History of Kossuth and Humbolt counties, Iowa : together with sketches of their cities, villages, and townships, educational, civil, military, and political history, portraits of prominent persons, and biographies of representative citizens, Part 80

Author:
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Springfield, Ill. : Union Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 898

USA > Iowa > Humboldt County > History of Kossuth and Humbolt counties, Iowa : together with sketches of their cities, villages, and townships, educational, civil, military, and political history, portraits of prominent persons, and biographies of representative citizens > Part 80

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

1863-D. Williams, president; M. Max- well, vice-president; G. W. "Mann, secre- tary; S. B. Bellows, treasurer; A. Mc- Lean, T. E. Collins, Elias Cusey, Eber Stone and W. L. Cusey, directors.

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1864-D. Williams, president; M. Max- well, vice-president; Eber Stone, secretary; Charles Bergk, treasurer; Walter Thomas, M. D. Williams, J. C. Cusey, John John- ston, Hiram Fleming and A. Coffin, di- rectors.

1865-Dearman Williams, president; Martin Maxwell, vice-president; Eber Stone, secretary; Charles Bergk, treasurer; J. C. Casey, S. II. Taft, Walter Thomas, T. J. Smith, Edward Sherman and W. J. Rider, board of directors.

1866-S. B. Bellows, president; Hiram Fleming, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; Charles Bergk, treasurer; J. C. Cusey, S. H. Taft, W. Thomas, W. J. Rider, T. J. Smith and E. Sherman, di- rectors.

1867-Simon B. Bellows, president; M. D. Williams, vice-president; Eber Stone, secretary; Charles Bergk, treasurer; G. W. Hand, Charles Lorbeer, A. N. Coffin, A. R. West, G. C. McCanley, J. Butler and R. Marshall, directors.

1868-S. B. Bellows, president; Elem Shattuck, vice-president; Eber Stone, secre- tary; John HI. Ford, treasurer; Elias Cusey, George C. McCauley, N. S. Ames, II. P. Cragg, Hiram Lane, G. T. Cass and J. C. Lorbeer, directors.

1869-S. B. Bellows, president; Hiram Fleming, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; J. II. Ford, treasurer; N. S. Ames, Daniel Harvey, C. B. Dean, II. Lane, C. Bergk, J. C. Cusey and T. J. Smith, di- rectors.

1870-M. D. Williams, president; Hiram Fleming, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; George L. Cruikshank, treasurer; Frank Boyd, Edward Snook, John John-

ston, Elem E. Shattuck and C. C. Coyle, directors.

1871-Dr. Ira L. Welch, president; A. II. Knowles, vice-president; Eber Stone, secretary; George L. Cruikshank, treas- urer; Simon B. Bellows, T. J. Smith, Elem E. Shattuck, C. C. Coyle and Edward Snook, directors.

1872-Dr. Ira L. Welch, president; T. J. Smith, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; George L. Cruikshank, treasurer; Walter Thomas, A. II. Knowles, A. D. Bicknell, O. J. Hack and John Johnston, directors.

1873-Dr. Ira L. Welch, president ; T. J. Smith, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; G. L. Cruikshank, treasurer; and a board of directors composed of the fol- lowing named: N.R.Jones, A.II.Knowles, Charles Bergk, Levi Bair, H. Fleming, S. G. Sharpe and O. E. French.

1874-N. R. Jones, president; A. D. Bicknell, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; B. H. Harkness, treasurer; and Charles Bergk, Levi Bair, Hiram Lane, W. J. Coon, A. II. Knowles, H. Fleming and O. P. Fuller, directors.

1875-N. R. Jones, president; A. D. Bicknell, vice-president; Eber Stone, sec- retary; B. HI. Harkness, treasurer; H. Lane, John II. Ford, S. B. Bellows, Levi Bair, A. D. Bicknell, A. H. Knowles and J. G. Lorbeer, directors.

1876-J. HI. Ford, president; Levi Bair, vice-president; J. W. Foster, secretary; B.HI. Harkness, treasurer; William Thomp- son, Hiram Lane, D. L. Willey, Green B. Starks, L. K. Lorbeer, Charles Bergk and Simon B. Bellows, directors.

1877-The minutes of this year seem to have been lost, hence none of the

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names of the officers are recorded except those of G. B. Stark, president, and J.W. Foster, secretary.

1878-G. B. Stark, president; Charles Fleming, vice-president ; S. H. Brewer, secretary; B. H. Harkness, treasurer; J. W. King, A. M. Adams, H. Lane, William Thompson, George R. Hartwell, E. F. Hartwell, E. Tennison, F. E. Barclay, T. Elwood Collins, O. P. Fuller, M. E. Fos- ter, S. G. Sharpe and M. Schleicher, di- rectors.

1879-George C. McCauley, president; Hiram Lane, vice-president; S. H. Brew- er, secretary ; Alexander McLaughlin, treasurer; Eugene Tellier, general super- intendent; William 'Thompson, J. A. Mar- vin, O. F. Avery, M. Schleicher, M. Sco- field, E. Tennison, Albert Adams, J. W. Foster, Charles Fleming, J. B. Jackson, Andrew Gullixson, S. S. Sharpe and Jo- seph Fletcher, directors.

' 1880-George C. McCanley, president; Hiram Lane, vice-president; Carlos Combs, secretary; Alexander McLaughlin, treas- urer; Eugene Tellier, general superin- tendent; and a board of directors com- posed as follows: Miner Scofield, Abram H. Knowles, Andrew Gullixson, John Nickson, Charles Jarvis, D. L. Willey, W. E. Foster, E. H. Hartwell, Ole Halgrins, A. P. Weber, J. D. Foster, J. W. Foster and C. C. Kellogg.

1881-Hiram Lane, president; John Means, vice-president; Carlos Combs, sec- retary; B. H. Harkness, treasurer; G. T. Nash, general superintendent; John Ha- ley, James Taylor, A. Gullixson, John Nickson, George James, John Fairman, D. L. Willey, J. W. King, Ole Halgrins,

O. Krouskop, C. H. Brown, John Foster, L. C. Lincoln and J. B. Jackson, directors.

1882-H. Lane, president; John Means, vice-president; J. W. Foster, secretary; R. J. Johnston, treasurer; L. Barton, James Taylor, T. Williamson, S. Boyden, H. E. Stevens, William Thompson, John Fairman, S. Luchsinger, J. Hanson, O. Krouskop, William Rowley, J. Johnston, John Foster, Mathew Reed and C. H. Brown, directors. During the year sev- eral changes occurred in the board, and the office of secretary having become va- cant, G. H. Shellenberger was appointed to fill that place.

1883, and present-B. G. Stark, presi- dent; John Johnston, vice-president; G. H. Shellenberger, secretary; R. J. John- ston, treasurer; directors: Theodore Mc- Gee, Edward Connor, C. H. Brown, John Stevenson, William Thomson, Jolin Fair- man, John Means and O. Krouskop; and James F. Ellis, general superintendent.

In 1866 a strong effort was made by the rival towns for the location of the fair grounds, and considerable excitement grew out of it. Parties interested had their partisans join the society for the purpose of voting in their behalf, until the membership swelled to about 300. The proposition made by Charles Bergk, that he would donate fifteen acres of land to the society, and furnish lumber for fencing the same, if it was located a short distance from Dakota, seemed to meet the approbation of the society, and it was de. cided to accept and set up their fair ground thereon. The ground was occupied for several years, but was not fenced, and Mr. Bergk having left this part of the

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county, no title to the ground lying in the society, a new movement was placed on foot whereby the present fine grounds were acquired.

Fairs have been held each and every year since the organization of the society, with varying success. Many of these exhibi-

tions of the agricultural resources of the county were more than successes in their line. A meritorious feature of the early organization was the purchase of seeds of new varieties of cereals and plants, and the distribution of them among the mem- bers for experimental culture.

CHAPTER XV.

THE WAR-ITS CAUSES.

From the commencement of government there have been two antagonistic princi- ples contending for mastery-slavery and freedom. Sometimes smouldering and even invisible; but the seeds were there and ever and anon would burst into flames, carrying destruction, death and desola- tion with it. A repetition of that great conflict which, for ages, has agitated our globe-the conflict between aristocratic usurpation and popular rights. History is crowded with descriptions and scenes of this irrepressible conflict. Two thousand years ago, when the aristocracy of Rome was headed by Cnenes Pompey, Julius Cæsar, espousing the cause of the people, unfurled the banner of popular rights, and striding through oceans of flood which tossed their surges over every portion of the habitable globe, overthrew the aristo- cratic commonwealth, and reared over the ruins, the imperial commonwealth. Again on the field of Pharsalia, the aristocratic banner was trailed in the dust, and democ-

racy, although exceedingly imperfect, became victor. It was aristocracy trying to keep its heel on the head of democracy which has deluged the Roman Empire in blood.

But the nobles regained foothold, and regardless of these lessons, renewed their oppression. Again they commenced sow- ing the seed which must surely bring forth terrible fruit. Over 200 years ago the aristocracy of France, housed in magnificent palaces, mounted on war horses, with pampered men at arms ready to ride rough shod on every embassage of violence, trampled upon the suffering serfs, until humanity could no longer endure it. The masses of the people were deprived of every privilege, save that of toiling for their masters. The aristocracy so deprived the people, whose wives and daughters through their brutality were forced to go to the field bare-headed and bare-footed, and be yoked to the plow with the donkey, that they never dreamed that the wretched

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boors would dare even to look in defiance towards the massive and stately castles whose noblemen proudly strode along the battlements in measureless contempt for the helpless peasantry below. But the pent up vials of vengeance of ages at last burst forth. These boors, these jacks, rose and like maddened hyenas, rushed upon their foes. Imbrated men, who for ages had been subjected to the most outrageous wrongs, rose by millions against their oppressors, and wreaked upon them every atrocity which fiend-like ingenuity could devise. All the brutal and demon passions of human nature held high carnival, and it can truly be said France ran red with blood. But at length disciplined valor pre- vailed. After one-half of the peasantry of France had perished, the knighted noble- men, the aristocrats resumed their sway, and the hellish bondage, worse than slav- ery, was again placed upon the people. This war of the jacks, or as it is called in history, Jacqueri, is one of the most inter- esting and warning events of the past, and yet it was all unheeded.

The oppression went on, growing more and more outrageous; the people were kept ignorant that they might not know of their wrongs; poor that they might not resent them. That the lords might live in castles and be clothed in purple, and fare sumptuously, the people were doomed to hovels, rags and black bread. The peas- ant must not place the bit of dough in the ashes by his fireside-he was compelled to have it baked at the bakery of his lord, and there pay heavy toll. He dare not scrape together the few crumbs of salt from the rocks of the ocean shore, he must buy every particle from his lord at an

exorbitant price. "Servants obey your masters," was interpreted to apply to all save of noble birth; and religion was con- verted into a method for subjecting the masses. Bibles were not allowed to be read by these boors, lest they learn what the Savior really taught, and a peas- ant detected with one in his hand was deemed as guilty as if caught with the tools of a burglar or the dies of a counter- feiter. As associates for lords-the idea would have been considered contrary to nature or reason. Thus Louis XV., sur- rounded by courtesans, debauchees and the whoredom of his castle, once said; "I can give money to Voltaire, Montesquier and Fontinelle, but I cannot dine and sup with these people." If the peasant with his wife and child toiling in the field, in cultivation of a few acres of land, man- aged to raise $640 worth of crops during the year, $600 of it went to the King, the Lord and the Church, while the remaining 840 was left to clothe and feed the emaci- ated family. Thomas Jefferson, in the year 1785, wrote from Paris to a friend in Philadelphia:

"Of twenty millions of people supposed to be in France, I am of the opinion that there are nineteen millions more wretched, more accursed in every circumstance of human existence, than the most conspicu- ously wretched individual in the whole United States."

It was this state of affairs which brought on the war of the French Revolution, inaugurating the most terrific of all Time's battles. Such combats earth never saw before, probably never will see again. Two worlds, as it were, came clashing together. Twenty millions of people

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trampled in the mire, rose ghastly and frenzied, and the flames of feudal castles and the shrieks of hanglity oppressors appalled the world. All the combined aristocracy of Europe were on the other side to crush the demand of the people for the equality of man. Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Austria, England, Spain-all the kings rallied their armies to the assistance of France in subduing the oppressed masses who, believing they were right, marched heroically to the victories of Marengo, Wagram and Austerlitz. But in the final victories of the despots, aristo- cratic privilege again triumphed in Europe. In the meantime a similar though less bloody and terrific battle had taken place in England; the same ever-rising conflict between the united courtiers and cavaliers under Charles I., and the Puritans under Cromwell. With prayer, fasting and hymn, the common people, who had for ages been under the yoke of servitude, took to arms in defense of their rights, and many cavaliers bit the dust through their sturdy blows. But Charles II. re- turned to the throne and again aristocracy triumphed. The oppressed were our Puritan fathers; again they were trodden under foot. Then it was that the heroic resolution was adopted to cross the ocean, 3,000 miles, and there in exile estab- lish and found a republic where all men in the eye of the law should be equal. The result is too well known to need rehearsal. How they fought their way through all the dangers of the savage new world and succeeded in the object. How the aristocracy of England made the des- perate effort to again bring the yoke to bear; to tax ns without allowing us to be

represented in parliament-to place the appointment to all important offices in the hands of the king, who would send over the sons of England's noblemen to be our governors and our judges, and who would fill all the posts of wealth, dignity and power with the children of the lords.

Hence the War of the Revolution. We, the people, conquered, and established our government independent of all the world, placing as corner stone of the edifice that "all men are born free and equal, and are alike entitled to life, liberty, and the pur- Buit of happiness."

Then coming down to the great conflict of America, the Rebellion, it was a con- tinuance of that irrepressible conflict which has shaken the world to its utter- most depths for ages. It was based upon slavery, that which has caused the shed- ding of oceans of blood, and making mil- lions of widows and orphans.

The constitution, under which we are bound together, is, in its spirit and legiti- mate utterance, doubtless one of the most noble documents ever produced by the mind of man, and even now, when the ad- vancement of a century has dawned upon its use, not a paragraph requires changing to make it true to humanity. But yet in- gloriously and guiltily we cousented to use one phrase susceptible of a double meaning, "held to labor." So small and apparently so insignificant were the seeds sown from which such a harvest of misery has been reaped. In the North these hon- est words meant a hired man or an appren- tice. In the South they were taken to mean slavery, the degradation and feudal bondage of a race. A privileged class assumed that the constitution recognized

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it, and the right of property in human be- ings. This class endeavored to strengthen and extend their aristocratic institution, which was dooming ever increasing mil- lions to life-long servitude and degrada- tion. All wealth was rapidly accumulating in the hands of these few who owned their fellow-man as property. The poor whites, unable to buy slaves, and considering labor which was performed by them degrading, were rapidly sinking into a state of fright- ful misery. The sparse population which slavery allowed excluded churches, schools and villages. Immense plantations of thousands of acres, tilled by as many slaves, driven to work by overseers, con- signed the whole land to apparent solitude. The region of the southern country gener- ally presented an aspect of desolation which Christendom no where else could parallel. The slave-holders, acting as one man, claimed the right of extending this over all the free territory of the United States. Free labor and slave labor cannot exist together. The admission of slavery effectually excluded free men from them. It was impossible for those men, cherish- ing the sentiment of republican equality, to settle there, with the priveleged class who were to own vast realms and live in luxury upon the unpaid labor of the masses. It was on this point that the conflict, in its fierceness, commenced.

From the year 1790 the strife grew hot- ter and hotter every year. The questions arising kept Congress, both the Senate and House, in one incessant scene of warfare. There could be no peace in the land until this aristocratic element was effectually banished.

The Hon. Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, speaking of the antagonism of the two systems, aristocracy and freedom, said, in the Senate of the United States, on Dec. 5, 1860:

"Sir, disguise the fact as you will, there is enmity between the Northern and Southern people, which is deep and endur- ing, and you can never eradicate it-never. Look at the spectacle exhibited on this floor. How is it? There are the Northern senators on that side; here are the South- ern senators on this side. You sit upon your side silent and gloomy. We sit upon our side.with knit brows and portentous scowls. Here are two hostile bodies on this floor, and it is but a type of the feel- ing which exists between the two sections. We are enemies as much as if we were hostile States. We have not lived in peace. We are not living in peace. It is not ex- pected that we shall ever live in peace."

Hon. Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in contin- uation of the same debate said: "This is a war of sentiment and opinion, by one form of society against another form of society."

The remarks of the Hon. Garrett Davis, a senator from Kentucky, are to the point: "The cotton States, by their slave labor, have become wealthy, and many of their planters have princely revenues-from $50,000 to $100,000 per year. This wealth has begot a pride, and insolence, and amn- bition, and these points of the Southern character have been displayed most in- sultingly in the halls of Congress. As a class, the wealthy cotton growers are in- solent, they are proud, they are domineer- ing, they are ambitious. They have monop- olized the government in its honors for

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forty or fifty years with few interruptions. general policy the slave-holders enjoyed. When they saw the sceptre about to depart from them, in the election of Lin- coln, sooner than give up office and the spoils of office, in their mad and wicked ambition they determined to disrupt the old confederation, and erect a new one, wherein they would have undisputed power."

Thus the feeling continued growing stronger. One incessant cry became, "Ab- jure your democratic constitution, which favors equal rights to all men, and give us in its place an aristocratic constitution, which will secure the rights of a privileged class." They insisted that the domestic slave trade should be nurtured, and the foreign slave trade opened; saying, in the course and vulgar language of one of the most earnest advocates of slavery: "The North can import jackasses form Malta, let the South, then, import niggers from Africa."

The reply of the overwhelming majority of the people of the United States was decisive. Lincoln was elected and inau- gnrated despite the conspiracy to preventit.

Volumes could be and have been written upon these actions, but they are well known. We will merely mention the most prominent features, transpiring until the havoc of war actually set in.

On the 7th of November, 1860, it was known that Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States, and was to enter upon his duties on the 4th day of the following March. In the meantime the executive government was virtually in the hands of the slave power. James Buchanan, the President, had been elected to the office openly pledged to pursue the

The cabinet were all slave-holders and slave-masters. The United States Navy was scattered all over the face of the earth, leaving only two vessels for the defense of the country; the treasury was left barren; the army was so scattered in remote fortresses in the far west, as to leave all the forts where they would be needed, defenseless; the United States arsenals were emptied, the secretary of war sending their guns to the slave States, where bands of rebels were organ- ized and drilling, prepared to receive them. One hundred and fifteen thousand arms, of the most approved pattern, were transferred from Springfield, Mass., and from Watervleit, N. Y., together with a vast amount of cannon, mortar, balls, pow- der and shells were also forwarded to the rebels in the slave States.

On the 18th of February, 1861, the inauguration of Jefferson Davis, as Presi- dent of the Southern Confederacy, took place at Montgomery, Ala. Four days later the collector of customs, appointed by the Confederate Government in Charleston, S. C., issued the manifesto that all vessels, from any State out of the Confederacy, would be treated as foreign vessels, and subject to the port dues, and other charges established by the laws of the Confederate States. Thus by a stroke of the pen, the immense commerce of the Northern States was declared to be foreign commerce, beneath the guus of the forts which the United States had reared, at an expense of millions of dollars.

Already a number of States had passed the ordinance of secession.

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On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated President, and assumed official duties.

At half-past four o'clock on the morning of the 12th of April, 1861, the rebels opened fire upon Fort Sumter, and, after enduring terrific bambardment from all sides, the heroic defenders abandoned it, and were conveyed to New York. Fort Sumter was the Bunker Hill of the Civil War. In both cases, a proud aristocracy were determined to subject this country to its sway. In both cases the defeat was a glorious victory.

On the next Monday, April 15, Presi- dent Lincoln issued a call for three months' service of 75,000 volunteers. 'The effect was electrical. Within fifteen days it is estimated that 350,000 men offered them- selves in defense of our National flag.

Thus the Civil War had burst upon the United States with almost the suddenness of the meteor's glare. It was, however, but like the eruption of the volcano whose pent-up fires had for ages been gathering strength for the final explosion. The con- spirators had for years been busy prepar- ing for the conflict. In the rebel conven- tion, which met in South Carolina to con- summate the conspiracy, Mr. Inglis said :- "Most of us have had this subject under consideration for the last twenty years." Mr. Keitt said: "I have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered polit- ical life." Mr. Rhett said: "It is nothing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. It is a matter which has been gathering for thirty years." But more need not be said; the result is too well known. Call followed call in quick succession, the num-

ber reached the grand total of 3,339,748. The calls were as follows:

April 15, 1861, for three months 75,000

May 4, 1861, for five years. 64,748

July. 1861, for three years. 500,000

July 18, 1862, for three years 300,000

August 4, 1862, for nine months 800,000

June, 1863, for three years. . 300.000

October 17, 1863, for three years 300,000

February 18, 1864, for three years. 500,000

July 10. 1864, for three years .. 200,000

July 16, 1864, for one, two and three years. .

500,000

December 21, 1864, for three years .. 300,000

Total 3,339, 748

HUMBOLDT COUNTY IN THE WAR.

Humboldt county was intensely loyal throughout the War of the Rebellion, and her part in the history of the strife, is one upon which her citizens are justified in looking back upon with pride. Although at the breaking out of hostilities, it con- tained but 481 inhabitants, it filled its quota of volunteers for every call, and men enlisted from her territory in other coun- ties, to fill their proportion of the troops assigned to them. The people that busi- ness, or the cares of a family kept at home responded freely, with purse in hand, to aid the wives and children of those who offered themselves, as the counties con- tribution to the Grand Army.

The action taken by the honorable board of supervisors, in relation to bounties, and appropriations in aid of the families of the volunteers, the reader may find fully detailed in the chapter devoted to the proceedings of that body in a previons portion of this book.

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History of Kossuth and Humbolt counties, Iowa : together with sketches of their cities, villages, and townships, educational, civil, military, and political history, portraits of prominent persons, and biographies of representative citizens, Part 80

Author: Publication date: 1884 Publisher: Springfield, Ill. : Union Publishing Company Number of Pages: 898

Author:
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Springfield, Ill. : Union Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 898