USA > Iowa > Henry County > The history of Henry county, Iowa, containing a history of the county, its cities, towns, &c. > Part 53
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The Mount Pleasant Daily Reporter is owned and edited by Mr. C. L. More- hous. It is now in its second year and is a lively little sheet. Mr. Morehous has had much experience in the work of managing a paper, and is well known throughout the State.
The above are all of the papers now published in the county. At one time the Iowa Tribune was issued at Mount Pleasant, as was also the Republican News, but both have disappeared. Papers have been published for a time at Salem, New London and Winfield, but the field did not prove broad enough.
SAMUEL LUKE HOWE, THE ABOLITIONIST.
Glorious old John Brown ! What writer does not feel justified in the indul- gence of a license which brings that name within the province of his work ? The annals of the county which bounds the actual scope of this volume con- tain no trace of the hero's presence, yet indirectly there is much which belongs to the epoch marked by his dramatic existence. The impress of a lofty char- acter akin to Brown's is visible in many places here, and forms a chapter in the history of Mount Pleasant which cannot be ignored. Through the instrumen- tality of one whose convictions were so profound as to eminently affect the lives of those about him, and whose position was such as to magnify the opportunity of his leadership, the names of some who are associated with the records of Henry County became identified with that of the martyr whom all the civilized world now delights to honor.
Fate decreed that the peculiar institution which had for so long a time been the absorbing theme of national discord, should disappear in the awful tumult of civil war. For the moment, the lesser scenes in that great drama were
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obscured in the terrible grandeur of the denouement. But as time glides on, and we behold the events of those days transcribed on the pages of history, we are ena- bled to analyze, arrange and compare the causes and methods which produced such results. We find ourselves unconsciously inventorying the list of actors, and ascribing to them the honors which their conduct merits. Heroes appear where we are wont to see only eccentric characters. Fanatics stand forth in the attitudes of noble men. The bitterness of partisan rancor is dead, and we find ourselves inclined to give generous praise to those who once received but angry denunciation. The men who fled before infuriated mobs are now the cen- tral figures in a group of worthy devotees to principle. We delight to do them tardy justice, and lift our feeble voices in testimony of the deeds of brav- ery, which once were acts of crime. Many who still remember the days before the war, and cannot give complete assent to the wisdom of Antislavery measures, are willing to admit the honesty of purpose which controlled the lit- tle band of Abolitionists.
Abolitionists ! The very word itself revives recollections of noble perform- ances. Where once the name was used only as an epithet of scorn, it now is reverenced as a title of honor, worn by that company of inspired men who form the germ of future families of distinction. As to-day the offspring of the Puritan Fathers trace back their origin to the fugitives of the May-, flower, so will the generations yet to be, point out with growing pride the ties of blood which bind them to that grand legion of honor, American Abolitionists.
We care not what the verdict of the present is concerning the propriety or judiciousness of their acts ; what they did is nothing ; what they were is every- thing. The heroism which made those men Abolitionists was born of qualities almost divine. The petty details of their lives; their mistakes, born of ham- pered opportunities ; their errors, born of a lofty ideal, are nothing in the sum of our estimate of their sublime characters ; but their moral bravery, born of heaven-inspired intents ; their personal valor, born of desperate resolves; their defiance of man ; their love of truth; their implicit confidence in their guid- ance by a higher power; their trust in God; these qualities we bow before, as in the presence of an influence beyond the reaches of our meager souls. And as we bow we say : Hail, John Brown ! Hail, Ralph Waldo Emerson ! Hail, William Lloyd Garrison ! Hail, Thoreau ! Hail, Samuel Luke Howe ! Hail, all ye band of mighty heroes in the fight for principle ! We do ye reverence !
Samuel Luke Howe was one who dared to do right, as he knew the right, in the very face of the bitterest opponents of his acts. He lived almost on the border of a State in which slavery existed by authority of law. He believed that slavery was wrong, and he was of large enough nature to dare to speak his mind. A lesser mind would have mollified its antagonists by a partial relin- quishment of conviction ; but that he could not do. When the mob drove him to a place of refuge and hurled at him more than vile epithets, this " madman," this "fanatic," this "agitator," replied with bolts of truth fired from a battery whose casemates were armored with divine heroism. To himself, he was noth- ing. A mind like his is filled with egotism, it is true; but it is not the ego- tism of a dwarfed individuality. His strength and wisdom was not for self, but for those good deeds which his interpretation of duty compelled him to per- form. In the observance of such mandates as emanate from the voice of duty, he was forgetful of himself, and placed himself as an instrument for the accomp- lishment of a grand purpose in the hands of an over-ruling power.
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It is natural that such a mind should soon find itself in sympathy with John Brown; for the testimony of those who knew the two men is such as proves a strong resemblance in will between them. Prof. Howe inculcated into the minds of his pupils not only his scholastic ideas but also his moral theories. His influence in this direction was, undoubtedly, unintentional to a greater or less degree ; but it was, nevertheless, potent. The hearty commendation of all his students is in substantiation of this conclusion. He was a born leader, an original thinker and a man of deep convictions. In those qualities, and in the natural bent of his mind toward the love of human liberty, he resembled Brown.
Prof. Howe was not content with merely entertaining liberal ideas, he was forced into the expression of them, as well. Hence we find him, in 1850, and for the few years which preceded the Kansas difficulties, at the head of an Abolition paper in Mount Pleasant. September 17, 1850, he gave the follow- ing expression to his views on the Fugitive Slave Bill :
It is already known that this inhuman bill has passed the Senate and is before the House. It is reported that it will certainly pass that body. When this is accomplished, then will our degradation be complete. Despots and tyrants will shout for joy and the shade of liberty will writhe in unspeakable anguish. If the actions of this Congress do not rouse up the friends of freedom all over the land to a more determined and energetic resistance to the predominating power of this peculiar institution, then will the spirit of liberty have fled from earth, and the birthright and mission of this great Republic will have been sold for less than a mess of pottage. When this bill becomes a law, then freedom is but a name. ** ** * If Northern wretches can be found to execute this law, there will be no safety for any one in this broad land, bond or free, black or white, rich or poor, noble or ignoble.
This was not said in the bosom of New England, the alleged home of free- dom, but on the very confines of the Slave States, and at a time when society was much more crude and independent of lawful restraints than the present. It would have been dangerous to have uttered such sentiments in Boston, as we very well know ; but to have the temerity to do so in the southern counties of Iowa required iron nerve and a devotion to holy principle that is admirable even in the wildest fanatic.
From the broken files of the Iowa True Democrat, the paper from which the above is taken, we might take many extracts of similar import. But the idea of the personal bravery of the man is already fully illustrated.
The students in Prof. Howe's school drew in Abolitionism with their Latin and their mathematics. They were employed as type-setters in the office of the paper, and were made to partake of the atmosphere in which the editor lived. It is not surprising that, in 1856, a company composed of O. P. Howe, W. P. Howe, T. A. Bereman. T. H. Stanton, Alpheus Palmer and J. S. Ever- ingham started from Mount Pleasant with supplies for the suffering people of Kansas. The little band moved overland in a wagon, leaving their homes on the 6th day of August. They became a part of the brave company which defended Lawrence from the assault of 2,000 " Border Ruffians." That fight has become a part of the general history of the nation, as has the entire life of John Brown. On the night of the struggle, Capt. Brown shared the blankets of Bereman and Stanton, and the recollection of that eventful period must stir the blood of those men while life gives pulsation to their hearts, and, after they are gone to rest, those who shall come after them will find a topic for speech and pen through all time to come.
The teachings of Prof. Howe are apparent in the private journals which were prepared by the Mount Pleasant band during their journey to and sojourn in Kansas, and to the end of their lives will his students be proud to admit the molding influence of that master mind.
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During the days of slavery, there was, undoubtedly, a branch of the "under- ground railway " maintained in this county ; but the opinion was then, and still is, that Prof. Howe was not directly concerned in the work of liberating slaves. The chief " station " in this region was at Salem, where many refugees from bond- age paused for succor and encouragement. The kindly-disposed and noble- hearted Friends in that vicinity were free to give defiance to the oppressive laws of the land, and speed the fleeing bondman on his way to the coveted borders of Canada. It does not appear clear to the writer that there was a "station " at Mount Pleasant, but there may have been. The "fanatics " who believed in the universal freedom of man dwelt there, in small numbers, attracted by the society, possibly, of Mr. Howe; and during the years just prior to the war, the Professor was not alone, as he was in the beginning of his career in Mount Pleasant. Still, the sense of duty possessed by the leader in Mount Pleasant, although delicate, did not extend to the extremity of joining in the work of running slaves away. The direction probably chosen was to the eastward from Salem, on to Burlington.
There is little data upon which to base an historic sketch in this connection, but the similarity of methods employed in the several sections through which the "railway " ran, makes it possible for the writer to speak intelligently on the subject. Who among the people who beheld the scene can ever forget the strik- ing spectacle of the fleeing slave ? Skulking by night behind fence or through dense woodlands; shivering affrighted at the sudden baying of a dog ; creeping, like a wild beast, beneath a sheltering tangle of thicket to avoid the inquisitive eye of a chance passer-by, and lying noiseless throughout the broad day, with cramped limbs and aching body, within the cover of some deserted place. From the moment when desperation nerved the wretched man to hazard life in search of liberty, to the instant when first he saw the welcome shores of Canada loom up before his straining eyes, the time was one continued agony of suspicion and suspense. The sun rose upon his cowering form but to intensify his terror of discovery, and the gathering gloom afforded relief but in the renewal of his tiresome journey.
The " underground railway " was so called because of the secrecy connected with the work of forwarding the escaping slaves. The friends of the negro possessed signs, signals and evidences of initiation which proved the authenticity of the claimant's right to aid. Who the agents of the "railway " were, no one could determine, unless he was associated with the company. The fugitive knew, before he left one station, whom to apply to next, and where he could find temporary shelter. Sometimes the slaves were hidden beneath loads of hay, or concealed in boxes and barrels, and carted along their road like merchandise. But usually they journeyed alone, by night, with the north star for their only guide, and lay concealed during the day. The Abolitionists gave them surrep- titious aid, and supplied small sums of money or necessary food. There is certain evidence of such assistance having been granted to slaves in Salem, but beyond that the showing fails to prove positively the belief that the "line" diverged northward as far as Mount Pleasant. Throughout the country, more or less sympathy was manifested, but to-day scarce one remains of that noble little band. All have either moved from the section or are dead, with possibly one or two exceptions.
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THE SENATORIAL SUCCESSIONS.
The Territory of Iowa was admitted into the Union as a State in accordance with the provisions of the law regulating the increase of the national sisterhood, and under the Constitution adopted by the second Constitutional Convention of the Territory, held at Iowa City May 4, 1846. The organic law was approved by the people on the 3d day of August, 1846, by a vote of 9,492 in its favor, to 9,036 in the negative. The indorsed Constitution was presented to Congress in December of the same year, and, on the 28th day of that month, a formal bill was passed, admitting Iowa as one of the States.
In anticipation of this action of Congress, the Territorial Governor, Hon. James Clarke, issued a proclamation, ordering an election to be held for the purpose of choosing State officers and a State Legislature. The election was held on the 26th day of October, 1846.
Of the several branches of government provided for at that time, this sketch has only to deal with the legislative. When the action of Congress confirmed tbe proceedings of the people of Iowa, it already found the machinery of the State in motion. The first General Assembly convened at Iowa City November 30, 1846, and remained in session until February 25, 1847.
One of the most important duties which devolved upon the people at the first State election, was the selection of a Congressional delegation. The law provided for the election of two members of the Lower House of Congress directly, and; in accordance therewith, S. Clinton Hastings, of Muscatine, was chosen to represent the First District, or northern half of the State, and Shep- herd Leffler, of Burlington, to represent the Second, or Southern District. But the task of electing two Senators was delegated to the Legislature, and that body was invested with more than ordinary interest to the aspiring men of the newly-created commonwealth. Those days are not so far removed in the past as to be materially different from the present in respect to personal ambitions; and the beautiful region of Iowa had attracted to it many of the rising men of the West. The legal profession was distinguished by the ability of its mem- bers, and the bar, as is admitted in all sections, whether new or old, is famous for its contributions to the legislative bodies of the country.
The Legislature which met in November, 1846, was, therefore, the object of more than ordinary interest and curiosity. It held in its hands the unusual power of choosing two United States Senators. The State Senate consisted of nineteen members, and was organized by the election of Thomas Baker, from Marion, Polk, Dallas and Jasper Counties, as President, and the election of John B. Russell as Secretary, on the 1st day of December. The House was composed of forty members, and elected Jesse B. Brown, of Lee, Speaker, and Silas H. Hudson, Chief Clerk. The political complexion of the majority of both Houses was Democratic.
The Congress to which the Legislature was to elect Senators was the Twenty-ninth, and only the last session of that. It may be well to explain that the United States Senate is so composed as to be a perpetual body-one- third of its members, only, retiring at the expiration of each Congress (lasting two years). Thus, when a State is admitted to the Union, it chooses two Sen- ators, who are not designated for any specific term by the Legislature choosing them. When the Senators-elect reach Washington, the Secretary of the Sen- ate prepares three slips of paper, upon one of which is written "class first," upon another, "class second," and upon the other, "class third." These slips
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represent the three divisions of the Senate, which are as equal, numerically, as the whole Senate membership is divisible by three. If, however, recent addi- tions to the list have made one of the classes larger than the others, that enlarged class is omitted from the slips prepared by the Secretary, and but two (being first and second, first and third or second and third, as the case may be). are furnished. When these preliminaries are arranged, the new Senators, or friends acting for them, see the slips placed in a box or hat, and draw one of the slips. The lot thus drawn determines the class to which the drawer is to. be assigned. Ever afterward, the successors of those men take their places in the classes so decided upon. Vacancies caused by death, resignation or impeach- ment are filled for the unexpired term of the regular incumbent, and not for six years, or the full term. The purpose is to preserve, as nearly as possible, three equal divisions of the Senate.
The Senatorial aspirants were numerous, and the friends of the respective candidates were firm in their determination to see their favorites succeed. An element, which entered into the contest in a powerful degree, was that known as the "'Possum " faction from the Half-Breed Tract, or, as it was familiarly called, "The Tract," in Lee County. This faction arose from the complications growing out of the sale of lands in the Tract by half-breed Indians to white men. Those settlers who had located on the disputed section were banded to- gether for political and judicial purposes, with the one view of securing their own titles at whatever hazard. The Tract was thickly settled, and, as a conse- quence, held a controlling influence in the politics of the county. The "'Pos- sums " were able to elect their own candidates, and were also determined to choose only such men to office as favored their claims.
It chanced that the "'Possums" held the balance of power in the first State Legislature. There were two Senators and six Representatives from Lee County, and if these men were to cast their ballots with the Whigs, the latter party would secure a majority of one over any Democratic Senatorial candi- date. It is said that the Whigs and "'Possums" effected a coalition, and agreed upon Mr. McCarty as their choice for Senator, as opposed to the Democratic candidate, Augustus C. Dodge. When the separate Houses had balloted and failed of a choice, the two bodies came together in Joint Convention and pro- ceeded to ballot for Senator. It is said that, upon the first ballot, Senator Samuel Fullenwider, of Des Moines County, a Whig, refused to carry out the caucus plan of voting for McCarty. The result was an equal number of votes for McCarty and Dodge.
When the Democrats saw how the "'Possums" were playing a game that was corroborative of their title, they instituted a series of petty diversions from the regular business, by repeated adjournments, and thereby presented a re-as- sembling of the joint convention. Week after week elapsed without any change in the feeling of the parties, and ultimate adjournment of the Legisla- ture arrived before a choice had been made.
The result of these complications was a total failure to elect Senators, and the first Legislature adjourned without performing its most important task. Thus it transpired that Iowa, althongh justly entitled to Senatorial representa- tion in the last session of the Twenty-ninth Congress and the first session of the Thirtieth, does not appear as having a full delegation in the national body.
On December 4, 1848, the Second Assembly convened at Iowa City. On the 7th of that month, Hon. Augustus C. Dodge, of Burlington, and Hon. George W. Jones, of Dubuque, were agreed upon as Senators. This election filled the delegation from Iowa during the winter of 1848-49. The Repre-
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sentatives from Iowa during the Thirtieth Congress were Hon. William Thomp- son, of Mount Pleasant, and Hon. Shepherd Leffler, of Burlington.
Senator Jones drew the slip assigning him to the term expiring with the Thirty-second Congress, which ended in 1853, while Senator Dodge drew the short term, which lasted but the single session of the Thirtieth Congress, in 1849. He was, however, re-elected January 10, 1849, for a term of six years, and retired from the seat at the close of the Thirty-third Congress, in 1855. Senator Jones was re-elected December 21, 1852, and served until the close of the Thirty-fifth Congress, in 1859.
The period to which we have arrived is this sketch is marked by events of a more local interest to the people of Henry County. The vacancy caused by the expiration of Senator Dodge's term, created a profound excite- ment in political circles, because of the changed condition of State politics. The Whig party was fast gaining ascendency over the old-established Demo- cratic organization. The Legislature was composed, in 1854, of a Senate which was Democratic by but one majority, while the House had a clear Whig majority.
It is a well-known fact that the law governing Senatorial elections provides for a preliminary ballot in each House, when, if the two divisions are found to have voted for different men, a joint convention is authorized, consisting of both branches of the Legislature, assembled in either of the halls devoted to legislative business, and presided over by the President of the Senate, with the Speaker of the House sitting by his side. The Secretary of the Senate acts as Secretary of the Joint Convention, and the Chief Clerk of the House serves as Assistant Secretary. Thus organized, the Convention proceeds to vote for United States Senator, by roll-call. If a clear majority of the Convention does not then agree upon a man, an adjournment is made, from time to time, until a decision is reached. This plan presupposes the formal organization of the two Houses, and during the interval between the sessions of the Convention the regular legislative business is duly proceeded with. However, when the time for the assembling of the Joint Convention arrives, the Clerk or Secretary of the branch in whose room the Convention meets, formally notifies the other branch of the arrival of the hour at which the Convention was to assemble. This notice has to be given by one body to the other during the formal organ- ization of the branch receiving such notification.
As has already been remarked, the House was Whig in politics, and the Legislature was also Whig on joint ballot ; but the Senate had a Democratic presiding officer and official organization, because of its majority of one on sep- arate ballot. When the time arrived for the election of a Senator-which is always the first business on those years when a Senator is chosen, after the legal organization of the Legislature-a separate ballot was taken. The mem- bers had followed the usual preliminary custom of " going into caucus," for the purpose of making nominations, and the Democrats had selected Hon. A. C. Dodge as their candidate. The Whigs were supposed to favor Hon. Fitz Henry Warren, and on this account the delegation from Lee County refused to join the caucus. This delegation numbered nine members, and literally held " the balance of power." It proved, however, that the Whigs foresaw the inev- itableness of defeat if they persisted in retaining the name of Mr. Warren, and prudently withdrew him from the caucus. In his place they named the Hon. James Harlan, of Mount Pleasant. When the first ballot was cast, in separate session, the Lee delegation naturally felt obliged to maintain its attitude toward the caucus nominee, although the gentleman proved to be one whom they could
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heartily indorse, were it not for a certain sense of pride engendered by their hasty determination to " fight the caucus." The result of the first ballot, con- sequently, was a failure to elect a Senator. The next proceeding was to assemble in Joint Convention, and ballot on a more extended plan. This require- ment of the law was duly complied with, but without the achievement of success for either faction. The disaffected members were obdurate, and the two partisan divisions adhered, with commendable tenacity, to their favorite candidates.
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