USA > Illinois > Illinois, historical and statistical, comprising the essential facts of its planting and growth as a province, county, territory, and state, Vol. I > Part 38
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Funds were not wanting from willing contributors, with which a third press and type were purchased, which arrived Sept. 21, and in the absence of Mr. Lovejoy were placed in a warehouse. That same night another mob gathered, this time partially dis- guised, forced an entrance into the store, rolled the press out, broke it into pieces, and sent it after the others into the Missis- sippi.
A fourth press was ordered, but by this time such was the bitter antagonism which assailed him that it was considered whether it would not be better to remove to Quincy, or some other point, rather than attempt to stem the storm of opposition at Alton. But when it became known that he had determined to fight it out, a public meeting was called, Nov. 2, to consider the
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
situation. The popular feeling, as shown by speeches from such men as Gen. U. F. Linder, Rev. John Hogan, and Cyrus Edwards, was decidedly against Mr. Lovejoy. He appeared in his own defense, and made a most eloquent and affecting appeal in sup- port of a free press and free speech, in which he said: "I have, Mr. Chairman, not desired nor asked any compromise. I have asked for nothing but to be protected in my rights as a citizen -rights which God has given me, and which are guaranteed to me by the constitution of my country. Have I, sir, been guilty of any infraction of the laws? What, I ask, has been my offense? Put your finger upon it-define it-and I stand ready to answer for it. If I have committed any crime you can easily convict me. You have public sentiment in your favor. * But if I have been guilty of no violation of law, why am I hunted up and down the country like a partridge upon the mountains? I plant myself, sir, down on my unquestionable rights, and the question to be decided is, whether I shall be protected in the exercise and enjoyment of those rights; whether my property shall be protected; whether I shall be suffered to go home to my family at night without being assailed and threatened with tar and feathers and assassination; whether my afflicted wife, whose life has been in jeopardy from continued alarm and excitement, shall, night after night, be driven from her sick-bed into the garret, to save her life from the brick-bats and violence of the mobs-that, sir, is the ques- tion? * * I have concluded, after consultation with my friends, and earnestly seeking counsel of God, to remain at Alton, and here to insist on protection in the exercise of my rights. If the civil authorities refuse to protect me, I must look to God; and if I die, I have determined to make my grave in Alton."
The speech made a deep impression, and there was a time when the tide seemed to be turning in his favor; but all to no purpose. Resolutions were adopted to the effect that it was indispensable that Mr. Lovejoy should not be allowed to con- duct a paper, and that he ought to retire from the charge of the Alton Observer.
The fatal issue was joined. The fourth press was landed on the night of Nov. 6, 1837, and safely stored in the warehouse of
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ALTON RIOTS.
Godfrey, Gilman & Co. Fearing an attack a volunteer guard of sixty was maintained about the building all the next day, and until nine o'clock at night, when everything remaining quiet, the guard went to their homes, with the exception of nineteen, who, at the request of Mr. Gilman, remained on the premises. Pres- ently, however, a large mob began to gather around the ware- house-a double building, three stories high. Two of the lead- ers, asking for admittance, demanded the surrender of the press, stating that if it was not given up the house would be burned, and all within put in peril of their lives. The demand was refused. The mob then attacked the building and attempted to batter down the front door. A shot was fired from the inside which killed Lyman Bishop. This enraged the assailants, who renewed the attack with redoubled force. Mayor John M. Krum appeared on the scene and ordered the attacking party to disperse, a command to which no attention was paid. A ladder was raised on the east side of the building and a man sent up to fire the roof. Volunteers were called for to dislodge the incendiary, which was responded to by Lovejoy and two others, who stepped out upon the levee and fired upon the man on the ladder, but without effect. The fire was imme- diately returned by two or three men concealed near by behind a pile of lumber. Lovejoy, who was in plain view, received five buckshot in his body, and running into the building and up- stairs, exclaimed: "My God! I am shot!" and, falling into the arms of a friend, died without a struggle. No inquest was held on the body, and he was buried the following day.
At the January term (1838) of the Alton municipal court, Winthrop S. Gilman, representing his associates, the defenders of the press, was tried for riot and acquitted. At the same term John Solomon, Horace Beall, James M. Rock, Jacob Smith, James Jennings, and others, the assailants, were arraigned on a similar charge, with like result.
It was claimed that the fatal shots which caused Lovejoy's death were fired by Dr. Jennings and his comrade, Dr. Beall. And it is said that the former was afterward cut to pieces in a bar-room fight in Vicksburg, Miss., and that the latter, while attached to a scouting party of Texas rangers, was captured by the Comanche Indians and burned alive.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
The tragic death of Lovejoy created widespread excitement. It was discussed at public meetings and in the press-some papers coming out in mourning. The voice of condemnation was almost universal. Lovejoy, it was said, had found a grave in the bosom of a free-state; and the martyrdom of the repre- sentative of philanthropy, liberty, and justice would kindle a flame which years could not extinguish.
In the character of Mr. Lovejoy were combined many traits of rare excellence. His mental powers were of a high order; he was endowed with keen perceptions, and attained merited distinction as both a writer and pulpit orator. His convictions were deep-seated, and his fidelity was shown by that undaunted bravery with which they were maintained. To physical and moral courage were united a temperament as ardent as it was amiable. Reviewing his course from the standpoint of today, however, after the lapse of half a century fraught with events so momentous to the nation and to the world, it must be admit- ted that it was needlessly irritating and offensive to a majority of his fellow-citizens, among whom were many personal and political friends. His intellect and will surpassed his judgment, and his enthusiasm developed into zealotry. In his contempla- tion of the end he lost sight of the best means by which it might be attained; ordinary prudence seemed to him a mere juggling with principle. His friends insisted that he was not an ultra-abolitionist, but that he died a martyr to free speech, and as such revere his memory today. Yet it must not be for- gotten that in his day and generation lived other reformers whose detestation of slavery was as deep as his, yet whose better-balanced minds perceived that to be outspoken was not necessarily to be intolerant; and that inconsiderate aggression was often a less potent agency than the quiet moderation which not infrequently covers a hidden but smouldering fire.
The attitude of Gov. Duncan toward the Alton riot was both conservative and consistent. His authority as chief executive was invoked "to save the State from lawless violence and blood-guiltiness." He characterized the work of the mob as "an outrage, which must be disapproved and regretted by all good citizens," but at the same time he expressed his decided disapprobation of the agitation of the slavery question in any
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ASSASSINATION OF LOVEJOY.
community, where it produced only violence and discord, with- out the probability of effecting any good result.
The effect of the assassination of Lovejoy was twofold. At the time, such a violent outbreak of pro-slavery sentiment could hardly fail to impress the opponents of the system with the knowledge that they were treading on dangerous ground; and while they were resolved not to intermit their earnest efforts in behalf of the slave, policy, no less than wisdom, indicated that they should be conducted with greater prudence and circum- spection. The advocates of slavery, on the other hand, while denouncing mob violence, yet cherished the hope that free thought and free speech had received a blow which could hardly fail to produce an intimidating and therefore salutary effect. But as the seed dropped into the ground dies before it bears fruit, so did each act of violence, though apparently ignored, bring forth fruit in the minds of even the most conservative opponents of slavery. And as imprisoned volcano fires, when once they burst their barriers of confining crust, pour forth in a torrent all the more impetuous because long restrained, so did the smouldering indignation of the friends of freedom ulti- mately burst forth, until, like a resistless torrent, it had swept from the face of the country the last vestige of the Nation's curse.
Seizing upon this aspect of the effect of the martyr's death, and as prophetic of the coming storm, his brother, Owen Love- joy, in 1860, concluded a speech at Alton in which he referred to the tragic event in these words :-
"Twenty-three years ago the blood of my brother, slain in these streets, ran down and mingled with the waters of the mighty river which sweeps past your city to the sea:
'The Avon to the Severn runs, The Severn to the sea- And scattered wide as Wycliffe's name, Shall Wycliffe's ashes be.'" *
At the close of his term of office, Gov. Duncan returned to
* Authorities :- "Memoirs of E. P. Lovejoy, by Joseph C. and Owen Lovejoy ;" "Alton Riots, by Edward Beecher;" "Alton Trials, by Wm. S. Lincoln ;" "Mar- tyrdom of Lovejoy, by Henry Tanner ;" "Lovejoy-An Address, by Thomas Dim- mock."
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
his home in Jacksonville, to which place he had removed soon after his marriage, in 1828,* and where he built the first frame- house.
The structure, known during his term as the "executive man- sion," and which is yet in a fine state of preservation, was erected in 1834. It is an old-fashioned two-story frame building,+ with a side front, and was modeled after his father's house in Paris, Ky., in which he was born.
The governor devoted his time after his return home to busi- ness and the care of his large landed estate. He was a warm friend of temperance, to which cause he gave $500 per annum toward sustaining a paper. He was ever active in educational circles, and contributed $10,000 to the Illinois College, of which institution he was a trustee for many years. He was also the first president of the board of trustees of the institution for the education of the deaf and dumb, at Jacksonville.
He became a member of the Presbyterian church in 1835, and was ever after an earnest member of that denomination.
In 1842, he was induced again to enter politics, and became the whig candidate for governor, and for the first time met with defeat.
Gov. Duncan was of massive frame, and finely proportioned. He had brown, expressive eyes, dark, curly hair, a smooth face, and clear complexion. He was kindly and genial, though reso- lute of purpose. Modest and unassuming, he was tenacious of ยท his views, and courageous in giving them expression.
Not belonging to any of the learned professions which afford opportunities for display, it is very doubtful if he received credit for the real abilities he possessed. He was not gifted as a public speaker, but his writings, though not numerous, evinced deep
* He was introduced to his wife, Elizabeth Caldwell Smith, daughter of a retired banker and merchant of New-York City, at a dinner-party at President Adams'. Henry Clay sat next to her, and whispered in her ear that "Duncan was not only a good-looking fellow, but, what was better, was a good son, having taken care of his widowed mother and educated his sister and two younger brothers." Miss Smith was attired on this occasion in a crimson-silk dress, thread-lace ruffle at the throat, embroidered-silk stockings, satin slippers the same color as her dress. Her hair was worn in three puffs on the top of the head, three puffs on each side, and a high tor- toise-shell comb .- "Biographical sketch of Gov. Duncan by his daughter, Mrs. Julia D. Kirby."
+ It is now occupied by his son-in-law, Judge Edward P. Kirby.
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GOV. JOSEPH DUNCAN.
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thought, excellent judgment, and were in a -style at once clear and forcible. Foreseeing the certain ruinous collapse of the internal-improvement system, he steadily argued against it, and refused to be drawn into its support. He had few enemies, and his death, which occurred at his home in Jacksonville, Jan. 15, 1844, was mourned as a personal bereavement by men of all parties.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
First Democratic State Convention - Administration of Gov. Thomas Carlin-Eleventh General Assembly- First Whig State Convention-Removal of the Capital -Special Session at Springfield-Repeal of Internal- Improvement System-Presidential Campaign of 1840 -Twelfth General Assembly-Reorganization of the Judiciary - 1838 - 1842.
W HILE the excitement relating to internal improvements was at its height, the period recurred for the quadrennial election of governor and lieutenant-governor. The first regu- larly constituted democratic State convention for the nomi- nation of these officers was held at Vandalia, Dec. 4, 1837, at which Col. James W. Stephenson was nominated for governor and John L. Hacker for lieutenant-governor. Serious charges being made against Col. Stephenson's administration of the receivership of the land-office, he was induced to withdraw from the contest; Mr. Hacker also declined his nomination. The convention was reconvened June 6, 1838, and was presided over by Wm. L. D. Ewing. The names presented for governor were Thomas Carlin and Sidney Breese; Carlin secured the nomination; while that for lieutenant-governor was given to Stinson H. Anderson of Jefferson County, who had served with distinction as a member of the eighth and ninth general assem- blies.
Thomas Carlin was born in Kentucky, of Irish parentage, July 18, 1789. He first came to Illinois in 1812, and served as a soldier throughout the war of that period. In 1818, he removed to Greene County and settled upon the future site of Carrollton, the county-seat. In the Black-Hawk War, he com- manded a company and distinguished himself as a brave and efficient officer. He was the first sheriff of his county, had been twice elected to the State senate, and at the time of his nomi- nation was register of the land-office at Quincy. He had been inured to the life of a backwoodsman, and never had an oppor-
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Tho Parlino
A.M. Pick
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ELECTION OF 1838.
tunity to receive an education, except such as he made for him- self. Of medium height, spare form, and sandy complexion, he was a man of iron nerve, and as courageous as a lion. He was a splendid horseman and marksman, and always ready for a fight. He was a warm admirer and consistent follower of Gen. Jackson, and was not partial to Eastern immigrants unless they were democrats. There were a hundred different men in his party better fitted for the office of governor by ability and education, but none on the score of high character and unswerving integ- rity-and it was the possession of these generally-recognized qualities which secured his success.
Cyrus Edwards was the candidate of the whigs, but not as the choice of a State convention. He was, as had been the custom, first mentioned in a caucus of friends, was then endorsed by some county conventions, and taken up by the whig news- papers as their candidate by general consent. He was a brother of the late Gov. Edwards, had served acceptably as a member of both houses of the general assembly, and was respected for his ability and sterling worth throughout the State.
Wm. H. Davidson of White County, who had served many years in the senate and was president of that body in 1836-7, was brought out in the same way as the whig candidate for lieutenant-governor.
Notwithstanding the immense interests involved under the internal-improvement system, the issues presented in the cam- paign were generally national rather than local. Both candidates for governor were understood to be in favor of the system; although it was known by the friends of Edwards that while he was a zealous advocate of internal improvements, he was opposed to the law as passed, having voted for it reluctantly and only in compliance with direct instructions from his constituents. In some counties, indeed, the question was brought prominently into the canvass, as for instance in Morgan, where the whig tickets were headed "Anti-Subtreasury Ticket. For a sound specie - paying National Bank, and for curtailing the Internal- Improvement System." The democratic ticket had at its head, "For the Subtreasury. Against a National Bank, and for a vigorous prosecution and final completion of the Internal- Improvement System." The issues were clearly defined.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
It was a very lively campaign. Joint discussions on national questions were the order of the day-Douglas, Lamborn, John Calhoun, and Linder on one side, Baker, Hardin, Lincoln, and Stuart on the other, were constantly in the field, taking the stump as they followed the courts from one point to another around the circuits. The contest for congress in the third district between Douglas and Stuart was especially exciting and close, the latter receiving a majority of only 14 votes. The majority for Carlin over Edwards was 996-the nearest the whigs ever came to carrying the State.
The eleventh general assembly met Dec. 3, 1838. The sen- ate was composed of twenty-one whigs, sixteen democrats, and three independents. There were but fifteen new senators, among them being Wm. A. Richardson, Wm. J. Gatewood, Robert Blackwell, and Ebenezer Peck from Cook, who having resigned at the close of the session was succeeded by James H. Wood- worth. Browning, Davidson, Hacker, Herndon, Wm. Thomas, and Servant were among the old members.
In the house there were forty-six whigs, forty democrats, and five independents. Among the old members were Edward D. Baker, Milton Carpenter, Newton Cloud, Jesse K. Dubois, Ninian W. Edwards, Wm. L. D. Ewing, O. B. Ficklin, John J. Hardin, Abraham Lincoln, Robert Smith, E. B. Webb, and Archibald Williams. Among the new were Willis Allen, John Calhoun from Sangamon, Augustus C. French, Wm. H. Hen- derson-father of Congressman Thomas J., John Moore, Wm. F. Thornton, and Henry L. Webb.
Abraham Lincoln, who had by this time achieved a reputa- tion not only as a debater but as a watchful and successful repre- sentative, was the candidate of the whigs for speaker, but failed to receive the full vote of his party. When the balloting began three whigs, for some reason which was never satisfactorily explained, were conveniently absent, while four of those who were present threw away their votes on other members. Wm. L. D. Ewing was therefore elected on the fourth ballot, receiving forty-three votes, to thirty-eight cast for Mr. Lincoln, and four scattering. David Prickett was for the fifth time elected clerk of the house, and Benj. Bond chosen secretary of the senate.
In the valedictory message of Gov. Duncan, he again empha-
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ELEVENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
sized his opposition to the internal - improvement system, remarking that in regard to its impolicy his mind had under- gone no change. He said: "Experience has now sufficiently shown that all my objections to it must in time be fully realized. That there should have been many mistakes committed, and much waste of public money in conducting a system of internal improvements upon so large a scale, in a country almost entirely destitute of skill and experience in such works was to be expected. But I confess they have occurred to an extent never anticipated by myself-and whether by mistake or design it is very manifest that large sums have been squandered on objects of little or no general utility, and in some cases to the detriment of the public interest. * The want of economy and the deleterious effects of such a system owned, controlled, and carried on by the State, are great and insurmountable objections to it, but, in my opinion, not so great as the powers it confers on the State government, through its numerous officers and dependents to influence elections and legislation." He therefore again recommended that all such works be left to the prosecution of individual citizens of the State, or to corpo- rations created by law.
The governor approvingly referred to the fact that work on the canal had progressed rapidly, expenditures to the amount of $1,400,000 having been made the preceding year. He then, after alluding to the subject of national politics, for the first time called attention to the fact that the revenue of the State, at that time was, and for a number of years had been, "alto- gether inadequate to its expenditures."
Three days after the delivery of this valedictory came the inaugural of Gov. Carlin. The era of personal politics, when the incumbent of the executive chair made his own platform and shaped the policy of his own administration, had passed away. He was now the mouthpiece of his party and was required to . follow that course which its leaders marked out for him. The messages of the governor were evidently the expression of the views of his party prepared by its leaders, to suit the supposed exigency, rather than his own. They showed on their face the handiwork of different authors; in some places the style being finished and elegant, and in others clumsy and ungrammatical, while a general inconsistency ran through the whole.
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ILLINOIS-HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL.
On this occasion he presented a glowing picture of the increasing wealth and prosperity of the State. Regarding the all-absorbing question of internal improvements, he presented a view quite opposite to that of his predecessor, remarking that "The signal success which has attended our sister states in the construction of their extensive systems of improvements can leave no doubt of the wise policy and utility of such works. * * In the principles and policy of this plan, contrasted with that of joint - stock companies and private corporations, I entirely agree. Had I occupied my present situation at the establish- ment of this system I would have recommended its adoption on a less expensive scale, and the construction of the most impor- tant works first. Under the present plan of proceeding, however, near two millions of dollars have been expended, and whatever diversity of opinion may now exist as to the expediency of the system as originally projected, all must admit that the character and credit of the State forbid its abandonment." He concurred with Gov. Duncan in regard to the construction of the canal, but joined issue with him on all questions of national politics, especially in reference to a national bank, the re-creation of which he strongly opposed.
The legislature agreed with the incoming governor on the question of internal improvements, and with the outgoing governor in regard to banks. All efforts to repeal or modify the internal-improvement system failed, but resolutions in favor of the expediency and constitutionality of a national bank were adopted.
Not only was the original measure not repealed but an addi- tional expenditure of $800,000 was authorized for improvements of water-ways and the construction of railroads.
A large portion of the time of this legislature was consumed in the discussion of questions of national, rather than State, policy; although the body found time to adopt a number of important measures pertaining to State affairs. One of these was a proposition introduced by Mr. Lincoln from the finance committee that the State should purchase all the public lands therein, estimated at 20,000,000 acres, at twenty-five cents per acre, "pledging the faith of the State to carry the proposal into effect if accepted by the general government."
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SALES OF BONDS.
Among the laws passed, of sufficient general interest to be noted, were the following: Making the first appropriation for a library for the supreme court; To establish the " Illinois Asy- lum for the Education of the Deaf and Dumb"; To incorporate the Chicago Lyceum; Requiring the governor to reside at the seat of government; To prohibit the circulation of bank notes of a denomination less than five dollars.
This was the last session of the general assembly held at Vandalia, which, under the law providing for the removal of the public offices to Springfield, ceased to be the capital of the State after July 4, 1839. The legislature adjourned March 4.
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