The centennial of the state of Illinois. Report of the Centennial Commission, Part 25

Author: Weber, Jessie (Palmer) 1863-1926, comp
Publication date: 1920
Publisher: [Springfield, Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers
Number of Pages: 1038


USA > Illinois > The centennial of the state of Illinois. Report of the Centennial Commission > Part 25


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43



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the rap of the mason's hammer and the sharp click of his trowel." (C'aton's Miscellanies, p. 65.) This was the first State Capitol building ever owned by the State. The State records were trans- ferred from Kaskaskia to Vandalia in a single wagon under Breese's direction, Breese and the driver being compelled several times, before reaching Vandalia, to cut down trees in order to obtain a passageway of sufficient size. The legislature made an appropriation, when meeting at Vandalia, of $25 to pay Brecse for the services rendered in thus transferring the State archives from Kaskaskia to Vandalia. The first Governor of the State, Shadrach Bond, delivered his first message to the Second General Assembly in this first State House on December 4, 1320. Among other things, he recommended that the Assembly provide for the public welfare by encouraging education and at the proper time when "thought advisable, to lay the foundation of a seminary of learn- ing; that he knew of no situation more commanding than the vicin- ity of the seat of government. IIere the student, by an occasional visit to the Houses of the General Assembly and the courts of justice, will find the best specimens of oratory the State can pro- duce; imbibe the principles of legal science and political knowl- edge, and, by an intereourse with good society, his habits of life will be chastened, and his manners improved." The esteemed governor had greater faith in the influence of the legislature and other departments of State upon education than do most people at the present time.


It may be interesting to note the supposed origin of the name "Vandalia". Governor Ford in his early history of Illinois, states that "after the place had been selected, it became a matter of great interest to give it a good sounding name, one which would please the ear, and at the same time have the classic merit of perpetuat- ing the memory of the ancient race of Indians by whom the coun- try had first been inhabited. Tradition says that a wag who was present suggested to the commissioners that the 'Vandals' were a powerful race of Indians, who once inhabited the banks of the Kaskaskia River and that Vandalia, formed from their name, would perpetuate the memory of that extinct but renowned people. The suggestion pleased the commissioners, the name was adopted


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and they thus proved that the name of their new city (if they were fit representatives of their constituents) would better illustrate the character of the modern than the ancient inhabitants of the coun- try." (Ford's Ilistory of Ill., p. 33.)


Robert Ross, in his Historical Souvenir of this city, says (p. 11) : "The most reasonable solution to the question is, that the location was in the Van of the settlements in the State, and because of the hills avd dales surrounding it, therefore 'Vandalia'." This statement of Hoss seems to be in accord with the recollections of William C. Greenup, who, as surveyor, laid out the original town of Vandalia. Greenup was one of the leaders in the State at that time, having been secretary of the first constitutional con- vention and Mr. Ross, in his Souvenir, gives a statement of George W. Brown as to a conversation that he heard between his father and Colonel Greenup, in which the Colonel told his father that the town received the name of Vandalia for the reasons just mentioned.


While investigating the early history of this State in prepa- ration for this talk, I have obtained some information new to me and which I have never seen referred to by any writer on this subject, which may possibly have some bearing as to how the name "Vandalia" came to be chosen. When it was a part of the British possessions, several companies were organized for the purpose of locating lands in that part of this country which was afterwards known as the Northwest Territory. These were organized under the name of the Illinois, Wabash, Indiana and Vandalia Com- panies, respectively. and were granted by the British Crown the right to locate land in that portion of the United States west and north of the Ohio River. Benjamin Franklin, who represented for years our country in foreign service, before, during and after the Revolution, had corresponded with reference to some of these companies with one Samuel Wharton of Philadelphia. This correspondence shows that they were considering locating a com- pany or colony to be known as the Walpole Company or Grand Ohio Company "which proposed the erection of the colony of Van- dalia, west of Virginia." (Vol. 10, III. Historical Collections, p. 374, Note 1.) The Journals of the United States Congress show -- 18 C C


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that after the beginning of the Revolution, as well as after the United States became an independent nation, attempts were made by some of the original proprietors in these land companies, to locate in the Northwest Territory and that vigorous protests were made by the Virginia State authorities with reference to the mat- ter, the latter claiming that the land belonged to Virginia because of the conquest of this Illinois country by Colonel Clark. (See Hening's Virginia Stats. at Large, Vol. 10, p. 551, and 3 Journals of U. S. Congress (1778-1:82, pp. 359, 676, 680.) It seems, therefore, from the investigation on this subject, that "Vandalia" was a familiar name even before the Revolution and was used with reference to a tract of land which included the southern part of this State, as well as the name of the proposed colony, to be lo- cated, possibly, in southern Illinois. It is not unreasonable to suppose that one of the five commissioners, or some prominent man who was discussing this question with the commissioners, remem- bering the name of Vandalia in connection with these proposed land claims and the prospective colony, may have thought it proper to perpetuate the name by that of the new capital of the State- no one can deny that the name was good sounding to the ear and seemed to possess a elassie merit. It would seem to the present speaker that it is as reasonable to assume that the name Vandalia was thus chosen, as to favor the explanation suggested by Governor Ford, and just as reasonable, perhaps, as the suggestion of Colonel Greenup, the original surveyor of the town.


The Constitution provided that when the new capital was chosen, it should remain as located for twenty years. Long before the twenty years expired. there commenced an agitation for the removal of the capital from this city, largely. I think, because of the lack of transportation facilities to reach this point. Had travel- ing facilities at that time equalled those of today, it might well be questioned if this city might not long have remained the State Capital, as the National Capital has remained at Washington, though far removed from the geographical center of the country, though the question of a change has often been agitated. The then residents of Vandalia realized the danger of this agitation and when the first State Capitol Building was burned on the night


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of December 9, 1823, and totally destroyed they bestirred them- selves to raise funds, privately, to assist in the erection of a new capitol building. I am unable to find any definite information as to the cause of the fire which destroyed the first capitol building. I understand there has been a rumor extant that the cause of the fire was incendiary, growing out of the sharp agitation as to calling a convention to permit slavery to be established in this State; but I find no authentic basis in any of the records justifying any such rumor. Judge Breese and others who have written on the subject, say the cause of the fire was entirely unknown.


The second capitol building was erected at a cost of $15,000. In his message in November, 1824, Governor Coles complimented the residents of Vandalia upon their patriotism in assisting in the erection of the new State House and promised to do all he could to have them reimbursed. Late in the same year this promise was made good by the Legislature. In 1833 the agitation for the re- moval of the capital from Vandalia took definite shape and the Eighth General Assembly passed an act providing for taking a vote in each county on the question of such removal. Six proposed locations were voted for, including Vandalia. The result of the vote showed that the geographical center of the State received 790 votes while Alton-which led in votes-received 8,157, Vandalia the second highest, 7,630, and Springfield the next highest, 7,015. So far as I can ascertain, the result of this election was never officially canvassed and declared. In the meantime the Vandalia citizens, evidently fearful that they would lose the capital and seeking to meet the argument that was being made at this time. that the State needed a new State House, busied themselves with projects for a new building by which they might take advantage of the failure to declare the official result as to the removal of the capital. Apparently without any authority of law, the second State House building was torn down in the summer of 1836, during the legislative recess, and the citizens of the city, on their own responsi- bility, built a new building, the present Court House at a cost of some $16,000. The then Governor, Duucan, desirous of treating Vandalia as fairly as possible, paid $6,000 out of the State con- tingeney fund to assist in the cost of the structure. The balance


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of the expense, approximately $10,000, was borne by the citizens of this city, although I understand the Legislatare afterwards re- funded the amount thus expended. Vandalia, however, was not thus able to dispose of the agitation for removal, and on February 25, 1837, the Legislature in joint session here, on the fourth ballot, chose Springfield as the new seat of government for the State. Vandalia received on this last vote, the next highest vote to Spring- field, and some eight or nine other localities also received votes. The Eleventh General Assen bly held the last session of the Illinois Legislature at Vandalia, meeting here December 3, 1838. In February, 1839, an act was passed conveying the interest of the State in the third State House building to Fayette County, with the stipulation that the west half of the building should be used as a Court House and the east half for school purposes. The build- ing was thus used and occupied, so far as it was occupied, until 1857, although it seems that a school was not conducted here in the east half during all the intervening years. In 1857, by a special aet of the Legislature, the educational authorities who had control in the matter at that time, conveyed to the county their entire interest in the building, and thereafter the third State House was remodeled by the county and all of it has since been used as a Court House.


While Vandalia was the State capital, the destinies of this great State were presided over by six different Governors, begin- ning with Shadrach Bond and ending with Joseph Duncan. Gov- ernor Carlin the seventh Governor was also inaugurated here and the capital was moved to Springfield during his administration. One of these six Governors, Ewing, only served fifteen days. Gov- ernor John Reynolds had been previously elected to Congress, as had Lieutenant Governor Casey, and both resigned to qualify in the Federal positions. Ewing was then serving as president of the State Senate, and therefore because of holding that position, be- came the acting Governor until Duncan was elected and qualified, fifteen days after Governor Reynolds resigned. Ewing has the unique distinction, not only of serving the shortest time of any Governor of the State, but also because of occupying numerous prominent positions, both before and after he was Governor. His


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first position of State importance was clerk of the Legislature; after that he was a member of the lower house, and speaker; then a member of the senate, president pro-tem. of the senate, Lieu- tenant Governor and United States Senator; then, later, he be- came a member of the Legislature, speaker, and after that, again clerk of the House of Representatives. During this intervening period he was also, at one time, the State Auditor of Publie Ac- counts. Ewing must have been a man who retained the good will and confidence of those with whom he associated.


The second Governor of Illinois, Edward Coles, born in Vir- ginia, had served seven years as private secretary to President Madison and had been sent by him on a special mission to Russia to settle a very important dispute that had arisen between the two governments, completing this mission satisfactorily to all parties concerned. IIe was thereafter appointed by President Monroe as United States Land Registrar at Edwardsville, in this State. Be- fore going on his mission to Russia, he had made a trip over the Northwest Territory for the purpose of seeking a proper location to settle, where he could bring and free his slaves that he had in- herited from his father. While acting as secretary of President Madison, Coles had been reading widely and studying seriously with reference to this slavery question ; he had corresponded with former President Jefferson and had made up his mind he would free his slaves, but concluded that he could not do it either satis- factorily to himself or to their advantage in Virginia, where he was then residing. as all the people in that State believed strongly in slavery and the Virginia laws were such as to make such action practically impossible, without getting both his slaves and himself into trouble. He therefore decided to move into that part of the United States where slavery was not in force --- the ordinance under which the Northwest Territory was organized specifically provided that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should ever be in force within the territory. Illinois was slave territory when it was ceded by Virginia to the United States and after it became a state it was argued that under the provisions of this cession from Vir- ginia to the Federal Government, slavery might still legally exist, notwithstanding the provisions in the ordinance organizing the


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Northwest Territory, it being argued that this ordinance was in confliet on this question with the deed of cession and that therefore the ordinance was not binding upon the people of the State. Coles settled in this State in 1819 and was elected Governor to succeed Bond in August, 18?2. There were no political conventions in those days to nominate the candidates and the different aspirants for office were compelled to go out on their own hook to seek office, or, in the language of that day "run stump." At the election in 1822 for Governor, there were four candidates, two pro-slavery, Chief Justice Joseph Phillips of the Supreme Court of the State and one of his associates on the supreme bench, Thomas C. Browne. Coles was known to be anti-slavery and Major General James B. Moore was also a candidate and it was generally understood that he was against slavery. Coles was elected by a plurality of 50 votes over Phillips. Judge Browne was brought out by the friends of Phillips to help him in the Wabash Country, but the result of the election showed that Browne's candidacy was the cause of Phillips' defeat. Undoubtedly a large majority of the votes that went to Browne would have gone to Phillips and have elected him. The aggregate of the votes of Browne and Phillips together were much greater than the aggregate of the votes of Coles and Moore. Thus Coles was elected Governor by the division of the pro-slavery vote; but there was no such division on the vote as to the Legislature and the other State candidates, and the pro-slavery candidates for Lieu- tenant Governor and members of the Legislature were elected.


The result of this election, electing Governor Coles, anti- slavery, and the Legislature, pro-slavery, brought about the most exciting political contest that ever took place in this State until the years immediately preceding the Civil War. Governor Coles in his first message to the Legislature strongly advocated legisla- tion giving more rights to the colored people. The so-called "Black Laws" then in force in Illinois, practically placed the colored race in bondage, notwithstanding the provision in the Illinois Constitu- tion of 1818 and the ordinance creating the Northwest Territory forbidding slavery and involuntary servitude. The Legislature, largely pro-slavery, resented the-e suggestions of the Governor and after a vigorous discussion on the question, passed a resolution


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calling for a vote of the people as to whether or not a new con- vention should be neld for the purpose of legalizing slavery. The Legislature only succeeded in passing this resolution after unseat- ing Representative Hansen, who had formerly been seated on a contest, and seating one Shaw who had been theretofore refused a seat, at the time of the Hansen contest. Hansen, much to the surprise and chagrin of the pro-slavery people, had voted against the calling of the Constitutional Convention, while Shaw, as soon as he was seated, voted for it, thus giving the necessary two-thirds vote in favor of calling the convention. The joy of the convention men over this triumph was unbounded, An impromptu jollitica- tion was gotten up in this city, not only to celebrate their victory. but to taunt their opponents. The pro-slavery people organized themselves into a noisy, disorderly, tumultuous procession, as re- ported by Governor Ford in his history, headed by Judge Phillips, the defeated candidate for Governor, and Judge Smith, Judge Thomas Reynolds of the Supreme Court and Lieutenant Governor Casey, followed by a majority of the Legislature and the hangers on and the rabble about the seat of government, and marched to the blowing of tin horns and beating of drums and tin pans to the residence of Governor Coles, and to the boarding houses of their principal opponents, where they manifested their contempt for those they were serenading by a confused medley of groans, wail- ings and lamentations. (Ford's History of Ill. p. 53.) Governor John Reynolds, who was elected as the fourth Governor of the State, and who was a pronounced pro-slavery man and for the convention, writes with reference to this celebration on the evening in question, that it was wild and indecorous and aroused much antagonism as well as being very unpopular. The resolution was passed in 1823 calling for a vote on the convention about eighteen months later in August. 182. Immediately after the passage of the resolution, the two sides organized for the contest, the anti- Elavery men nuder the leadership of Governor Coles, who gave all of his salary and most of his time in striving to educate the public to vote against the convention. Both parties then began to wage one of the most remarkable contests that was ever brought before the voters of this or any other state for settlement. It was long


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and severe. Most of the leading men of the time were pro-slavery, but the anti-slavery men, under the leadership of Governor Coles, did not lack for strong supporters. Newspapers, handbills and pamphlets were scattered broadcast and every person who was able to make a speech took "ile stump" on one side or the other, and for eighteen months all the people did little hut read the newspapers, handbills and pamphlets and discuss and argue with each other, wherever they might meet, with reference to the all-absorbing topic. It is stated by some who were living at that time and who wrote their recollections with reference to this contest, that not only men but women and children who were old enough to understand the subject, took part in the discussion; that old friendships were broken, families divided and neighbors arrayed against each other ; that threats of personal violence were often made and that personal conflicts were of common occurrence. Ministers took prominent part in the discussion and they were practically unanimous against calling the convention. The contest continued with unabated vigor and violence until the election on the first Monday in August, 1824, the result of which was that a majority of 1,872 voted against the calling of the convention, Fayette County vote being 125 for, 121 against. Every one who was able to vote was brought to the polls -- the old, the sick and the deerepit. The largest vote was cast in proportion to the population that was cast for many years-larger than the vote that was cast in the presidential election following. Thus ended this most remarkable contest. Governor Coles rendered an inestimable service to the State and nation by his course of action on this question. One of the former judges of the State Supreme Court, John D. Caton, in an address made in court some time in the 80's, said of Governor Coles, that for his conspicuous service while Governor, we owe to him "a debt of gratitude that can never be repaid :" that he saved then and forever this great State "from the black curse of African slavery."


It will be well for the people of this time, when they are dis- couraged because of the evils of today, to realize more fully than the most of us do, the terrible effects of negro slavery in this State and nation at the time that Coles was Governor of Illinois. The so- called "Black Laws" upon our statutes were as severe as in most


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of the southern states. Under these laws every black person was practically assumed to be a slave unless he could prove to the con- trary. Mr. Elihu B. Washburne, in speaking of this "Black Code" of Illinois, states, that it was "one of the most infamous and bar- barous enactments that ever disgraced a civilized state." (Wash- burne's Administration of Coles, p. 238.) The annnosities which arose against Governor Coles by his stand in this contest, did not die out at the elose of his administration. The Legislature in 1819 enacted a law providing a penalty against any one bringing into the State of Illinois free colored people without giving a certain bond required by that act. (Illinois Session Laws 1819, p. 354.) Before the convention election in 1821, a suit was instituted in Madison County in the name of the county against Governor Coles to recover penalties against him under this act for bringing his former slaves. after they were freed, into the State. Before a final decision was reached on this litigation in the trial court, the Legislature passed a law releasing all penalties incurred under it, including those sought to be recovered in this action against Coles. The trial court entered judgment for $2,000 in favor of Madison County and refused to remit the penalties as required by the Repealing Act. The cause was taken to the Supreme Court of the State and was there reversed. (Coles v. County of Madison, 1 Ill. p. 154.) Criminal proceedings were also brought against Governor Coles growing out of certain of his acts on the slavery question, but these criminal proceedings were dismissed without trial over the Governor's protest. These "Black Laws" permitting voluntary slavery under the indenture system, remained in force in this State until repealed by the State Legislature in 1865, at the close of the Civil War. Certain provisions in these laws were held constitutional by the Supreme Court of the State in 1864 in Nelson v. People, 33 111. 390. This litigation grew out of a proceeding against a mulatto, named Nelson, under a law which provided that any negro, bond or free, who should come into the State and remain . for a period of ten days with the intention of permanently settling here, should be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and upon convic- tion, in case he failed to pay the fine imposed upon him, should be sold at public auction by the sheriff of the county, and that the


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sheriff, from the proceeds of such sale, should pay the fine and costs and the purchaser should be entitled, for a certain length of time, in proportion to the amount of the fine, to the services of the negro. I doubt if such a Jaw would be held constitutional at the present time. The vital question in that slavery struggle was the same as it is now in this great world war. whether every individual shall be free and shall have a part in the government, or shall be gov- erned "from Potsdam." As Lincoln said later, in discussing the slavery question : "The real issue in this country is the eternal struggle between these two principles-right and wrong-through- out the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the other, the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in what- ever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, You work and toil and earn bread and I'll eat it.'"




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