USA > Illinois > The centennial of the state of Illinois. Report of the Centennial Commission > Part 8
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And Illinois was there with a united and very active delega- tion asking for the nomination of a man -- who was neither gov- ernor, judge nor senator, just a plain citizen -- Abraham Lincoln.
And this was the condition confronting us as we faced the responsibility of that nommation for leadership.
We had come to that Convention from far away Kansas from "out on the border." We had been making a very determined fight against the aggressions of the slave power, a conflict that had attracted the attention of the entire country and had been of such value to the party that they, through their National Com- mittce, had invited us to a full participation in the councils of the Convention. For this reason the members of our little delega- tion of six were the recipients of many marked attentions.
The morning of our arrival we were invited to an interview with Thurlow Weed at his parlor at the Richmond House.
We had a touch of trepidation as we contemplated being ushered into the presence of this noted political Mogul, but we braced up our courage and went. He met us at the door of his parlor. We were introduced as we passed in by our chairman and seated about his big round table in the centre of the parlor.
Mr. Weed was most gracions in his manner, and dispelled all terror from the start.
Ile stood by the table while we were seated about him and addressed each one of us personally, calling each of us by name, which appealed to us as something remarkable, seeing that our introduction was so informal. That ability was probably one of the secrets of his wonderful influence, the ability to associate the Dame and the face, en adroit quality, essential to the successful politician. He was an attractive man and very interesting. After complimenting us on the good work accomplished out on the border and thanking ns most graciously for the service rendered to the country and to the party, he turned to the question of the im- pending nomination.
He said : "Four years ago we went to Philadelphia to name our candidate and we made one of the most inexcusable blunders any political party has ever made in this country. We nominated a man who had no qualification for the position of Chief Magis-
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trate of this Republie." "Why," he said, "that boy Fremont had not one single quality to commend him for the Presidency. The country realized this and we were defeated as we probably de- served to be. We have that lesson of defeat before us today." He went on to say: "We are facing a crisis; there are troublous tinies ahead of us. We all recognize that. What this country will demand as its Chief Executive for the next four years is a man of the highest order of executive ability, a man of real statesman- like qualities, well known to the country, and of large experience in national affairs. No other type of man ought to be considered at this time. We think we have in Mr. Seward just the qualities the country will need. Ile is known by us all as a statesman. As governor of New York he has shown splendid executive ability. As senator he has shown himself to be a state man and a political philosopher. He is peculiarly equipped in a knowledge of our foreign relations, and will make a candidate to whom our people can look with a feeling of security. We expect to nominate him on the first ballot, and to go before the country full of courage and confidence." He thanked us for the call and gave each of us a friendly handshake at parting.
As he stood at the table, so gracious, so genial, with all our previous estimate of him dispelled, I was reminded of Byron's picture of his "Corsair" as "The mildest mannered man that ever scuttled ship or cut a throat," politically, of course.
We had hardly gotten back to our rooms at the Briggs' House when in came Horace Greeley dressed in his light drab suit with soft felt hat thrown carelessly on our table; with his clean red and white complexion, blue eyes and flaxen hair, he looked, as he stood there, for all the world like a well-to-do dairy farmer fresh from his clover field. Ile was certainly an interesting figure, and he seemed to find a place in our hearts at a bound. As a journal- ist he was full of compliments for the good news we had furnished to his Tribune and we were all drawn to him by his irresistible smile.
"I suppose they are telling you," said Greeley in a drawly tone, "that Seward is the 'be all' and the 'end all' of our exist- ence as a party ; our great statesman, our profound philosopher,
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our pillar of cloud by day, our pillar of fire by night, -- but 1 want to tell you, boy-, that in spite of all this you couldn't elect Seward if you could nominate him. You must remember as things stamil today we are a sectional party. We have no strength outside the North, practically we must have the entire North with us if we hope to win."
"Now there are states of the North that cannot be induced to support Seward, and without these states we cannot secure electoral votes enough to elect. So to name Seward is to invite defeat. Ile cannot carry New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana or Iowa, and I will bring to you representative men from each of these states who will confirm what I say." And sure enough he did: bringing to us Governor Andy Curtin of Pennsylvania, Governor Henry S. Lane of Indiana, Governor Kirkwood of Iowa, each of whom con- firmed what Greeley had saint and gave reasons for the belief.
Governor Curtin was particularly emphatic. He said: "I am the Republican candidate for governor. At the last national election Mr. Buchanan carried Pennsylvania by 50.000 majority. I expect to be elected on the Republican ticket by as large a ma- jority as M -. Buchanan had on the Democratic ticket, making a change of 100,000 votes; but I can only do this if you give me a man as presidential candidate acceptable to my people. I could not win with Mr. Seward as our candidate." He was a bright looking, enthusiastic young fellow and had every indication of making what he later proved to be, one of the most valuable of our war governors. Governor Lane and Governor Kirkwood both gave the same evidence touching Indiana and Iowa. It was the work of Horace Greeley to satisfy the Convention that the nomi- nation of Seward would mean defeat and he certainly did effec- tive work. Ile was the most untiring of workers. I doubt if Horace Greeley slept three consecutive hours during the eutire session of that Convention.
We had calls from strong men, all in a wide-awake determi- nation to meet the demands of the emergency: among them Gov- ernor John A. Andrew of Massachusetts with quite a group of New England delegates, and Carl Schurz of Wisconsin.
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The afternoon of the day before we were likely to reach the balloting, Greeley came in to see us. He was very much dis- couraged. He could see no way to effect a consolidation of the elements opposed to Seward and he feared that Seward would win on the first ballot. He seemed tired and depressed. "Mr. Gree- ley," said one of our delegates, "who do you really prefer to sce nominated, tell us?" Greeley hesitated a moment and sort of brae- ing up he said: "I think well of Edward Bates of Missouri as a safe nominee. Ile is a very able man and he comes from a sec- tion that we ought to have with us. He is not well known in the East, and for that reason I am hesitating in urging him strongly, but he would make a good candidate and an able President if elected, but I am hesitating."
"Mr. Greeley," said one of our group, "what do you think of Abraham Lincoln as a candidate? Why not urge him?" "Lin- coln," said Mr. Greeley, speaking very slowly as if weighing each word, "is a very adroit politician. He has a host of friends out here in Illinois who seem to see something in him that the rest of us haven't seen yet. lle has a very interesting history, that would make good campaign literature; but the trouble with Lin- coln is that he has had no experience in national affairs, and facing a crisis as we all believe, I doubt if such a nomination would be acceptable. It is too risky an undertaking." And that was the judgment of Horace Greeley, the leader of the opposition, only a few hours before we should reach the actual balloting.
Soon after Greeley had gone we received a message on a card saying: "A company of Unionists from the Border States would like to meet you at your rooms." They were of that sharp eyed, broad jawed Scotch Irish type; the typical mountaineers of the South-intense and voleanie, standing for a something and stand- ing resolutely. We realized instantly that the intense moment had come. We hurriedly arranged our room to seat as many as we could, the others stood against the four walls, filling the room so that we felt that we were in close touch with some full charged electric batteries.
These men of the southern border had chosen as their spokes- man Cassius M !. Clay of Kentucky. As Clay stepped forward and
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stood at the head of our table at which we were all seated, there was a deep intense silence for a moment. As he stood posed before us he was the ideal Kentucky Colonel with all the mannerisms of that element so well pictured in our literature. A fascinating man, handsome to look upon, faultlessly dressed, keen, bright and emotional. We could not keep our eye- off as he stood like a wait- ing orator charged with a volcanic mission. As he stepped closer to the table, leaning forward with a sort of confidential gesture, speaking right to our very faces, he said: "Gentlemen, we are on the brink of a great Civil War." He paused as if to note the effect. He seemed to have canght a look of incredulity creeping over our faces that he chose to interpret in his own way. Straight- ening himself. looking every inch the orator, he said: "You un- doubtedly have heard that remark before, but I want you to know that that fact will soon be flashed to you in a way you will more readily comprehend. Gentlemen, we are from the South, and we want you to know that the South is preparing for war. If the man that yen will nominate at this Convention should be elected on the platform you have already adopted the South will attempt the destruction of this Union. On your Southern border streich- ing from the east coast of Maryland to the Ozarks of Missouri there stands today a body of resolute men (of whom these are the representatives) who are determined that this Union shall not be dissolved except at the end of a terrible struggle in resistance.
It makes a wonderful difference who you name for this lead- ership at this time; a wonderful difference to you but a vital dif- ference to us. Our homes and all we possess are in peril. We realize just what is before us. You must give us a leader at this time who will inspire our confalence and our courage. We must have such a leader or we are lost. We have such a man-a man whom we will follow to the end. We want your help and," lean- ing forward, in a half suppressed whisper, he said: "We want you to name Abraham Lincoln. He was born among us and we be- lieve he understands us.
"You give us Lincoln and we will push back your battle lines from the Ohio (right at your doors) back across the Tennessee into the regions where it belongs. You give us Lincoln and we
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will join this Union strength full of enthusiasm with your Union Army and drive secession to its lair. Do this for us and let us go home and prepare for the conflict."
Ilere was a new issue just at a psychological moment when everyone realized that something unusual had to happen. Up to this time it had been, "Ilow shall we keep slavery out of the Territories?" Now it was the question, "How shall we make sure to preserve this Union?" On this new line of formation the army was drawn up for its impending battle.
This impassioned appeal of Clay, first given to us reached the many hesitating delegates and aroused a new vitalization all along the line.
Probably the more conservative presentation of the issue as made by Governor Lane of Indiana did much to supplement the more volcanic work of Clay. Lane said to us: "I am Governor of Indiana. I know my people well. In the South half of my state a good proportion of my people have come from the slave states of the South. They were poor people forced to work for a living and they did not want to bring up their families in competi- tion with slave labor, so they moved to Indiana to get away from that influence. They will not tolerate slavery in Indiana or in our free territories but they will not oppose it where it is if it will only stay there. These people want a man of the Lincoln type as their President. They are afraid Seward would be influenced by that abolition element of the East and make war on slavery where it is. This they do not want, so they believe Lincoln, under- standing this as one of their kind, would be acceptable and would get the support of this entire element. If at any time the South should undertake in the interest of slavery to destroy this Union we can depend on every one of this class to shoulder his musket and go to the front in defense of a united nation even at the cost of slavery its If."
This new issue fostered by the strong Illinois delegation under the adroit leadership of David Davis, pre-sed by the impetuous ora- tory of Clay and strengthenut by the sincere and convincing argu- ments of Governor Lane of Indiana was the real prevailing influ- ence that brought cohesion out of disintegration and centered the
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full strength of the opposition on the one man. It was an adroit piece of work as clivetive as it was adroit.
As the spectre of Civil War loomed before us becoming more and more convincing and menacing, we came to realize the need of conserving that element. it grew on us that this element might be a controlling factor in the great struggle before us. It might be decisive and the thought gave us deep concern.
Later, when the comliet was upon us and we saw 200,000 of these fighting men from our slave states of the border enlisted in our Union Army we more fally realized the vital influence and superb wisdom of that final decision.
But the battle was not cver. Strong appeals were being made by both elements. The Seward forces pressed the great fact of known ability, of great experience, of large acquaintance, its abil- ity to control an element to finance a hard campaign : an element that might help to overcome any factional opposition in the doubt- ful states.
The opposition delegates centered around their man were pleading for a more complete recognition of the West as the com- ing factor in the growth and strengthening of the party, and while conceding the value of the ability that comes from experience, claimed for their man an abundance of common sense on which they could appeal to the people with safety. This, with the great fact of the demands of that border clement for consideration that it was not safe to ignore gave strength to the appeal of the opposi- tion.
The issue was sharp. keen and decisive. The call to the battle of the ballot brought us face to face with the demand for a duty we could not shirk or would not if we could. We felt the full weight of the responsibility. A responsibility that by our act might in- volve the very existence of the Republic. We knew that our man, whoever he might be. must be depended on to carry the Nation through the most critical experience of its history. The coming events were casting their dread shadows before us. It was an ordeal. All 1.can say is-we simply put our trust in God and He who makes no mistakes gave us Abraham Lincoln."
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ABRAHAM LINCOLN
THE HONORABLE WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL Justice of the Supreme Court of Onturio
At first sight there might seem an incongruity in a Canadian addressing this gathering, met to honor the memory of a Presi- dent of the United States. But that would be a narrow view; the first words spoken after the martyr President's death are as true now as when on that fateful April morn fifty-three years ago they were uttered by Stanton, "He belongs to the Ages."
The Great President who led his people amid terrible diffi- culties, cheerful in the face of apparently irreparable disaster, calmly saying before truculent foes as before doubting friend "Whatever shall appear to be God's will I will do," the President who in the very hour of victory achieved was stricken down by the land of the assassin, has become the treasured possession of the world; and my Canada claims her share in him.
A lad of thirteen years when he died I well remember the horror and detestation with which the deed of blood was regarded by Canadians, for we had learned to look upon him as our own and we venerated him less only than our beloved Queen Victoria.
Canadian to the last drop of my blood, British to my finger tips, I too was born on this our Continent of North America, have from infaney breathel her free air, drunk in almost with mother's milk the splendid principles of democracy which are her glory and her pride-in common with my brother Canadians, in all things I am "sprung of earth's first blood," in the highest and best sense I am American.
And I cannot but feel that your invitation to me to speak to you shows that you agree with me in the thought which caused me to accept your invitation that notwithstanding our difference of allegiance. our status in international law of alien and for- eigner, notwithstanding all outward appearance of separation, there is between American and Canadian an essential and funda- mental unity, for we be brethren, nay in all that is worth while, American and Canadian are one.
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The great bond, the eternal principle, which makes us one is democracy; and Abraham Lincoln is the finest type and the greatest example of democracy the world has ever seen.
What do we mean by democracy? Not a form of govern- ment the republics of ancient and medieval times, many repub- lies, so-called, of modern times are as far from democracy as the nadir from the zenith. Monarchies, too, are different ranging from absolute monarchy where the arrogant monarch can say "There is but one wilt in my country and it is mine" to the mon- archy under which it is my pride to live in which the King is content to reign leaving it to his people to whom it belongs, to rule.
A republie in form may be an oligarchy or a tyranny in faet ; a monarchy in form may be in reality a true democracy.
Every people has the goverment it deserves, every free people the government it desires; and that free people which has chosen that there shall be government of the people by the people for the people, is a democracy.
Yet he who adopts that principle simply because it recom- mends itself to his fellow citizens. or simply as a matter of policy, is not a true democrat; the true democrat must love the people, the common people.
Washington, pracclarum nomen, loved the common people, but he was not of them, one would almost say he was an English gentleman; he would not have a commission given to any but gentlemen ; Lincoln was of the common people himself, he knew them and loved them as his own, not as a superior and from above but as one of themselves and on a level.
And this was the cause of utter bewilderment, honest per- plexity, to many in the East, to no few in the West, who could not understand that high station was not inconsistent with sim- plicity of manner; they thought the joke, the amusing story, un- dignified, unworthy of the occupant of the highest office in the Union.
Had this been mere frivolity, such strietures would have been pardonable. but the light manner covered deep feeling, the joke had its immediate practical application. and the story was often
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full of significance, like the parables of the Gospel, in which the Master tavobi profound moral traths in the guise of tales almost child-life in their simplicity
This very want of affectation was symptomatic of the deep regard he felt for his fellow men and of his reverence for the people at large, democratic in his views of government, he was democratic in huis mianner toward others.
Wholly behesing in the power of public opinion, with a per- fect respect for the popular will, he did not seek applause or to ammise the people, except with the end of convincing them. Was not this the real reason why he relied so much upon "the stump," upon the open oral debate. when face to face the champions of rival policies might, give a reason for the faith that was in them ? Loving the people as he did, his greatest ambition was to be esteemed by rendering himself worthy of that esteen.
He was not unconscious of the tremendous importance of the issues involved, for coming as he did from a small frontier town, lacking what the world calls education, with little grace of diction and none of manner, he knew that his seven meetings with Doug- . las were the successive acts of a drama enacted in the face of the Nation and to no small extent in the face of the world. But during his whole life, even when he had become the people's attorney by being placed in the Presidential chair he was not self- willed, he sought the advice and counsel of others, he listened to all the myriad coursellor- bidden or otherwise, ever trusting that those who should know would help him in his perplexities.
From early life he pondered over and struggled with every proposition till he understood it and mastered it: he read every book he could to help him to understand, and in the end he made up his own mind as to the right. Public opinion more than once was against him, more than once would have destroyed his plan, but with all his respect for public opinion he recognized his own responsibility before God, and man, and made-uot adopted-a decision.
That marks the distinction between the democrat and the demagogue.
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So at all times he repudiated any arbitrary personal prero- gative; as he was not a demagogue he would not be an autoerat- no royalty could be smelt on his train.
At all times and under all circumstances he felt the majesty of law. It may be that Seward lost the nomination in 1860 because he had boldly asserted that there is a higher law than the Constitution ; but that assuredly was not the reason for Lincoln's devotion to it. He did not imagine that the Constitution was perfect, but he revered it because it was a contract, and his con- ception of right did not allow him to look upon a contraet as a serap of paper.
This reverence for compact explains his attitude towards slavery.
Convinced that where the white man governs himself that is self-government but when he governs himself and also governs another that is more than self-goverment, that is despotism- convinced that slavery is a violation of eternal right and that that black foul lie can never be concentrated into God's hallowed truth ; wishing that all men everywhere could be free, nay con- vinced that the Republie could not endare half slave and half free, he nevertheless fought the radical abolitionists as he fought those favouring the extension of slavery, while he swore that the Con- stitution should not shelter a slave holder, he would not permit it to shelter the slave stealer; he declared in his first inaugural address that he did not intend to interfere with slavery; even in the midst of war he repudiated the proclamation of Fremont, and at length he freed the slave only as a war measure. Inter arma vilent leges.
Devoted to principle, he fought all his battles on principle; and while the most kindly and placable of men, he gave way no jut on matters of principle, he made no compromise with wrong- doing. The attempts at compromise with the seceding states, which we now know were foolish, he would have nothing to do with-he stood firm-Blair, Dawson, Greeley, who not? Men of consequence in their day but now as stars lost before the sun coquetted with rebellion. Lincoln listened, smiled and moved not. Ib bellion he knew was not the work of a day; it was deep-seated
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and required heroic measures; one could not fight it with elder- stalk squirts filled with rosewater; and he pressed on the war more carnesily than his professional soldiers and with no shadow of turning.
Lincoln had utter faith that Right makes Mighi, the true democratic doctrine, as opposed to the autocratic creed Might makes Right; and in that faith dared till the end to do his duty as he understood it. In that belief he dared to defy almost the whole of the Northern States by releasing the Southern envoys taken from the Trent contrary to international law. Firm in asserting right he recognized correlative duties, national as well as individual.
Lincoln had (it would seem) no well defined religious views in early life. but as soon as his thought became elear he recog- nized that there is a God who governs the world and that if God be with us we cannot fail in the end; he revered the justice and goodness of the Creator and humbly acknowledged that "The judg- ments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." He walked humbly knowing God as the Father of all and that very knowl- edge made him the better democrat. As it seems to me no man can be a true democrat who looks upon the world as without a Divine Author and Governor, the children of men but an accident here with a future of utter nothingness. The true democrat is he who knows that all men are like himself the children of God and therefore his brethren.
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