USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. I > Part 27
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299
EDWARDS REELECTED TO THE SENATE.
as occasion might require. All the hostility to the ex-governor which his ten years of public service had engendered was developed in Jones' favor. Edwards had been led to suppose that Gov. Bond would remain his friend and supporter; what was his surprise, then, when he received a letter from him in which, incidentally referring to the pending senatorial election, doubtless intended to prepare him for news of his defeat, he read as follows: "it has been stated by some that you are willing to serve again. Col. Jones is also a candidate. I can not say who will be elected, for there is considerable division among the members."* The senator might well have exclaimed, "call you this backing your friends?"
The Edwards men after a careful canvass confidently reck- oned on his receiving at least twenty-six votes, but when the ballots were counted at the joint session on February 8, it was found that he had received only twenty-three, to nineteen for his opponent-leaving but a small margin in his favor.
The second session of the first general assembly adjourned March 31, after sitting eighty-seven days.
* "Edwards Papers," 153.
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CHAPTER XXI. The Second General Assembly-State Bank-Synopsis of Laws-Resources and Expenditures.
D URING the two years which elapsed between the admission of the State and the meeting of the second general assembly at Vandalia, December 4, 1820, the expectations of the advocates of a state government had been fully realized. The population had increased from the more than doubtful 40,000 reported by the census-takers to the unquestionable number of 55,120. Four new counties had been organized, namely: Alexander, Clark, Jefferson, and Wayne. New towns had been laid out, and settlements commenced as far north as Greene County, and were rapidly extending.
With the exception of the hold-over senators, the second general assembly was composed almost entirely of new material, only three members of the last house being reelected, namely, Samuel McClintock, Risdon Moore, and Alex. Phillips, besides Conrad Will, of the last senate. John McLean from Gallatin, was elected speaker, and Thomas Reynolds, clerk. James Turner was chosen secretary of the senate.
The message of the governor was as unpretentious and brief as had been his inaugural address. He recommended the adoption of a liberal policy in regard to the improvement of the capital, and the erection of suitable public buildings, among which he included a "seminary of learning." This institution he naively argued ought to be at the seat of government, "because by an occasional visit at the houses of the general assembly, and the courts of justice, the student will find the best specimens of oratory the State can produce; imbibe the principles of legal science, and political knowledge, and by an intercourse with good society his habits of life would be chast- ened, and his manners improved." He referred to the fact of the extinguishment of the debt of the territorial government, and called attention to the scarcely less gratifying circumstance that the State treasury was in a healthy condition. He recom-
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30I
THE STATE BANKING-LAW.
mended a revision of the laws against gaming, and as if incited to an unusual glow at the moral aspect of the discussion, and with a reverence, even greater than that shown in his first message, closed as follows: "may the Almighty God, to whose kind providence we are indebted for the safe and tranquil con- dition of our common country, and the plentiful harvest of the year, teach us to distrust ourselves, and to rely firmly upon Him, that we may live to His glory, and die in His love."
The most exciting subject of discussion at this session was the law to incorporate a State bank. The times were hard. Over-trading and speculation induced by the too-abundant issue of paper currency by the banks of adjoining states had brought everyone in debt. Lands and goods had been purchased, and houses erected, not demanded by the legitimate growth and trade of the country. The banks in Ohio and Kentucky failed, and those at home and in St. Louis ceased to do busi- ness. The currency had driven specie out of the country, and when the former became worthless there was no money left; and but little commerce to bring it in. The people began to collect their debts by law, but as there was more property than money, a very little of the latter would purchase a large amount of the former. It would take a large farm to pay a small debt.
To provide a way to escape the existing evils, the legisla- ture chartered the State Bank, based entirely upon the credit of the State. The principal bank was to be at Vandalia, with branches at Shawneetown, Edwardsville, and Brownsville. One, two, three, five, ten, and twenty-dollar notes were authorized to be issued-bearing two per cent interest per annum payable by the State in ten years; and the bank was directed to loan its bills to the people in sums of not less than $100 on personal security. The bills were made receivable in payment of state and county taxes, and of all costs and fees, and the salaries of public officers; and if a creditor refused to indorse on his execution his willingness to receive them in payment of his debt, the debtor might replevy or stay its collection for three years, by giving personal security.
There was strenuous opposition to the bill, led by Speaker McLean. By a singular provision of the rules, the speaker was not permitted to participate in the debates except when the
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
house had resolved itself into a committee of the whole, nor, indeed to vote on any question, except when a tie occurred. In order to deprive the eloquent speaker from exposing the objec- tionable features of the proposed measure, the house, which contained an assured majority in its favor, refused to go into a committee of the whole. McLean, indignant at such treat- ment, resigned his position, and upon the floor of the house made a powerful argument against the bill, in which he pro- phetically predicted all the evils which ultimately resulted from the operations of the bank. But the bill passed nevertheless; and when the council of revision returned it pointing out the objections to its provisions, and showing that it was inexpedient and unconstitutional, it was again enacted by the requisite majority. It was championed in the house by Richard M. Young, with regard to whose subsequent election to the United- States senate Gov. Ford remarks, "he was one of the very many examples in our history of the forgiving disposition of the people, to such of their public servants as have been so unfor- tunate as to be in favor of bad measures, or opposed to good ones."
The subsequent history of the operations of this bank will only be briefly alluded to. At first, it was a very popular institution, everybody that wanted money, which included nearly the entire population, was accommodated, without much regard being paid to the kind of security offered. In this way $300,000 was soon put in circulation. As there was not enough silver in the country for change, the bills were cut to serve the purpose of fractional currency. In the meantime payments to the banks of their loans were slow and uncertain. No such thing as redemption was thought of, and the bills began to fall below par-first the depreciation was twenty per cent, but the value of the currency gradually decreased until it was worth but thirty cents on the dollar. The derangement of business, and the difficulties of carrying on a government, with such a system of currency, for the five or six following years, need not be particularly described. They fully justified the state of things presaged by those who had tried so hard to prevent the passage of the law. The State in issuing auditor's warrants, as it did in 1825, at the rate of three dollars for one, to defray
303
THE STAY-LAW.
current expenses, lost $75,000; and this expensive system must have cost the State altogether a sum at least equal to the amount of bills issued by the bank-$300,000.
Another law passed by the second general assembly, only less ill-advised than the banking-law, because it covered less. ground, was the stay-law, by which all previously-issued execu- tions on judgments were to be stopped or returned, and no new ones issued until after November 20, following, unless there was danger of losing the debt, in which case it might be stayed by giving bond with security. This was also reenacted over the objections of the council of revision; as were also the laws providing for the trial of rights of property; and to establish a court of probate.
As if not satisfied with their action in antagonizing the gover- nor and supreme court, the two houses of the general assembly were decidedly outspoken in the interchange of mutual compli- ments when, as was supposed, their own dignity was at stake. The senate had adopted a joint resolution authorizing the secretary of state to give his certificate, and the auditor his warrant, for the payment to the proper parties, of the same amount for returning the vote for president and vice-president, as for other elections. Instead of acting upon this resolution, the house passed a bill for that purpose and sent it to the senate in the usual way for its concurrence. The senate at once passed a resolution of inquiry regarding the disposition of their joint resolution, "believing," as therein expressed, "that they are entitled to decorous and parliamentary treatment and attention from the house!" In reply to this the house promptly passed and transmitted to the senate a resolution setting forth "that they had laid said resolution on the table to be acted upon when they forgot the constitution and fundamental laws of the State." The issue was becoming decidedly interesting, and the senate not to be over hasty in its action referred what was considered a belligerent message to a select committee, which without unnecessary delay made a report as follows: "We see no cause to regret the conduct of the senate, and that although we feel every disposition to pass over the subject as lightly as possible, making at the same time any reasonable allowance for the passions of the moment, and the frailties of
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
human nature; yet we believe that it behooves the senate as an independent branch of the government to maintain their rights. Therefore, resolved, that the resolution of the above alluded to lie under the table, there to remain until the senate forget their rights, or the house of representatives adhere to the joint rules for the government of both houses of this general assembly."
No regular elections were to be held at this session, but vacancies were to be filled in the offices of associate-justice of the supreme court, and attorney-general. For the former, Wm. Wilson was elected; and for the latter, Samuel D. Lockwood, on the fourteenth ballot, his opponents being Henry Dodge and Theopholis W. Smith. Following this came the extraordinary election for the newly-created bank officers, and judges of probate, with the attendant button-holing and log-rolling. So that this legislature did not adjourn without passing through all the different phases of excitement incident to these early sessions.
Although the second general assembly contained some members of ability and good law-making talent-such men as McLean, Young, Slade, Eddy, Mather, and Alexander, it must be admitted that the aggregate of its work was very bad-so bad in fact that it was many years before the State recov- ered from the unwise legislation for which it must be held responsible.
The administration of Gov. Bond outside of the political con- troversies which were never permitted to sleep or rest, and which in many of their aspects were transferred to Washington, was quiet and uneventful. The change from a territorial to a state government had been effected without friction or disturbance. There was really not much for the executive to do-no rail- roads - no state institutions requiring attention, no asylums, not even a penitentiary. The Indians were quiet and peaceable -in fact the most of them had removed from the settled portion of the State. His clemency was invoked to stay the execution of William Bennett, who had in 1820 killed Alphonso Stewart in the first and last duel ever fought in the State; but the governor would yield to no entreaties, and Bennett was hung in the presence of a large crowd. It was thought that the firmness of the governor in insisting upon the execution of the
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GOVERNOR BOND.
law had much to do with making duelling unpopular and discreditable in the State.
The governor was not required by the first constitution to reside at the capital, except during the sessions of the legisla- ture. These over, Gov. Bond returned to the more congenial pursuits of his farm, the raising of stock, and the enjoyment of hunting. Upon the expiration of his term as governor he was again appointed to the office of register of the land-office-at that time the most lucrative position in the State, the salary being $3000. In 1824, Bond became the Crawford candidate for congress against Daniel P. Cook, who was understood to be the friend of J. Q. Adams, but certainly opposed to Crawford. It was a presidential year, and the friends of the ex-governor entered warmly into the contest, bringing every possible consideration of a personal or political nature to bear in his favor, but all without avail against his more popular competitor -the result being for Cook 7460, Bond 4374. This was Gov. Bond's last appeal as a candidate directly to the people; there- after he confined his attention to the duties of the land-office, and the entertainment of his friends at his mansion, where, upon its broad verandas, the old battles were fought again, and new combinations made for future contests. His death occurred April 12, 1832. His old residence, long since sur- rounded by bushes ând weeds, has gone to decay. But the State in 1881, mindful of the faithful services of its first gov- ernor, provided for the removal of his remains to Chester, and the erection of a monument over his grave.
The expenditures of the state government at this time were certainly economical and were mainly confined to the ordinary expenses of the legislative, executive, and judicial departments. The bills for stationery for the second general assembly amounted to $97.50, among the items being, 5 cork inkstands, $1.87; 2 pewter inkstands, $1.25; I china inkstand, $1.50; 2 reams writing-paper, $13.50; English quills, per 100, $1.25; ink, per bottle, $1.00. Fire-wood cost $1.50 per cord, of which seventy cords were consumed; 150 copies only of the governor's message were ordered printed. The members of the first general assembly received $4.00 per day and mileage, and those of the second, $3.50 and mileage.
20
306
ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
The entire State receipts and expenditures during Gov. Bond's administration were as follows :
Receipts from Oct. 18, 1818, to Dec. 31, 1820, $53,362.22 Expenditures, as ascertained from auditor's report, $35,655.00 Receipts from Dec. 31, 1820, to Dec. 31, 1822:
Cash on hand - $17,707.22
. Collected from sheriff 7,268.23
Taxes received from non-residents
38,437.75
Non-resident bank-stock 97.77
From salines on Ohio and Muddy rivers 10,763.09
From sales, Vandalia lots 5,659.86
$79,933.92
Expenditures Dec. 31, 1820, to Dec. 31, 1822:
Legislative department
$14,966.18
Executive department 6,940.06
Judicial department 7,932.33
Prosecuting-attorneys 1,531.08
Contingent fund-Printing, etc. 3,976.36
Ohio saline
1,800.00
Repairs and furnishing state-house
1,101.57
Militia
748.00
Postage for state officers
234.10
Special appropriations (including
boundary-line expenses $784, state
bank $2000, Pike County $1500)
7,915.57
47,145.25
$32,788.67
The receipts of the State of Indiana during the same period were $102,102 and the expenditures $102, 168.
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FIRST STATE-HOUSE AT KASKASKIA, ILL.
SECOND STATE-HOUSE AT VANDALIA.
1. Zeven
CHAPTER XXII.
The Election of Gov. Coles-Third General Assembly- The Struggle to make Illinois a Slave-State-Election of United-States Senator-1822-1826.
T HE career of Edward Coles in Illinois constituted a remark-
able episode in his own life, and an era in the history of Illinois signalized by a series of events as imposing as they were important in their results. Of the fourscore years which his span of life exceeded, only thirteen were passed in the State; but these were years of unexampled industry, and heroic conflict, in which he made a record as valuable as it is imperishable.
He was born in Albermarle County, Virginia, Dec. 15, 1786; and was descended from a prominent and influential family. After attending the college of Hampden Sidney a short time, he entered that of William and Mary, where he remained two years, but was compelled to leave before graduation on account of a severe fracture of his leg. He was nearly six feet in height, of a slender build, with brilliant eyes, and strongly- marked but agreeable features. After two years study at home, President Madison tendered him the appointment of private secretary, which position he acceptably filled six years; when, at the urgent request of the president, he accepted the appoint- ment of special messenger to Russia, in which capacity, to use the language of James Monroe, "he discovered sound judgment, united to great industry and fidelity."
He first visited Illinois in 1815, while making a tour of the western country, seeking a location; and again in 1818, stop- ping a while at Waterloo. He was at Kaskaskia while the convention to form a constitution for the new state was in session. Although an hereditary slave-holder he had deter- mined to remove from Virginia and no longer remain an owner of human chattels. Impressed with the advantages which Illi- nois offered to new settlers, he became deeply interested in the deliberations of the convention on the subject of slavery, and
307
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
exerted his influence to secure the adoption, in the organic law of the commonwealth where he intended to make his home, of the anti-slavery article in pursuance of the requirement of the Ordinance of 1787.
Having finally decided to remove to Illinois, his preparations all completed, on April 1, 1819, he set out from his Virginia plantation for the more inviting fields of the Prairie State. The little caravan which he headed was of modest proportions, consisting of canvas-covered wagons, which conveyed his ten negroes, with their offspring, and his household effects; himself riding on horseback. Arriving at Brownsville, Pa., he purchased two flat-boats in which the journey was continued to a point below Louisville, where the party disembarked, and continued their way by land to Edwardsville.
Mr. Coles had carefully refrained from giving his slaves any intimation of his intention to enfranchise them until after they had passed Pittsburg. The manner of its announcement, and the dramatic scene which followed, are best portrayed in his own language. He says: "Being curious to see the effect of an in- stantaneous severing of the manacles of bondage, and letting loose on the buoyant wings of liberty the long pent-up spirit. of man, I called on the deck of the boats which were lashed together all the negroes and made them a short address; in which I commenced by saying, that it was time for me to make known to them what I intended to do with them, and concluded my remarks by so expressing myself that by a turn of the sentence I proclaimed in the shortest and fullest manner possible that they were no longer slaves, but free-free as I was, and were at liberty to proceed with me, or to go ashore at their pleasure. The effect was electrical, they stared at me as if doubting the accuracy or reality of what they heard. In breathless silence they stood before me, unable to utter a word, but with countenances beaming with expression, which no words could convey, and which no language can now describe.
After a pause of intense and unutterable emotion, bathed in tears, and with tremulous voices, they gave vent to their gratitude, and implored the blessings of God on me."
His former vassals having expressed a desire to remain with him until they had seen him "comfortably fixed" in his new
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THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST.
home, he kindly but firmly declined the offer, and to their further bewilderment assured them that upon arriving at their destination-now the Eldorado of their hopes-as a reward for their past services, and as a stimulant to future exertions in the struggle for self-support, it was his intention to give each head of family one hundred and sixty acres of land; which promise he redeemed to the letter, against the protests of his beneficiaries.
Upon arriving at Edwardsville, Mr. Coles at once entered upon the discharge of the duties of the office of register of the land-office, to which position he had been appointed, March 5. by President Monroe, before leaving Virginia, and which he filled not only faithfully, but to the satisfaction of the public.
As the period approached for the election of State officers in August, 1822, candidates for gubernatorial honors began to multiply. They were definitely announced as follows: Joseph Phillips, chief - justice of the supreme court, supported by the friends of ex-Gov. Bond, who was not eligible to reelection; Thomas C. Browne, a justice of the supreme court, supported by the followers of Gov. Edwards; Gen. James B. Moore, a noted Indian fighter, supported by the old rangers; and Edward Coles.
While the direct issue of making Illinois a slave-state was not raised in the canvass for governor, "it was in the air," and its consideration undoubtedly exercised more or less influence upon the choice of candidates. It was felt that the question could not long be deferred, and indeed was even then being agitated by some aspirants for the legislature. Of the candi- dates, Phillips and Browne were known to be pro-slavery, while the action of Coles had identified him very squarely with the anti-slavery party.
His position as register had brought him into direct personal contact with his fellow-citizens from all sections of the State, and the acquaintances thus formed proved to be of no small advantage to his political prospects. When the time came for voting, he found that he could count upon the support of many of those rough, plain farmers, clad in homespun, whose interests he had protected and who had found him attentive in the discharge of his duties, courteous in manner, and, if somewhat stiff and angular, intelligent and sympathetic.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
It was supposed that the contest lay between Phillips and Browne, and that Coles had but very little chance of success. The result was one of those political surprises which have not been infrequent in elections in this State, when the candidate least expected came out ahead in the race. The canvass showed that Coles had received 2854 votes, Phillips 2687, Browne, 2443, and Moore, 622-Coles plurality being only 167, while on the total vote cast he was in a minority of 4752.
Under the circumstances it was a great triumph. Coles had not been identified with either the Edwards or Bond factions, and was opposed by both. He had no official patronage, nor the advantage of any "machine." But, which was much better, he had the sympathy and cordial support of the anti-slavery element among the voters, who remembered with gratitude the practical and generous evidence he had given of his abiding faith in free soil and free men.
To the discharge of his duties as governor, Coles brought an unimpeachable integrity, an unswerving fidelity to honest con- victions, and a conscientious solicitude for the welfare of the people. At the same time he lacked that experience in public affairs which might have enabled him to tide over more than one of those stormy waves which at times threatened to engulf his administration. Prior to his appointment as register, as has been seen, his life had been uneventful and but little calculated to develop those qualities indispensable to an executive man- agement, at once wise and popular in a young and growing state. Without previous training in either the executive or legislative departments of such a commonwealth, he entered upon the discharge of his grave duties at a serious disadvantage.
The candidates for congress at this election were Daniel P. Cook, and John McLean, who made the race against each other for the third time; the former was again successful, by a majority of 876 votes.
The slavery question was by no means a new one in Illinois. It had been the subject of frequent and always exciting discus- sion in and out of the legislature from the time of the territorial organization. African slaves were first introduced, as heretofore stated, by Renault in 1722; and in 1724, the government of, police over, and traffic in negro slaves in Louisiana of which
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