A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II, Part 19

Author:
Publication date: 1880
Publisher: Cincinnati, Ohio : Western Biographical Publishing Co.
Number of Pages: 1006

USA > Indiana > A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II > Part 19

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the " search, seizure, and confiscation temperance law " party, upon every stump, and came out victorious, but he was the only Democrat but one elected to Congress at that time from Indiana. In consequence of this gal- lant fight, as well as from his broad, liberal, and con- servative views, Mr. English has always been popular with our foreign population. He continued to support the policy of the administration of President Pierce during the Thirty-fourth Congress. He was a regent of the Smithsonian institution for eight years, and, during this Congress, made a speech in defense of the manage- ment of the institution which was highly commended by Professor Henry, Charles Henry Davis, and other eminent scientific gentlemen. Mr. Davis went so far as to write a letter in which he said Mr. English was en- titled to "the gratitude and friendly regard of every scientific man in the country whose opinions are thought worth repeating." And Professor Henry, who was long on the most intimate terms of friendship with Mr. English, wrote of this speech that "it was admirable, and would redound to the credit of the author, as well as to the advantage of the institution." Whilst a re- gent of the Smithsonian, Mr. English had much to do in managing the finances of the institution, which was so successful and satisfactory that Professor Henry spoke of it in the warmest terms of commendation. Professor Henry, it will be remembered, was the principal mana- ger of this great institution, and one of the foremost men of science, not only in this country, but in the world. In this speech Mr. English evinced higher qualities of statesmanship than are developed in caucus and the usual combats of partisans-a statesmanship that en- ters within the domain of science and art, and that seeks through the agencies which enlightened govern- ments can command to elevate and reform the people, and to place within their reach facilities for the highest culture. At the end of Mr. English's second term he avowed his intention of not being a candidate for Con- gress again, and requested his constituents to select some other person. The convention which met to nom- inate his successor, however, after balloting forty-two times without making a choice, finally determined, unanimously, to insist upon Mr. English taking the field for the third time, which he reluctantly consented to do, and was elected by a larger majority than ever before. Mr. Speaker Orr appointed him chairman of the Com- mittee on Post-offices and Post-roads-an important po- sition, the duties of which are very arduous, and which he discharged with ability. In the mean time the agi- tation of the slavery question continued, and the Kansas controversy assumed a new and more dangerous aspect than ever. Application was made to admit Kansas as a state under what was known as the Lecompton Con- stitution, which did not prohibit slavery; and this was favored by the South, and also by President Buchanan's

administration, but was opposed by Mr. English and others, mainly on the ground that there had been no satis- factory vote by the people of Kansas in its favor. There was so much excitement and violence in Kansas at this time, and so much that was irregular and unlawful, that it was difficult, sometimes, to determine what had been properly done, what was regular and lawful, and what not. Mr. English acquired his widest reputation during this Congress by his course upon the Kansas policy of the administration. He steadily and firmly opposed the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, until it had been ratified by a vote of the people. Hitherto he had acted and voted in harmony with the Democratic administration, but he now found it impossible to persevere in that course. In the closing paragraph of a speech delivered by him in the House of Representatives, in exposition of his views upon that question, he clearly defined his position and his ulti- matum. He said :

"I think, before Kansas is admitted, the people ought to ratify, or, at least, have a fair opportunity to vote upon, the Constitution under which it is proposed to admit her; at the same time I am not so wedded to any particular plan that I may not, for the sake of harmony, and as a choice of evils, make reasonable concessions, provided the substance would be secured, which is the making of the Constitution, at an early day, conform to the public will, or, at least, that the privilege and oppor- tunity of so making it be secured to the people beyond all question. Less than this would not satisfy the ex- pectations of my constituents, and I would not betray their wishes for any earthly considerations. If, on the other hand, all reasonable compromises are voted down, and I am brought to vote on the naked and un- qualified admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, I distinctly declare that I can not, in con- science, vote for it."

During the long and exciting contest over this ques- tion, which has seldom before been equaled in bitter- ness, and was really the prelude to the terrible civil war, Mr. English never departed from the position taken in this speech. As a party man, he was anxious to heal the divisions that had sprung up among his political friends upon this question, and to relieve the administra- tion and the South from the position they had taken, which Mr. English in his heart considered impolitic and dangerous. He was " anti-Lecompton," but not of those who wished to cripple the administration or break up the Democratic organization. He boldly and elo- quently appealed to his Southern colleagues. Alluding to the recent defeat of the Democracy at the North, he said :

" It should not be forgotten, that, when we men of the North went forth to encounter this fearful army of fanatics, this great army of Abolitionists, Know-Noth- ings, and Republicans combined, you, gentlemen of the South, were at home at your ease, because you had not run counter to the sympathies and popular senti- ments of your people ; you went with the current, we

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against it. We risked every thing, you comparatively | had any compromise to offer, to which Mr. English nothing; and now I appeal to you whether, for the sake of an empty triumph of no permanent benefit to you „or your 'peculiar institution,' you will turn a deaf ear to our earnest entreaties for such an adjustment of this question as will enable us to respect the wishes of our constituents, and maintain the union and integrity of our party at home? Look to it, ye men of the South, that you do not, for a mere shadow, strike down or drive from you your only effective support outside the limits of your own states."

The great contest filled the country with the most in- tense excitement, and awakened the apprehensions of the most thoughtful and patriotic citizens. For five months it was the all-engrossing topic in Congress, ab- sorbing the attention of Senators and Representatives, and standing in the way of the transaction of all useful and legitimate public business. The Senate saw proper to pass a bill admitting Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, without limit or condition ; but this bill, although it commanded the favor of the President and his cabinet, failed to receive the sanction of the House of Representatives. The House, on the other hand, passed a bill as a substitute for that of the Senate, but this the Senate would not accept, or the executive ap- prove. Thus was an issue formed between the great co-ordinate branches of the government, whose joint and harmonious action could alone remove the danger- ous question and give peace to the country. In this stage of the proceedings, when the whole country had about abandoned the hope of a settlement of the dis- agreement between the two Houses, and the angry con- test was likely to be adjourned for further and pro- tracted agitation before a people already inflamed with sectional animosities, Mr. English took the responsibility of moving to concur in the proposition of the Senate asking for a committee of free conference. The excite- ment upon the occasion had scarcely ever been equaled in the House of Representatives. Upon adopting this motion the vote was a tie-one hundred and eight to one hundred and eight; but the speaker voted in the affirmative, and the motion carried. The com- mittee on the part of the House was composed of W. H. English, of Indiana; A. H. Stephens, of Georgia; and W. A. Howard, of Michigan. On the part of the Senate, J. S. Greene, of Missouri; R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia; and W. H. Seward, of New York. As the Senate had asked for the conference, the mana- gers on behalf of that branch of Congress were informed by Mr. English that propositions for a compromise n ust first come from them. If they had none to offer, the managers on the part of the House had none, and the conference would immediately terminate. The mana- gers on the part of the Senate made several proposi- tions, none of which, however, were acceptable to the members on behalf of the House. The Senate com- mittee then asked the members from the House If they

replied that he had none prepared, but he had a plan in his mind, based, however, upon the principle of a submission of the question of admission under the Le- compton Constitution, and an amended ordinance, to a fair vote of the people of Kansas; and, if the commit- tee thought it worth while, he would prepare it, and submit it to them at their next meeting. They told him to do so. This is the inside history of the origin of the great Kansas Compromise measure, commonly called the " English bill," which finally passed both branches of Congress, and became the law. This law was, in effect, to place it in the power of the people of Kansas to come into the Union under the Lecompton Constitu- tion or not, as they might themselves determine at a fair election. It was not a submission as direct as Mr. English himself preferred, as is hereinafter explained, but was the best he could get under the complica- tions then existing, and was a substantial vindication of the doctrine of "popular sovereignty " advocated in his minority report on the Kansas-Nebraska bill in the Thirty-third Congress. It is impossible for persons now to realize the agitation and excitement in the country at that time over the " English bill." It was denounced in the strongest language by many, and as highly praised by others. Its passage was hailed with firing of cannons, illuminations, and public rejoicings in many places. Its friends looked upon it as a solution of the whole difficulty. The President of the United States, Mr. Buchanan, was highly gratified, and wrote Mr. En- glish a letter of congratulation, which Mr. English has preserved, in which he said :

"I consider the present occasion the most fortunate of your life. It will be your fate to end the dangerous agitation, to confer lasting benefits on your country, and to render your character historical. I shall remain al- ways your friend."

On the night after the passage of the bill there was a great jollification meeting in Washington City, which serenaded the President and Mr. English, and of which the Union newspaper said :

" It was a time of congratulation among all true- hearted Union men. About nine o'clock the Marine band passed up towards the executive mansion in a large omnibus, drawn by four horses, and was followed by an immense concourse. The cannoneers were also out, and thundered forth their field-piece opposite the north front of the executive mansion, while the band, taking its position beneath the portico, played ' Hail Columbia.' Before they had completed a dense crowd had congregated, and was constantly increased by new arrivals, until at least two thousand persons were assem- bled, including quite a number of ladies. The time, the place, the exultant cheers, the loud booming of the cannon, the patriotic strains of the band, all combined to form a picturesque and imposing scene, which will long be remembered by those who were fortunate enough to witness it."

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In the course of the speech made by the President, he said :

" This is a great occasion on which you have as- sembled. It is far above men. The best interests of the country were involved in the long contest which is su happily terminated. I hope and believe that the re- sult will tend to promote the peace and prosperity of our glorious Union."

Mr. English, the author of the bill, was, of course, one of the heroes of the occasion; but we can only give a few extracts from his speech. In the course of his remarks he said :

"Let us all stand together in this great confederacy as equals, each state having the right to regulate its own domestic institutions in its own way ; and let us apply this doctrine not only to Kansas, but to all the territories which may come into this Union for all time to come. That is the doctrine of the Democratic party ; and when that party is struck down the best interests of the country will be struck down. Stop this agita- tion, and let us act, not like visionary fanatics, but practical men. Let well enough alone, and leave the solution of this matter to time and Providence. If we can not stand upon the doctrine of non-intervention, where can we stand in safety ?

" I am here as one of the representatives of a West- ern state. It is a conservative state; it is the one which gave the largest majority of any one in the North for the President. I know that it is the feeling of the people of Indiana that the interests and rights of the South should never be trodden under foot. We do not intend to surrender any of our rights, and we do not believe that the people of the South desire to tres- pass upon our rights ; if they did, we should rise up as one man to resist it, and we would resist it to the last. While we shall be careful to protect our own rights, we shall be equally careful not to trespass upon the rights of our brethren in other states. Upon such broad, na- tional ground as this we can all stand ; and if we do, this confederacy will continue increasing in prosperity and glory. We must discard all these sectional ideas. We must cultivate a greater feeling of respect and sym- pathy for each other, and for those of different sections ; and I trust and hope this is the dawn of a new era. I trust and hope we shall hear no more of these sectional agitations. Every good man and lover of this country ought to set his face against them. I speak the senti- ment of the entire Democracy of my state when I say that we will do battle faithfully to protect the rights of the people of every portion of the confederacy, and that we shall stand by the Constitution and the Union to the last."

Mr. English never claimed that the "English bill " was entirely as he wished it. In a speech made long after its passage, he said :

" It was not to be expected that a bill upon a sub- ject of so much magnitude, preceded by such intense excitement, long and heated debates, close votes, and conflicts between co-ordinate branches of the govern- ment, could be enacted into a law in a manner satis- factory to all, or without violent opposition. Noth- ing in man's nature, or the history of the past, war- ranted any such expectation. Thirty millions of excited people are not easily quieted, and a question which could agitate a whole nation was not likely to be re-

moved without a struggle and some sacrifice of opinion. These things will all be considered by those who are disposed to judge fairly. Wise and patriotic men could well approve of a measure, originating under such circumstances, which they would have objected to as an original proposition. I am free to say that, if the bill had been an original proposition, depending alone upon my approval to shape it into law, I should, with- out sacrificing its substance, have changed in some re- spect some of its provisions. It was no time, however, to cavil about non-essential points or unimportant words ; no time to mánifest a captious or dogmatical disposi- tion. A little might well be yielded to the judgment of others, if necessary, to achieve a successful result in a matter of such importance.

" Perfection in every respect was not claimed for the conference bill. Its friends set up no unreasonable or extravagant pretensions in its behalf, and they now have the proud satisfaction of knowing that it has realized all they ever claimed for it. It was enough that it contained the substance, and was the very best that could be secured at the time and under the circum- stances which then existed.

"In that spirit it was agreed to in committee; in that spirit enacted into a law. It sprang from the ne- cessity of the case, and was supported in the hope of reconciliation and peace. If those who gave it their support erred, it was in yielding too much, in the praise- worthy effort of removing a dangerous question from the national councils and restoring harmony to a highly ex- cited people."

Under this law the question of admission under the Lecompton Constitution was, in effect, referred back to the people of Kansas, and they voted against it, just as Mr. English and almost every one else expected they would do. Even so bitter a partisan as Mr. Greeley then was admitted, in his history, that the vote cast on the proposition submitted by the English bill "was, in effect, to reject the Lecompton Constitution." Thus the result was accomplished which Mr. English had contended for from the beginning, and there is no in- consistency in his record upon this subject. On the final vote which admitted Kansas as a state, he was still a member, and voted for her admission. The pop- ular current in the North was still strongly against the Democratic administration, and the English bill entered into the ensuing political campaign, and came in for the usual amount of misrepresentation and abuse. Mr. English had again been brought forward for re-election, and the contest in his district assumed a national im- portance. His political opponents made extraordinary efforts to defeat him, and there was at one time some disaffection with a portion of his political friends, who thought he ought to have voted for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. This dis- affection finally subsided, resulting, probably, in part, from letters written by the President himself, in which he spoke in the highest terms of Mr. English. In one to Mr. English he said :

"I. omit no opportunity of expressing my opinion of how much the country owes you for the English

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amendment. Having lost the bill of the Senate, which | I preferred, the country would have been in a sad con- dition had it not been relieved by your measure. It is painful even to think of what would have been the alarming condition of the Union had Congress ad- journed without passing your amendment. I trust you will have no difficulty in being renominated and re- elected. If I had a thousand votes you should have them all with a hearty good will."

In fact, although Mr. English had at one time firmly " opposed a leading measure of the administration, the President was well aware that it was from conscientious convictions, and always manifested the most friendly feeling for him. These kindly relations existed to the end of Mr. Buchanan's life. After the passage of the English bill, the President offered to confer the highest political honors upon Mr. English, but he declined re- ceiving any executive appointment. The same offer of executive favors occurred under the administration of President Johnson, with whom Mr. English had been on terms of the most intimate friendship ever since the winter and spring of 1844-45, at which, time they boarded at the same house, and Mr. Johnson, then a member of Congress from Tennessee, aided in procuring an office for Mr. English under President Polk. In the former case Mr. English felt that his acceptance might be misunderstood, and he preferred remaining an inde- pendent representative of the people; and in the latter he preferred remaining in that private station he had then chosen, so that he could look after his own im- mense business and the interests of a great financial in- stitution of which he was the president. Mr. English entered Congress with Thomas A. Hendricks, Elihu B. Washburn, and John C. Breckinridge, and, in addition to these distinguished gentlemen, had for his colleagues many who have made great names in their country's history, such as William Appleton and N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts; Governors Fenton and Morgan, Rus- sell Sage and Francis B. Cutting, of New York; Asa Packer and Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania; Gov- ernors Smith and Letcher, Thomas S. Bocock, and Charles J. Faulkner, of Virginia; Governors Aiken and Orr, of South Carolina; Colquitt and Stephens, of Geor- gia ; Houston, of Alabama; Singleton, of Mississippi ; Disney, Campbell, Edgerton, Corwin, Shannon, and Giddings, of Ohio; Boyd, Bristow, Elliot, Preston, and Stanton, of Kentucky; Jones, Zollicoffer, and Etheridge, of Tennessee ; Governors Yates and Bissell, of Illinois; Governor Phelps and Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri ; Governor Bell, of Texas; Governor Latham and Mc- Dougal, of California; General Joe Lane, of Oregon. At subsequent sessions John Sherman, W. S. Groesbeck, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio; Roscoe Conkling, of New York; and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, became mem- bers, so that it may be said of Mr. English's colleagues that two of them became Vice-presidents of the United

States, and six are now prominently mentioned for the high office of President. Of his colleagues in the United States House of Representatives, Messrs. Atkins, Cox, John T. IIarris, Scales, O. R. Singleton, Stephens, and Wright still adorn that body ; and Messrs. Conkling, Dawes, Lamar, Logan, Morrill, Pendleton, Vance, and Windom are now distinguished members of the Senate. It is a sad commentary upon the short duration of human life, and the transitory nature of all earthly honors, that of the two Senators and eleven members of the House, constituting the Indiana delegation in the Thirty-third Congress, which ended in 1854, all are now dead but Thomas A. Hendricks and William II. English. During Mr. English's service in Congress there were two notable contests for the speakership, which made great excitement at the time and are likely to live in history. The first was at the beginning of the Thirty-fourth Congress, when the American or Know-Nothing party held a small balance of power, and which, after a fierce and protracted struggle, resulted in the election of N. P. Banks, by a fusion of the mem- bers of that party with the newly formed Republican party. The second one took place at the beginning of the Thirty-sixth Congress, when John Sherman, now the distinguished Secretary of the Treasury, was nomi- nated by the Republicans for speaker; but, after two months of great excitement, and a multitude of ballots, in which various persons were voted for, Governor Pen- nington, of New Jersey, was finally elected. In the course of this struggle Mr. English made a little speech, from which we make a short extract, as it refers point- edly to his previous political history. He said :

"Those who are acquainted with my personal and political history know that I have never belonged to, or sympathized with, any other than the Democratic party. I have stood with that party against all the political organizations that have from time to time been arrayed against it. When the old Whig party existed, I op- posed it upon those issues which have become obsolete, and are no longer before the country. Upon the great question of slavery, which is the vital question of this day, I stand where the Democracy stood, and the Whig party stood, as long as the Whig party had an exist- ence.

"Upon the advent of the Know-Nothing or Ameri- can party, I opposed it persistently, and particularly the peculiar doctrines of that party in relation to naturaliza- tion and religion. My views upon these subjects have undergone no change. I am for our naturalization laws as they stand, and for the entire freedom of religious belief, and would resist to the last any infringement upon the one or the other."

The election of 1858 resulted in the return of Mr. English to Congress by a larger majority than ever. There had been no change in the boundaries of his dis- trict, but his career in this, as in every thing else, had been upward and onward; his majority gradually increasing at each election, from four hundred and

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eighty-eight in 1852, to eighteen hundred and twelve in | for the purity and healthfulness of the political atmos- phere, as natural storms are known to be for a like pur- pose in the physical world."

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A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II, Part 19

Author: Publication date: 1880 Publisher: Cincinnati, Ohio : Western Biographical Publishing Co. Number of Pages: 1006

Author:
Publication date: 1880
Publisher: Cincinnati, Ohio : Western Biographical Publishing Co.
Number of Pages: 1006