USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. I > Part 30
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No governor of the State ever gave closer personal attention to the details of the office than Gov. Coles. He wrote his own State-papers, and all of his official correspondence was in his own handwriting-even the copies of his letters being made by himself. He was not a public speaker, but as a writer he was clear and concise, stating his propositions tersely and being happy in the elucidation of his ideas. In recalling the stormy scenes of his administration, it must be admitted that he was the most conspicuous figure in unswerving loyalty to the cause of freedom, and that to him are the people most indebted for "saving the State then and forever from the black curse of African slavery." While monuments have been erected to the memory of other governors, who on this question were on the wrong side, is it not time that some expression should be made in honor of this intrepid champion of human rights at the mention of whose name posterity should bow its head in gratitude?
At the close of his term he retired to his farm near Edwards- ville and devoted himself to its cultivation and improvement. He was fond of such pursuits, especially that of horticulture, and enjoys the honor of being the founder of the first agricul- tural society in the State .*
In 1831, supposing that the asperities of his gubernatorial career had been forgotten, upon the solicitation of many friends he consented to become a candidate for congress, but the result showed that his unpopularity still continued. The other can- didates were Joseph Duncan and Sidney Breese, the former of whom received nearly as many votes as both of his competi- tors-the ex-governor bringing up the rear.
He now became convinced that it would be hopeless for * E. B. Washburne's "Sketch of Edward Coles, " 245.
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RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES.
him to seek further political preferment in Illinois. Having no home-ties, he divided his time between his former resi- dence in Virginia and traveling in eastern cities. Becoming attached to Philadelphia, he decided to make that city his home, and thither he removed in the autumn of 1832. There, on Nov. 28, 1833, he was married to Miss Sallie Logan Roberts. And in that "city of brotherly love," possessed of an ample fortune, surrounded by an interesting family and sympathetic friends, he passed the residue of his days.
The financial condition of the State, as a result of previous legislation and political excitement, had steadily grown from bad to worse during Gov. Coles' administration. The public expenditures had nominally increased threefold by reason of the depreciation of the State-Bank paper. Besides this, there had been the extraordinary expenses of the additional judges, special session of the general assembly, the rebuilding of the State-house, taking the census, and the visit of Gen. Lafayette,
As near as can be ascertained the receipts of the State- treasury for the years 1823 and 1824 were $81,966
Amount of warrants paid 79,868 -
Amount outstanding not known.
Receipts for 1825 and 1826 $93,880
Amount of warrants paid III,612
Amount outstanding - 34,015
No history of Gov. Coles' administration would be complete which failed to mention the part taken therein by the lieutenant-governor. The name of this shining light in the political firmament of those days, was Frederick Adolphus Hubbard, and Shawneetown enjoyed the distinction of being his place of residence. He seems to have been a lawyer by profession, of the kind which only the day and age in which he lived could have produced. It is related of him that while engaged in the trial of a lawsuit, involving the title to a certain mill run by Joseph Duncan, the opposing counsel, David J. Baker, then recently from New England, had quoted from John- son's "New-York Reports," a case strongly against Hubbard's side. Reading reports of the decision of courts before juries
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was a new thing in those days, and Hubbard to evade the force of the authority as a precedent, coolly informed the jury that Johnson was a Yankee - clock peddler, who had been perambulating up and down the country gathering up rumors and floating stories against the people of the West and had them published in a book under the name of "Johnson's Reports." He indignantly repudiated the book as authority in Illinois, and clinched the argument by adding, "gentlemen of the jury, I am sure you will not believe anything that comes from such a source; and besides that, what did this Johnson know about Duncan's mill anyhow?" Of course this was con- clusive with the jury, and Hubbard gained his case .*
Hubbard had been a member of the constitutional conven- tion, and if in his subsequent career he did not attain to the utmost height of his "vaulting ambition," the failure can not be ascribed to any lack of effort on his part. At one time, after repeated and annoying application, he obtained from Gov. Edwards what he had reason to believe was a recommendation for a certain office. The more he thought about it however, the greater became his distrust of the contents of the governor's letter. In speaking of it afterward, in his lisping manner, he said: "contrary to the uthage amongst gentlemen he thealed it up, and contrary to the uthage amongst gentlemen I broke it open; and what do you think I found ? Instead of recom- mending me, the old rathscal abused me like a pick-pocket."
At the time when Gov. Edwards resigned his seat in the United-States senate in March, 1824, it happened that Hub- bard was in Washington on a visit. Seeing as he supposed a splendid opportunity to advance his own political fortunes, he prevailed on the senator to allow him to deliver the letter of resignation to Gov. Coles in person. This he did, adding the gratuitous statement that Edwards and Cook had selected him as the bearer of the document, in the belief that the governor would either resign, in which case he (Hubbard) as his succes- sor to the gubernatorial power would appoint him (Coles) to fill the unexpired senatorial term, or that if the latter preferred the governor's chair, then in return for the generous proposal, Coles should appoint no less a person than the aspiring Fred-
* Joseph Gillespie, in "Fergus' Historical Series," No. 13.
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erick Adolphus Hubbard to represent Illinois in the councils of the Nation! To his astonishment and chagrin, Gov. Coles was by no means favorably impressed with the suggestion. In plain words, he indignantly and contemptuously spurned the proposition, informing the ambitious politician that he declined to become a party to any such dishonorable dickering.
"Time brings its revenges," and Hubbard's opportunity to repay what he considered the insolence of his superior came within the following year. In 1825, the governor notified the lieutenant-governor that circumstances would call him out of the State for a short period after July, and that during his absence the responsibilities of the executive office would devolve upon the latter. In the autumn, Gov. Coles returned, prepared to enter upon the discharge of his official duties. But Frederick Adolphus having once tasted the sweets of eleva- tion to power, was loth to abandon the chair whose occu- pancy he had thoroughly enjoyed. Remembering the affront which he had suffered at the hands of Gov. Coles, his brilliant. legal mind believed that it discerned an opportunity for gratify- ing at once his ambition and his desire for revenge. He therefore, under that clause of the constitution which provided that the lieutenant-governor should exercise all the power and authority appertaining to the office of governor in case of the latter's absence from the State "until the time pointed out by the constitution for the election of governor shall arrive," claimed that Gov. Coles by his absence had forfeited the office, and that he, the lieutenant - governor, had fallen heir to it. Finding a number of backers among those with whom he fraternized, he determined to bring the question before the courts, and November 2, he appointed W. L. D. Ewing, pay- master-general of the Illinois militia, and requested Secretary- of-State George Forquer to issue the commission therefor, which he refused to do. Ewing, as had been arranged, applied to the supreme court for a writ of mandamus to compel the secretary to sign and issue the commission, and the motion was gravely argued at great length before a full bench. Judges Lockwood and Smith delivered separate opinions in the case "of great learning and research," the court unanimously reach- ing the conclusion that there was no ground on which to award the writ.
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Not satisfied with this judicial determination of his claim, the redoubtable lieutenant-governor appealed to the legislature, where his application was equally unsuccessful, there being but one member in each house favorable to his pretensions; although Gov. Coles stated that there would doubtless have been more had there been a reasonable prospect of ousting himself. The wonder now is that a claim so unfounded should have been so seriously considered.
The occupancy of the governor's office for ten weeks, and the proceedings incident to his contest for its retention, had made the name of Adolphus Frederick Hubbard quite noted and familiar in the State, of which celebrity, construing it to mean popularity with the people, he was not slow to take advantage, and accordingly offered himself as a candidate for governor in the general election of 1826. He canvassed the several counties and made speeches, a sample of which is given by Gov. Ford, as follows: "Fellow-citizens, I offer myself as a candidate before you for the office of governor. I do not pretend to be a man of extraordinary talents; nor do I claim to be equal to Julius Cæsar or Napoleon Bonaparte, nor yet to be as great a man as my opponent Gov. Edwards. Nevertheless I think I can govern you pretty well. I do not think it will require a very extraordinary smart man to govern you; for to tell you the truth, fellow-citizens, I do not believe you will be very hard to govern, no how."
The number of votes cast for him, no doubt to his great surprise and dismay, was only 580, and the smallness of his poll was unquestionably the first convincing intimation he had received that his great abilities and aptitude for office were so much underrated by the people.
From this time forward the name of the Honorable Adolphus disappears from the page of history; but though "lost to sight it will long remain to memory dear," as an illustration of that peculiar class of men which was the outgrowth of the primi- tive times in which he lived.
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Election and Administration of Governor Edwards- National Politics-Fifth and Sixth General Assem- blies-The Winnebago Scare-Banks and Taxes- Close of the Governor's Career.
T THE contest which resulted in the election of Ninian Edwards to the office of governor in 1826, was pro- tracted and exciting. The extended period of his public service had rendered him a conspicuous character in both the State and Nation. As a United-States senator he had com- manded the respect and esteem of the most distinguished statesmen of all parties. He had made his mark as a writer and speaker high upon the roll of fame. But the strife for office in his State in which, as he claimed, he had not been able to secure a fair share of patronage for his friends whose interests he made his own, and the general political turmoil which existed among contending factions at Washington for the ascendency had so disgusted and annoyed him as to cause him seriously to contemplate retirement from public life.
When, therefore, President Monroe offered him the mission to Mexico, he willingly availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded to abandon the field of politics for that of diplo- macy. Having resigned his seat in the senate and drawn his outfit, on his way home, whence he expected immediately to proceed on his mission, his attention was directed to a state- ment made by William H. Crawford, secretary of the treasury, throwing discredit upon the testimony which Senator Edwards had lately given before a committee of the lower house of congress. He construed this statement as an imputation upon his standing as a senator and his character as a man. Feeling much incensed, upon the spur of the moment he forwarded a communication to the house, in which were contained charges against Mr. Crawford, of illegal and corrupt administration of the affairs of his department, especially in reference to the deposit of public funds in the Edwardsville
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bank, which had proved a defaulter to the United States to the amount of some $40,000-the question being whether Edwards had notified the secretary of the insolvent condition of the bank-the former contending that he had done so, and the latter that he had not.
The feeling between the two men had been by no means friendly for some time, Senator Edwards having been opposed to the secretary's candidacy for the presidency. Of course the presentation of the charges occasioned a fresh outbreak of hostilities between the parties, which attracted wide atten- tion. The fact of the delay in formulating the charges until after the senator had left the capital, as if he were afraid to urge them personally, excited much unfavorable comment even from his friends, among whom was Mr. Adams, who, although himself a candidate for the presidency, could not justify the manner in which the charges were preferred.
An investigation by a congressional committee being demanded, Mr. Edwards was notified to return to Washington and make good his accusations. This he failed to do in time, and the committee having heard the evidence as presented, made a report, in which the conclusion was reached, that while many of the matters of fact as stated in the charges were true as alleged, "nothing had been proved to impeach the integrity of the secretary, or to bring into doubt the gen- eral correctness and ability of his administration of the public finances." Neither did the committee find any reason to condemn Mr. Edwards; but on the point charged against him by Mr. Crawford, he was clearly acquitted, it appearing that the letter testified to by him was written as stated, although "there was no evidence that the same had been communicated to the secretary of the treasury."
This report was claimed, in a measure, as a vindication by both parties, and so far as congress was concerned, there the matter rested. But it was otherwise with the public, which was so deeply stirred over the controversy, that Senator Edwards, who had now returned to Washington in an enfeebled state of health, felt compelled to tender his resignation as minister to Mexico, rather than embarrass the administration by giving its enemies any further pretext for assailing it on
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THE CRAWFORD CONTROVERSY.
his account. It was also prompted, as claimed by his friends, by a determination to remain in this country in order to defend his course which had been bitterly assailed at home. Both parties to the quarrel suffered, however, in their national repu- tation to a greater extent than either of them could have foreseen. The effect of the blows dealt in Illinois by the ex- governor against his foe, in the presidential election of 1824, had been as gratifying to the senator as mortifying to the secretary. The effect upon himself remained to be discovered after he had announced himself as a candidate to fill out his own unexpired term in the United-States senate. This, com- bined with other causes, as has already been shown, he had found equally disastrous.
Gov. Edwards was now for the first time in over twenty years without an official position. He had served the State both at home and in congress with great faithfulness and ability, to the neglect of his private business and personal comfort. His stores and mills had been left to the manage- ment of agents who had not always proved trustworthy, and he had lost $50,000 in bad debts which he would have secured had he been able to give the matter his personal attention .* With a depleted purse and waning popularity, criticised by his friends and jeered by his foes, it began to appear as though the political sun of his life were about to set in a bank of lowering clouds through which no ray of light could penetrate.
He soon became satisfied however, that the vote of the legislature in the senatorial contest was not a fair exponent of his strength as a leader, and did not accurately reflect his popularity before the people. He therefore decided as early as June, 1825, to appeal directly to his fellow-citizens for an endorsement of his public career, and accordingly announced himself as a candidate for governor in 1826.
His candidacy was at first received with such favor by the rallying of old friends and supporters to his standard, that it seemed doubtful whether the opposition could find any one who would be willing to stand as his competitor at the polls. But as time went on the old feuds in which the governor had been engaged broke out afresh and the old party-lines were
* Vol. 50, Autograph Letters, Chicago Historical Society.
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firmly drawn against him. To lead the opposing factions Thomas C. Sloo, jr, was chosen. He was a successful merchant at Shawneetown, and had served four years acceptably in the State senate. He had not taken a leading part in politics, and made no pretensions as a public speaker, but by his agreeable manners and admitted integrity had made many friends throughout the State.
In the campaign which now followed, Gov. Edwards showed that whatever other faults might be imputed to him, he was at least not deficient in the qualities of a fighter. In his first address he threw down the gauntlet, by making a vigorous attack upon the management of the State Bank, and of the State finances. By this step he awakened the united opposition, not only of the bank officials, but of all those members of the legislature who had favored the then-existing financial policy of the State. Not content with this, he attacked the circuit- court system on account of its extravagant costliness, and also the existing administration, many of whose friends had also been his.
Consulting only the policy marked out by himself, regardless whom it affected, and soliciting aid from none of the leading politicians, he conducted his campaign with the boldness of a Jackson, the persistence of an Adams, and the eloquence of a Clay. Despising the arts of the demagogues of those days- a species by no means extinct-who went about electioneering in old and shabby clothes to ingratiate themselves with the poorer classes; who drank whisky with the crowd and went unshaven and unshorn, he, on the contrary, arrayed himself in the style of an old-fashioned gentleman, in his broadcloth coat, ruffled shirt and high-topped boots, and traveled over the State in his carriage or on horseback attended by his colored servant, notwithstanding the anti-slavery prejudices engendered by the recent agitation.
The people, whom it was supposed would be driven away by his aristocratic appearance, were really attracted to him and claimed it an honor to have the privilege of supporting "such a high-toned, elegant old gentleman." His campaign speeches, if at times somewhat verbose and stilted, contained many tell- ing points on the subject of government and reform, and were effectively delivered.
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CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR.
Replying to the charge that he was becoming too advanced in years to hold office, he said, "there are many things both in the moral and physical world, that grow better as time waneth : old whisky, old wine, old bacon, old servants, old acquaint- ances, and old friends are agreeable to us all, and I should not be surprised if you should even like some of the good old ways by which we contrived to get along while I had the honor of being your governor." In reply to the inquiry "is he to be trusted ?" he remarked-" I have been tried for many years, and when, or where, or how have I deceived the people ? Was it during those territorial times that tried men's souls ? was it when our frontiers were smoking with the blood and strewed with the mangled bodies of our men, women, and children, indiscriminately slaughtered by ruthless savages ? Did I then consult my own ease and comfort and interest, or shrink from the highest responsibility? Did I wait for author- ity to act, or did I not unhesitatingly act without it, and freely risk my commission, my property, and my life, to defend my fellow-citizens and punish barbarian aggression? Did I then betray or deceive you on any of those great questions which so vitally affected your interests ?" Such appeals, which went home to the popular heart, made a strong impression and were not without their effect at the polls.
One of the most serious obstacles in the way of Gov. Edwards' success was the charge that himself and relatives had already held too many posts of high official preferment in the State, and, constituting a family oligarchy, had too long wielded a preponderating influence in public affairs-a charge which it must be admitted was not without foundation in fact. The governor and his son-in-law D. P. Cook, who was again a can- didate for congress in his old district, had represented the State, the one in the senate and the other in the house, for the whole period of its existence. Judge Pope, his cousin, held the United-States judgeship; Abner Field, A. P. Field, and Benjamin Stephenson, all of them family connections, had also held important offices.
Notwithstanding the determined fight made against him, the verdict of the people at the polls was in his favor, but only by a small plurality-the poll standing for Edwards 6280; Sloo 5834; Hubbard 580.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
Samuel M. Thompson, a Methodist minister, the candidate for lieutenant-governor on the same ticket with Edwards, was defeated by William Kinney by 365 votes. Daniel P. Cook was also defeated for congress by Joseph Duncan, an unexpected result. It had been found difficult to agree upon a candidate to oppose one so popular and so able as Cook, his old antago- nists fearing to enter the race against him. His health was not good, and supposing that his success was certain, he had spent most of the time during the active canvass out of the district. Duncan, who announced himself as a candidate, had made a good record in the State senate and stood fairly well as a rising public man. He went over the district making short plain speeches as a supporter of Jackson, who was evidently the coming candidate for president. The fact that Cook had cast the vote of Illinois in 1825 for Adams, although he tried to explain it away, made many vote against him, and to the surprise of nearly every one, and the regret of many leading men in and out of the State, his opponent was elected -the vote standing for Duncan 6323, Cook 5629, and James Turney, also a candidate, 824 .*
During his last sesssion in" congress, Mr. Cook discharged the duties of chairman of the committee of ways and means, a position which involved so much labor as to overtask his physical powers, and the close of the session found him with health seriously impaired. With a view to the recovery of his strength he accepted the appointment of a special mission to Cuba, and embarked for that island expecting great benefit from its mild climate. In this he was disappointed, and return- ing to Illinois he spent a short time with his family, when there being no longer any hope of recovery, he resolved to return to Kentucky the home of his nativity, and die on the spot that gave him birth, where he breathed his last Oct. 16, 1827, and where his remains repose.
In public as in private life he commanded the affectionate regard of both political friends and foes, no less for his moral worth than for his mental acumen. John C. Calhoun said of him, "I have a genuine respect both for his talent and
* At this election a poll was opened in Chicago, then in Peoria County, where thirty votes were cast, all of them for Edwards, Cook, and Thompson.
your friend to Dauer book
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DANIEL P. COOK.
character. He is honest, capable, and bold." Judge McLean spoke of him as follows: "he stands well with all parties, and is not excelled in weight of character, talents, and influence by any member from the West."
It is to him that Illinois is indebted for securing, after repeated efforts, the passage through congress of the act of 1827 granting to the State, without reservation, the alternate five sections upon each side of the Illinois-and-Michigan Canal, for the purpose of aiding in its construction, amount- ing to nearly three hundred thousand acres of land, includ- ing the original site of Chicago. In part acknowledgment of this debt, Cook County bears his honored name.
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