The centennial of the state of Illinois. Report of the Centennial Commission, Part 28

Author: Weber, Jessie (Palmer) 1863-1926, comp
Publication date: 1920
Publisher: [Springfield, Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers
Number of Pages: 1038


USA > Illinois > The centennial of the state of Illinois. Report of the Centennial Commission > Part 28


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it immediately when the peril that evoked it is over. For years a bill had been pending in Congress to repay General Jackson the $1,000 which he had paid out of his own pocket. It shuimbered on the calendar, but party feeling ran so high it could not pass. The first act of the young Illinois Congressman was to call up the measure, and his first appearance in debate was in support of the bill. He and other friends of Jackson wished vindication of their hero. Douglas proved to the satisfaction of Congress that it was not only Jackson's right under the circumstances to declare martial law, but that he would have been recreant to his duty if he had failed to take such vigorous action. The action in that case was the precedent which has been followed from that day to this.


When Mr. Douglas met his hero face to face years afterwards, in a call at the llermitage, General Jackson said to Douglas, "I always knew I was in the right at New Orleans, but I never under- stood just how and why until I read your speech."


The lesson of this hour which we draw from the life of Douglas is far removed from the forum of politics and the debates of questions which stirred the people in the fifties. They are valuable only in illustrating his convictions and consistency and the ability he displayed in defending them and winning the ap- proval of those who heard or read his able addresses. It seems a thousand years since people grew heated over these differences. Now that the whole world is in the throes of a great war to decide whether the world can endure half democratie and half autocratic, in the clear retrospect we can appraise the heights of devotion to country in the example which Douglas set to his countrymen then and now. He had devoted his life to the settlement of radical differences over a question which could not be composed by an adjustment or compromise. Clay, with like love of a united re- public, had postponed the conclusion. Douglas in his Nebraska bill and squatter sovereignty believed he had found a solution. Clay did not have to see that this remedy was a postponement. Douglas in sorrow saw the disunion which he had patriotically sought to avert.


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But when war came, in spite of his blood sweating attempts to avoid a clash between brothers, he had not a moment of hesi- tation as to the course he would pursue. ILis State called its sons to preserve the Union. With all the powers he could command he united his voice with that of Lincoln in calling the people, though it was a painful duty to one who gave twenty years to averting the sectional conflict, to take up arms, to maintain undivided the great republic upon whose solidarity he believed depended the hope of free government in the western hemisphere. As Senator from this great commonwealth, he stood behind Lincoln when he de- livered his inaugural address. He stood behind him physically. and behind him with full weight of his ability, his counsel, his elognence and the leadership of a great party which had given hin 1,300,000 votes. and which in Grant and Logan and MeClellan and Hancock contributed generals of distinction, and from its rank and file poured into the regiments, men who fought as valiantly for the Union as did the men of different political faith. It was a seemingly insignificant incident, which cheered all who were hoping war could be averted, when, as Lincoln was introduced, he looked about for a place to deposit his hat. Senator Douglas stepped forward and took it and held it. That act had a world of meaning as the future course of Douglas evidenced. "One blast upon his bugle horn was worth a million men."


When a people are at war. partisanship if it be based upon love of country burgeons into patriotism. Mr. Douglas had been a partisan of partisan -. The man to whom the reins of govern- ment had been entrusted had been his political for. In the moment of the peril of the perpetuity of the Union, Mr. Douglas forgot his defeat, forgot political con-ideration. forgot any resentment or disappointments. forgot everything but the supreme fact that the united republic he loved was threatened with separation and all which that involved to American greatness. In that hour he made full dedication of himself and his powers, rallied the forces of defense of a united republie that should stretch from lakes to gulf and from ocean to ocean.


And he fell as truly in his country's cause. speaking and counselling for united support to Mr. Lincoln, as the men who gave


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their lives on the field of battle, under the leadership of Grant and Logan. Ile died with the prayer in his heart, so eloquently uttered by Webster, with whom he was kindred spirit, "When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun of heaven, may I not see him shining in the broken dishonored fragment of a once glorius Union; or states dissevered, discordant Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gor- geons ensign of the republic, now known and honored, throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and its trophies stream- ing in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto * spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that sentiment, dear to every American heart, Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable."


That elassie from America's first orator was the utterance of the great son of the Bay State, who, though of an opposite party, was one with Douglas in endeavoring to find a way to preserve the Union and to avert the war whose coming shadow was to them a tragedy toc awful to contemplate. Neither Webster nor Douglas yearned for continuing peace more ardently than did Abraham Lincoln, as is evidenced by the great Emmneipator's inaugural ad- dress. That inaugural was the key note of his deep feeling and his administrative acts. To the southern leaders ho held out the olive branch in the same spirit, if not after the manner of Douglas, when he derlared: "We are not enemies, but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break: our bonds of affee- tion."


We have often been assured that the war between the states was inevitable and nothing could have averted it. That fatalism may be right, but I have never given my assent to such a doctrine either as to that war of brothers or to the present world war. I. ani one of those who believe war is not foreordained but conies only by man's disobedience of the laws of God. It is not for us at this distant day to assess the responsibility for that terrible night- mare. Today, as Illinois honors Lincoln and Douglas, it is suffi- cient that the State may have the distinction that both these emi-


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nent men, in differing ways sought to the jast to avert it without separation of the Republic, and that both were free from late, passion or revenge, and both cherished the hope we have lived to realize, that the sections once estranged are again friends, having no differences. Each is straining to contribute to the fullest of the flower of its manhood in this war to make the world safe for democracy, and afterwards to see to it that democracy is made safe for the world.


It was no new point of view, when in 1861, hurrying to Springfield after a conference with the President, Mr. Douglas addressed the General Assembly and summoned the people to united support of the perpetuity of the Union. After the "most straitest scot" he was a State's Right Democrat, but he was true in this as in all things to the example of Ar drew Jackson, a Demo- crat of Democrats, who drew the line at secession or nullification or anything that impaired national existence, whether harbored in Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, South Carolina or by the Con- federacy.


He had no tolerance with the spirit that did not give whole hearted support to his country when its lawful authorities had declared war. I think he held with the ereed of that noble Ameri- can, Admiral Stephen Decatur, who declared: "Our Country! In her intercourse with foreign nations, may she always be in the right ; but our Country, right or wrong." To him "Our Country" embraced every foot of land from the Rio Grande to the Great Lakes and from his birth place in the Green Mountain State to Oregon, to whose admission to all American rights he gave earnest effort. This life-long devotion to his country's cause in war im- pelled him to employ vigorous denunciation of those who not only gave half-hearted support to America when waging the war with Mexico, but who while our brave soldiers were ready to make supreme sacrifice on the field of battle denounced the war as "un- holy, unrighteous, and dammable." Rising in hot indignation at what he regarded as their unpatriotic criticism, Mr. Douglas, when a member of the House of Representatives thus vehemently de- nouneed their course:


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"I tell these gentlemen that it requires more charity than falls to the lot of frail man to believe that the expression of such senti- ments is consistent with the sincerity of their professions-with patriotism, honor, and duty to their country. Patriotism emanates from the heart; it fills the soul; inspires the whole man with a devotion to his country's cause and speaks and acts the same language. America wants Bo friends, acknowledges the fidelity of no citizen who, after war is declared, condemns the justice of her cause and sympathizes with the enemy; all such are traitors in their hearts, and it only jemoins for them to commit some overt act for which they may be dealt with according to their deserts.""


The Douglas of 1846 spoke the same language which was spoken by Judge Kenesaw Mountain Landis of Chicago recently when he sentenced to prison those Americans who, after war was declared, by voice and overt act gave aid and comfort to the enemies of their country. The climax of the address of Douglas in his address before the General Assembly of Illinois in 1861, "The shortest way now to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous preparation for war," is the admonition which America has heeded in this day of its participation in the world-wide struggle.


Eliminating the controversial questions, upon which parties and men widely differed, Mr. Douglas' claim to fame may be said to rest upon these solid, practical contributions :


1. He pioneered the internal improvements which blessed Illinois with the Illinois Central Railroad and it is to his wise fore- sight that the State of Illinois derives a large revenue from its operation. In nearly every other instance, all profits accrued to th . owners of the road without return to Commonwealth or republie without whose aid the construction of the road would have been impossible. The precedent has been followed by other states and many cities without thought that they were following the precedent of Douglas.


2. Ile gave support and impetus to the construction of a tran-continental railroad. in keeping with his consistent optimism and faith in the West. He saw in his day, as with the vision of a prophet, the prosperity of the Golden West to whose government


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and development he was the chief legislative guide and to whose people he was the friendly mentor.


3. His unwavering, uncompromising, courageous, advocacy of the right of the people to decide for themselves the kind of gov- ernment they desired. and the ability of the people to decide for themselves better than any others could make decision for them.


That doctrine was his pillar of cloud by day and his pillar of fire by night and he was ever ready to defend it whenever and by whomever challenged. In the defense of this principle he broke with the administration on the question of the Lecompton consti- tution upon the admission of Kansas as a state.


It required courage for a thick and thin' party leader like Douglas to go to the White House and tell Mr. Buchanan that if the President pressed the Lecompton constitution he would oppose its adoption on the floor of the Senate, but this was not the first time Douglas had opposed measures of his own party administra- tion that contravened his devotion to giving effect to the will of the people.


With him that duty transcended all others. The story of that interview in the White llonse has been often told. When all other arguments failed to secure the support of Douglas, the President said: "Senator, I wish you to remember that no Democrat was ever successful in opposing the policy of an administration of his party." whereupon Senator Douglas drew himself up with dignity and replied : "Mr. President, permit ine most respectfully to re- mind you that General Jackson is dead." and withdrew.


Not only in his own state and in the republic did Mr. Douglas throw the full weight of his influence in behalf of full control of government by all the people and oppose all limitations upon their right, but he gave advice and counsel which helped to end borough representation and unfair discrimination, that existed in old cori- monwealths. Let me cite a concrete example of his healthy in- fluence in my own state, North Carolina, with which Mr. Douglas was closely identified and which shares with Ilinois the honors done him. When he was a young member of the House, Mr. Doug- las formed a close friendship with David S. Reid of North Caro- lina, afterwards Governor and Senator. Through this friendship


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Mr. Douglas met the lady who became his wife, Miss Martha Denny Martin, daughter of Col. Robert Martin, an influential planter.


Hlis oldest son, Stephen A. Douglas, Jr., was born in North Carolina; his other son, the late Hon. Robert M. Douglas, justice of the Supreme Court of North Carolina, resided there from the time of his father's death, and all the descendants live in North Carolina, and I am happy to say his grandson, Robert D. Douglas of Greensboro and his daughter are here. She has been invited to unveil the statue here today of her illa-tribus ancestor. Mr. Douglas' intimate association with North Carolinians, after his marriage, and his knowledge of North Carolina politics cansed him to give wise cour-el to Mr. Reid, which helped to make Reid Gov- ernor and Senator and convert North Carolina from a Whig to a Democratic State.


1. His large conception of American expansion, of the destiny of his conutry to exercise a constantly increasing influence as a would-power. "No pent-up Utiea contracted" his vision. It thrilled him, as a partisan, that the Florida and Louisiana terri- tories had been secured by Democratic Presidents, and also under Presidents of his party Texas and California and the vast expanse of territory that makes up the far West, were added to our domain. He ardently supported the Mexican War. As chairman of the Com- mittee on Territories it gave him pride to see them develop and be carved into sovereign states of the Union. But, though he was happy that through the agency of his party American territory and Ameri- can opportunity had been enlarged, his chief rejoicing was because he believedl. as a patriot, expansion would afford a larger plaine upon which to demonstrate the superiority of popular government.


Hle dreamed of still greater expansion, and was one of the most aggressive advocates of the shiliboleth "55-10 or fight." he- lieving that the Oregon Ine should extend to that boundary. So profoundly was he convinced of this right of America that when by an agreement with Great Britain less territory wa- secured for his country, he declined to vote for the treaty. Long before John T. Morgan was born, he had dreamed of an Isthmian canal, and he held with Humboldt's view expressed in 182%. that the United States would sce to it that this canal should be in American hands


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Because Douglas believed, after California and the far West were incorporated into the United States, this government must under- take that great work, he fought the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty on the ground that it might hinder or embarass us when we were ready to build the Isthmian Canal, and might prevent annexation of any territory to thi, Republie if time should show that further expan- sion would be advantageous to the United States, and any other territory desiring to be Incorporated. Ilis big Americanism, born of his full acceptance of the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, went further and he took the grounds that under the Monroe Doctrine, no European country should have a voice in the destiny of the affairs of this hemisphere. In his argument against the treaty, Douglas told of a conversation he had with Sir Henry Bulwer. In response to Bulwer's statement that Douglas' position was un- fair because the provisions of the treaty were reciprocal, Douglas said in the Senate: "I told him it would be fair if they would add one word to the treaty so that it would read that neither Great Britain nor the United States should ever occupy or hold dominion over Central America or Asin." "But," said he, "you have no in- terest in Asia." "No," answered I, "and you have nono in Central America." "But." said he, "you can never establish any rights in Asia." "No," said I. "and we don't mean that you shall ever establish any in America."


The day came which Douglas foresaw, that America would dig the Panama Canal. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty required negoti- ation before the vast work could be made national. Happily Great Britain sought no other colonies on thi. hemisphere; happily our cordial relations made easy the negotiations, and none of the fears of Douglas were realized. Hi- position, vise or unwise, is illus- trated to show his ambition for American domination on this henri-phere and his devotion to both the letter and spirit of the Monroe Doctrine.


Today the ties between Great Britain and the United States have been cemented in blood, and if it be given to those who have gone before to know what transpires here, Donglas must be happy that the allied aims and purposes of these two great English-speak- ing races are in accord in their right to insure for all the world


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the same freedom and liberty to which Douglas devoted his great abilities.


It is particularly timely to call attention at this moment to the man who set perhaps the mo-t noteworthy example in our his- tory of the submergener of political rancor, of selfish ambition, of everything savoring of party politics, in order that a great war might be won. There is no finer example for us to follow today than that of Stephen 1. Douglas in what would have been to men of less broadness of mind and strength of character the bitterest hour of their lives. To all of us tempted to let matters political, selfish ambitions or personal profit of any kind, clond our clear vision in this trying hoar, I would like to paint the picture of Stephen A. Douglas, defeated after the most notable political campaign in our history, a campaign filled with more bitterness, more personal rancor than any presidential campaign in this country, standing by the side of President Lincoln as he took the oath of office, taking from him his hat as he bared his head for the solemn oath, and from that moment to the end loyally, faithfully and sincerely, upholding the hands of Lincoln in the trying days of Civil War that followed.


There was much in the career of Douglas to prove that he was an able man, a brilliant man, and a wise statesman, but this one act raises him in it-elf above mere brilliancy and ability, and en- titles him to stand as one of the really great men of our country. To forget self, to forget parties, to forget everything but the neces- sity of our country in her time of need, that i- the acid test of rea: greatness.


When Pre-ident Lincoln stood at Gettysburg he asked that we dedicate, not that historie ground to the nation, but that the nation dedicate itself to the principles for which men had there given their lives, to the principles of a united country, which were finally triumphant on that famous field. And it seems to me that we might in the same way, here dedicate not this memorial to the man, but ourselves to the carrying out of the great example of un- selfish patriod-m shown by the man honored by this memorial. Let us here and now highly resolve to dedicate ourselves to the subordination of everything which can hinder or block or confuse


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the minds of our people, which can render uncertain, by unfounded doubts and suspicion, our fived determination to win this war through the power of absolutely united effort on the part of every citizen of this country.


Let us ferget, as this great man forgot, everything but our country.


. REMARKS OF GOVERNOR FRANK O. LOWDEN, INTRODUCING LORD CHARNWOOD


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: Illinois cannot well recount her past without paying tribute to her Lincoln. Great as have been her achievements, the greatest thing of all in her hundred closing years was her gift of Lincoln to the nation and the world.


In the last few years no greater tribute has been paid to his life than has been paid by the great English publicist and author, Lord Charnwood, and he has come across the seas to be with us today and join with the younger branch of the English speaking race in paying tribute to this matchles man, and I want to remind Lord Charnwood that his is not the first contribution to the his- tory of America from which we have profited.


One hundred and forty years ago, when we had some slight difference with the English crown, it was to English authors, sir, that we went for argument to combat your government, and we quoted from Lord Chatham and Echinund Burke in support of our position at that time, and when the war ended we had won, not only independence for ourselves, but the democracy of England had won an equal victory. At the surrender of Yorktown, England learned a new colonial policy, and that greit empire, sir, which spans the globe today, and keeps the flag of liberty floating around! the world, had its birth in this little difference which our nation had with you at that time.


And so today there is nothing more fitting than that the Cross of St. George and the Stars and Stripes of the United States should float side by side on a score of battle-fields for liberty, humanity and civilization.


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I reeall that when Mr. Lincoln, the priceless heritage of our first hundred years, our comfort in the present, and our inspiration for the future, pronounced the deathless Gettysburg speech, we, his countrymen, then were deaf to its charm, and deaf to its great- ness. It remained for England to discover that upon that battle- field the most perfect bit of English language that had sprung from the heart and brain of an Anglo-Saxon anywhere were those lines which Lincoln then produced. As it was England who dis- covered that gem, so it is fitting today on this hundredth anni- versary of our Statehood that Lord Charnwood should join with us in the dedication of this statue which you behold. Lord Charn- wood, it gives ine very great pleasure, sir, to present you to this audience of typical Illinoisans, and therefore, typical Americans.


ADDRESS OF LORD CHARNWOOD


Mr. Chairman, Governor Lowden, Mr. Daniels, Ladies and Gentlemen : In the first place I have a message to give you, which is from my countrymen, not in England only, but in all those self- governing communities from Newfoundland to New Zealand, from South Africa to Canada, which are linked with England in this war. It is a message, I would even say, from not a few men among those strange nations of the East, in India, which even today, under the guardianship of England and her colonies, are making their first steps in the path of self-government. I have no right whatever to speak also for the French, our masters, and yours, in so many ways, but I am going to speak for them.


On behalf of all of these, the self-governing communities of the world outside of this Union, I beg to offer the most heartfelt congratulations and birthday good wishes to the great Common- wealth of Illinois, older than some of those communities, and younger, again, it may be by some years, than England, which now completes these Imndred years of vigorous life. which have won it so high a place among the free commonwealths of the world.


Ladies and Gentlemen: Among the great dead who have : poken the English language. more and more as the years go on, two men stand out, eclipsing all others, not only by the loftiness


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of their genius, but by the appeal which they make to the common heart of men. One of them was William Shakespeare, and the other-by the way, a great student of Shakespeare, -- was Abraham Lincoln.




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