of the tribes usually received payment and told the meas- ure when wampum was to complete the transaction. Nevertheless its ready convertibility for mutual use commended it in view of the com- mon need; and the keen trader trusted his wits and plied his arithmetic and ventured upon the chances of saving his margins in the measure- ments, and of holding his own a part of the time at least, although at some times he encountered more than one chance. Computation by measurement was succeeded by a process of enumeration, which seemed to offer a more accurate and intelligent method and more apparent justice in ordinary dealings. As the fathom became more familiar, and the changes in the price of beaver and the standards made by colonial enactments changed the basis of count, the ensuing differences between six or four or three for a penny introduced other perplexities to the computation ; and in all his puzzling attempts to reconcile his beads, two of white for one of black, with pounds, shillings, and pence, the merchant found, ordinary market fluctuations aside, that the shell money of the seventeenth century was a vexation. Like every better currency, too, material conditions embarrassed the circulation of it. The supply came to be expanded by more facile production. Machinery was in- vented and utilized for the purpose. Counterfeits appeared, cunningly wrought and too common. III-made work and much of all grades un- assorted and ill strung multiplied, until the debasement was notable and the consequent depreciation "likely to ruin the country." The Commissioners of the United Colonies represented " that the Indyans abuse the English with much badd, false, and unfinished peage, and that the English Traders, after it comes to their hands, choose out whatt fitts their m'ketts and occasions and leaue the refuse to pass to and fro in their Colonies ; wch the Indyans whoe best understand the quality and defects of peague will not willingly take back."1 Whereupon the Court ordered
1 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 179.
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that " no peage white or black bee paid or received, but what is strung, and in some measure strung sutably and not small and great, vncomely and disorderly mixt as formerly it hath beene;"1 and the order was perpetuated in the Code of 1650. In 1637 this was made a legal tender in payment of the " levey of six hundred and twenty poundes to be levied for to defray the charges of the late designes of warr that is already past, . . . at fower a penny."2 If it retained this distinctive quality after 1661 in this colony, Massachusetts and Rhode Island had discontinued it; but as late as 1666 there was granted "to Norwidge 50 fathoms of Wampum or ye effects thereof ;" at which time, however, and after all the vicissi- tudes in colonial finance, the tender did not seem to be satisfactory, and " upon the petition of Norwidge in liew of the fifty fathom of peage for- merly ordered to them, doe order the Treasurer to pay them fiue pounds out of the next Country Rate." 3
Care for the security and prosperity of the colonists on the Con- necticut inspired and directed many of their first enterprises in trade. The public necessities soon and often moved the Court to restrictive measures, and in some instances to the granting of privileges quite in the nature of monopolies. Whatever may have been the promise of the earliest adventures, emergencies appeared which interrupted them, and the declaration " that there shall be an offensive warr agt. the Pequoitt" virtually brought "Harteford Town, Wythersfield, and Windsor " under martial law for the time being. Although hostilities against this dan- gerous tribe were happily so brief and so successful, they had effected great inconvenience and embarrassment to the planters. The Court must take active and extraordinary measures in view of their concep- tion that the plantations would be
" in some want of Indian Corne. And on the same Consideracon wee conceiue if every man may be at liberty to trucke with the Indians vppon the River where the supply of Corne in all likeliwood is to bee had to furnish o' necessities, the market of Corne among the Indians may be greatly advanced to the preiudice of these plantacons, wee therefore thinke meete and doe soe order that noe man in this River nor Agawam shall goe vpp River amonge the Indians or at home at their houses to trade for Corne or make any contract or bargaine amonge them for Corne either privately or publiquely." 4
In March, 1638, Mr. William Pynchon, of Agawam, agreed -
" to deliver att Harteford good Marchantable Indian Corne att 5s. pr bushell as farr as 500 bushells will goe at, if hee can save by that ; for the residue hee is to liave 5s. 2d. p" bushell .. .. In consideracon whereof the[re] is a restraint of any to goe upp the River to trade with the Indians for Corne ; as alsoe, if any In- dians bring downe any Corne to vs wee are not to exceede 4s. pr bushell . . . prouided alsoe that if the said Mr. Pincheon bee inforced to raise the price with the Indians of sixe sixes of Wampom a pecke, then the plantacons are to increase the pay of 5s. p" bushell ; if hee can abate anything hee will sett of soe much of 5s. pr bushell."
This arrangement did not meet the necessities of the time. The scarcity became distressing, the prices almost prohibitory. A ship
1 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 546.
2 Thid., p. 12.
3 Ibid., vol. ii. pp. 35 and 83.
Ibid., vol. i. p. 11.
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was sent to the Narragansett country to purchase further supplies, and committees also to Pocomtock (Deerfield), notwithstanding the former agreement with Mr. Pynchon. It appears by the statement of Captain John Mason that these negotiations up the River secured large quanti- ties of corn, fifty canoe-loads being sent down at one time. Dissatis- faction followed upon the results of Mr. Pynchon's agency, "for that as was conceived, & uppon prfe appred, he was not soe carefull to prmote the publieque good in the trade of Corne as hee was bounde to doe," and a fine of forty bushels of corn to be paid to the treasurer was entered against him. Whatever the justice or injustice of this imposition, the memory of it did not debar him further preference of similar nature; and when for a valuable consideration the exclusive trade in beaver was secured for Windsor to Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Hull, for Hartford to Mr. Whiting and Tho. Stanton, and for Wethersfield to Geo. Hub- bard and Rich. Lawes, Mr. Pynchon secured the privilege for Aga- wam.1 The father of the Springfield colony was an active and an able tradesman, and evidently found his account in the opportunities of his times, sometimes possibly in the emergencies of his contemporaries.2 Some of his few published letters illustrate the variety of his dealings and his acquaintance with methods of business which not till a later century, upon the appearance and development of more diversified local interests, came to any common practice here. It may be safely presumed that he affixed as early a date as any drawer to any bill of exchange addressed to parties on the Connecticut, as the following missive, warm with friendly greetings as it is diligent in business, explains : -
To the Right Worshipfull & my worthy frend Mr. John Winthrop at Quinettecot River mouth, del' this
ROXBURY, July 4, 1636.
DEERE & WORTHY FREIND, - My true loue remembered : I sent you a few lines by land, & now againe by sea, to assuer you that I forget you not : & the name of your good health is good newes vnto me. I suppose the former parsell of Cloth is nearly all gonn, & therefore I haue sent you a smale parsell more ; the best that euer came to Quinettecot : the contentes are as followeth, viz. : -
33 y. of tauny : plain wool 39 y. & tanny shagg 38 y. ₺ liner culler shagg 38 y. murry shagg 37 y. & murry shagg 38 y. of liuer culler shagg
225 y. @ 8s. 90Zi. Os. 0d.
All thes at 8s. per yard, better cloth by much then any I see heere in the Bay.
I pray accept my Bill of exchang to you, by Mr. Peeter, for 63li : & as for the freight of the Blessing formerly, I have a perfett account of it : but I have not mett with Anthony Dike to confer my notes with him. & as for the fraught of the Batcheller, I shall mak upp the tunag with Mr. Gose at Watertowne; for
1 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 20.
2 " For your debt I am solicitous oft, and I think the long before now I was never demanded twice in my life, neither should this, I hope, if not for the wars that I cannot go into the Bay to settle business to pay your debt, which is the greatest I owe in the world. There- fore pray, Sir, have patience, and as soon as possible I will take a course to give you satisfac- tion ; and in the mean any of my estate is at your service to dispose of for so much." - Roger Ludlow to Wm. Pynchon, Windsor, May 17, 1637. (Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. viii. p. 236.)
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thither I haue conditioned that she must deliuer our goods. I asked Lieftenant Gibins, before I would hier her, if she might goe as far as Watertowne, & he con- fidently affirmed she might, & that there is water enough : therefore I pray giue all the furtherance you can. Also I received a parsell of course wampam from you, but I could not trade any of it, because others were furnished with plenty of better : but if you will send me a parsell of a 100 or 200 fathom of fine white wampam, I shall accept it as beuer. If you sell not this cloth, keepe it in good condition & I will take it againe. As for vsing ould traders to trade for you, it is not the best way for your gaine : for they know how to saue themselues ; but a trusty man that neuer was a trader will quickly find the way of trading & bring you best profitt. & so the God of peace be with you euer. Your euer louing ffreind, WILLIAM PYNCHON.1
" The great expense yerely to be laid out to fetch in supply fro other parts in such comodities as are of necessary vse " afforded a topic for anxious discussion in the councils of the Court, which appeared with renewed urgency whenever the pressure of warlike affairs abated. Such an expense seemed likely to increase. New wants appeared faster than the wealth of " this poor wilderness people " accumulated. Close upon a measure appropriating lands to encourage wheat-raising for export, came one evidently much in favor with the excellent Governor Hopkins. Mr. Mather recorded of this chief magistrate of our colony that "his descent and breeding first fitted him for the condition of a Turkey Merchant in London, where he lived for several years in good fashion and esteem." His calling had acquainted him with a growing and perhaps profitable demand in England for the cotton product of the Levant. From it, by mixture with linen, a coarse cotton goods had been made in Lancashire for several years, the simplest of handicraft furnishing yarns only suitable for such a heavy fabric. This staple, grown in Egypt and Syria, had found its way to Great Britain at first in small quantities, until its use for manufacture became known and the consumption of it increased, when the Turkey merchants found increas- ing gains as they sought and secured more frequent and larger consign- ments which they safely brought, in spite of the ordinary perils of the sea and in spite of the Barbary corsairs.2 Another source of supply in the West Indies was doubtless known at this time, and, there is reason to suppose, where a supply of a better article was to be found. As early as 1628 a colony at Barbadoes had stipulated to pay for their lands purchased of English owners, in cotton, 40 pounds a year. So that it does not appear whether the Governor's proposed adventure contemplated voyages to the further shores of the Mediterranean, or only to the isles nearer home ; nor does it appear just what were the possibilities of im- provement of the staple when brought to the Connecticut, or what the chances of exchange that promised to make the importation profitable to the movers in the enterprise or particularly comfortable to anybody. However, in furtherance thereof, and for security in some measure against individual loss, the Governor himself and his deputies are upon record, Feb. 8, 1640, as follows : -
" Whereas yt is thought necessary for the comfortable support of these plan- tations, that a trade of Cotten wooll be sett vppon and attempted, for the furthering
1 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, 4th ser., vol. vi. p. 371.
2 London Quarterly Review, vol. xv. p. 500 ; Chambers's Journal, vol. xxxix. p. 138.
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whereof yt hath pleased the Gouernor, that now is, to vndertake the furnisheing and setting forth a vessell wth convenient speed to those parts where the said comodity is to be had yf yt proue phesable : In consideration whereof, as also fro the considerations in the former order specified, It is ordered by the Authority aforesaid, that vppon the Returne of the said vessell, the Plantations by p"portion shall take offe the said Cotten at such valuable consideration as yt may be afforded, according as chardge shall aryse and acreue therevppon : the pay for the said Cotten wooll to be made in Englishe Corne or Pype-staues as the Country shall afford : The p"portions to be diuyded and laid vppon the seurall Townes are accord- ing to the division of the last Country Rate. And for the better p"searuing of Tymber, that the Country may haue p"visions of Pypestaues for the furthering the said trade of Cotten Wooll, It is Ordered that no Tymber shall be felled from wthout the bounds of these Plantations, wthout lycence fro the p'ticuler Courte, nor any Pipestaues to be sould out of the Riuer wthout alowance fro the said Courte." 1
It is not known to what lengths this interesting design was con- dueted, or whether it was found " phesable," or ultimately that any considerable importations by its promoters were made, or for what they were made profitable. The following minutes, however, appear in the Colonial Records (vol. i.), and are suggestive : -
"Septem. the 8th 1642 : Its agreed that Wyndsor shall take offe the worth of 907. in Cotten Wooll, fro Mr. Hopkins ; Wethersfield, the worth of 110l. ; Hartford 2007. ; wth liberty to the Plantations to prportion yt according to their former Rats, if Wyndsor and Wethersfield shall wthin on inonth desire yt."
"October the 4th 1642 : Its ordered there shall be 90 Coats prvided wthin these Plant"s, wthin tenn dayes, basted wth cotten wooll and made defensive agt. Indean arrowes ; Hartford 40, Wyndsor 30, Wethersfield 20."
Thus it is to be supposed some use for the staple was found at once, and perhaps further demand for it immediately followed. A letter of Mr. William Pead, of Barbadoes, to John Winthrop (1646), complains, because " I have been credibly informed by some who have been lately in your parts, that cotton wools did yield a better price at that time mine were vended ; " and this would indicate that the new market was not equal to the growing supply ; other commodities were coming here from this quarter in greater measure than was desired, and called for some restrictions upon their admission ; 2 but the cotton-wool trade was apparently favored to the very moderate extent which the means and convenience of the colonists would allow.
For more than a half century following these dates there are to be observed comparatively few indications of a growing commercial enter- prise. More or less extensive hostilities with Indians threatened from year to year, until at the outbreak of and during Philip's War the dread- ful suspense was in large measure realized. Even the fear of conflicts with the Dutch was finally disposed of only when the patent of the Duke of York was asserted and Peter Stuyvesant surrendered to Colonel Nichols. The tension of the public expectation during the canvass of the Charter interests with Governor Winthrop at the British Court ;
I Colonial Records, vol. i. pp. 59, 60.
2 " It is also ordered that whatsoever Barbados Liquors, commonly caled Rum, Kill Deuill, or the like, shall be landed in any place of this Jurisdictyon, and any part thereof drawn and sould in any vessell, . . . shall be all forfeited & confiscated." - Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 255.
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the agitation between Hartford and New Haven colonies; the startling dangers at the invasion of Andros ; and again the rallying alarms for defence against the French and Indians, - all these momentous and ab- sorbing affairs in their times engaged every mind and well-nigh subor- dinated every endeavor for trade. Shipments of furs, skins, timber, cereals, and in fact of almost every product of the country, limited and uncertain as they were, were hampered earlier or later by some restric- tive mandate of the Court.1 No inconsiderable burden and hindrance was that imposed upon the exports from the river by the tolls secured to Mr. Fenwick for ten years in the conditions of the settlement with him. These cumbersome regulations were of course suggested by vari- ous emergencies, and upon occasion were variously and specially modi- fied. Permission was granted in 1649 " to Sam: Smith and the rest of the owners of the shipp at Wethersfield libberty to get and make so many pipestaues as will freight out the said shipp the first voyage, pro- vided they doe it out of the bounds of any of the Townes vppon the River within this Jurisdiction."2 In answer to a petition of Mr. Gershom Bulkeley, of Wethersfield, the Council, in April, 1676, granted to him "liberty to transport 60 bushels of corne to Boston in Mr. Goodall's Ketch to purchass som necessaries and phissical druggs; " and again he was permitted (by the Court), October, 1677,3 to " transport two hun- dred of deere skinns out of this Colony this next yeare, any law to the contrary notwithstanding;" while under stress of his urgent appeal (1671), Jeremy Osborn, of New Haven, was relieved to the extent that he might "transport about fowerteen pounds worth of leather to pur- chass a servant for himself in the Bay to help carry an end his trade." 4 Nevertheless the progress of our affairs had been but moderate when in 1680 the Governor and Council made reply to the interrogatories of the Committee for Trade, etc., of His Majesty's Council, as will appear from extracts therefrom : -
" Our cheif Trade, for procuring of cloathing, is by sending what provissions we rays to Boston, where we buy goods with it, to cloath vs.
" The trade wth the Indians in this Colony is worth nothing, for by reason of warrs they have wth other remote Indians they get litle pelfry.
" Our principle Townes are Hartford vpon Conecticutt river, New London vpon Pequot River, New Haven and Fayrefield by the sea side : in which townes
1 April, 1642, " It is Ordered there shall be a restraynt for any prson wthin this Jurisdiction fro trading wth Indeans in Long Island, vntill the Courte in September com twelue month ; only Tho: Steynton and Richard Lord haue liberty to goe one vyadge for the putting offe the smale comodityes they haue pruided for that end, and to gather in their old debts." - Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 72.
2 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 200.
3 " To the Honered Gen" Assembly met at Hartford, Octobr 11, 1677. The petition of Gershom Bulkeley humbly sheweth :
"That whereas yr petitioner hath been enformed that by a late act of this Assembly the exportation of Deere Skins out of this Colony is prhibited : His humble request is, that this Honored Assembly will grant him a permission from time to time to export what he may re- ceane thereof : it being a comodity which he had intended & doth yet hope to improve for a continuall supply of medicines : & which being a matter not so much of private benefit as of general & necessary concernment, may this Assembly please to grant his small request, you shall further oblige, Honored gents, Your very Serv,
(Col. Archives : Trade and Maritime Affairs, vol. i. Doc. 1.) GERSHOM BULKELEY." [For access to this and other interesting original papers, and for various valuable sugges- tions pertaining to this article, the writer is indebted to Mr. Charles J. Hoadly, the State librarian. ]
4 Colonial Records, vol. ii. pp. 149, 325, 433.
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is managed the principall trade of the colony. Our Buildings are generally of wood ; some there are of stone and brick : many of them of good strength and comelynesse for a wilderness, both those of wood, stone, and brick : [many 40 foot long and 20 foot broad, and some larger ; three and four stories high.1]
" The Commodities of the country are Wheat, Peas, Ry, Barly, Indian Corn, and Porck, Beif, Woole, Hemp, Flax, Cyder, Perry, and Tarr, deal boards, Pipe Staves, Horses : but to say the yearly value of what is exported, or spent upon the place, we cannot. The most is transported to Boston, and there bartered for cloathing. Some small quantities directly sent to Barbadoes, Jamaicah, and other Caribia Islands, and there bartered for sugar, cotton wool, and rumme, and some money : and now and then, rarely, some vessells are laden with Staves, Pease, Porck, and Flower, to Maderah and Fyall, and there barter their comodities for Wine. We have no need of Virginia trade ; most people planting so much Tobacco as they spend.
" Our wheat haveing been much blasted and of pease spoyled with wormes for sundry yeares past, abates much of of trade.
"For the Materialls for Shipping, here is good Timber of Oak, Pine, and Spruce for masts, oake boards and pine boards and tarr and pitch, and hemp. [Some sayle cloth is allready made in these parts, but no great quantity.2]
"The value of the comodities imported yearely we cannot compute, but pos- sibly it is 8 or 9,000li.
" In of colony there are about 20 petty merchants. Some trade only to Bos- ton, some to Boston and the Indies, other to Boston and New York, others to Boston, the Indies, and Newfoundland. As for forrain merchants, few, and very seldom, trade hitler.
"There are but few servants amongst us and less slaves, not above 30 as we judge in the colony. . . . And for Blacks, there comes sometimes 3 or 4 in a year from Barbadoes ; and they are sold usually at the rate of 22li. apiece, sometimes more and sometimes less, according as men can agree with the master of vessells, or merchants that bring them hither.
"As to the estates of the merchants, we can make no guess of them : but as for the estates of the Corporation in general, it doth amount to 110,788 lis. Houses are so chargeable to mainetaine that they are not valued in the above- mentioned summ.
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