A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II, Part 29

Author:
Publication date: 1880
Publisher: Cincinnati, Ohio : Western Biographical Publishing Co.
Number of Pages: 1006

USA > Indiana > A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II > Part 29

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Railroad, and built it after it had been abandoned by the state at Vernon, from that point to Indianapolis. This was the first railroad in the state. From 1847 to 1852 he was chief engineer of the Terre Haute and Richmond Railroad, connecting Terre Haute and In- dianapolis, and now (1880) part of the " Vandalia." During the same time he was chief engineer of the In- dianapolis and Bellefontaine Railroad, now part of the " Bee Line." From 1852 to 1854 he was chief engineer of the Indianapolis and Cincinnati Railroad, and from 1854 to 1857 was president of the same. From 1857 to 1859 he was president of the Indianapolis and Bellefon- taine road, and from 1859 to 1861 chief engineer of the Indianapolis and Cincinnati road. When the war broke out he was appointed quartermaster-general of the state by Governor Morton. As such he had charge of the equipment of Indiana's first regiments, which were so

promptly in the field. As general he commanded the ' of it here was in fact to float a currency in a country

first brigade of troops that went from the state. He where there was none, its redeemability being in land : instead of specie. With the increase of the number of railroads centering in Indianapolis, General Morris con- ceived the idea of a system of union tracks and a union depot. He drew the plans and superintended the con- struction of that edifice, which was completed in 1853, and was the first union depot in this country. In this hasty review of a life which, from its early manhood, has covered a half century, it will be seen that one of its striking characteristics is its incessant activity. From the time he entered West Point, in 1830, a boy not yet out of his teens, to the present time, when he is engaged in the construction of the new state capitol, there is hardly a period that has not its enterprise calling for active work. Another characteristic of it is, that these enterprises have without exception been of public con- cern. First in the employ of the United States, then of his state, he has since then been in succession at the head of various railroads, especially in their construc- was in the West Virginia campaign, and commanded at the battles of Philippi, Laurel Hill, and Carrick's Ford, all which he won. His first battle, that of Philippi, June 3, 1861, was the first battle of the War of the Rebellion. His campaign was with the " three months'" troops, and he was mustered out of service July 27, 1861. At the termination of the three months' service, assur- ance was given General Morris that he should be imme- diately promoted to a major-general's command, but the army was rapidly supplied with general officers ap- pointed from citizens throughout the country, and his appointment withheld for fourteen months, and then a junior brigadier's commission was offered him. This he declined, believing that justice demanded that the first position offered should have been given to him at once, and after such a long delay in recognizing his services, that self-respect required him to accept nothing ! but the first position that had been promised him. For the same reason he declined a junior major-general's . tion and early management, and finally crowning his commission, which was tendered him a short time after work by again being in the United States service dur- ing the war, and now again in the state service. Another fact, be it characteristic or a coincidence, this work has this. From 1862 to 1866 he was chief engineer of the Indianapolis and Cincinnati Railroad, and during that

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in full light the versatility, beauty, and force of his far broader in the area of its influence than circum- nature. And to whatever subject his attention may stances have permitted. The course of his life has been an unbroken chain of toil. Thousands upon thousands of a like free, open, and lordly nature, with less intel- lect, would have succumbed and been borne out of sight by the current of their own indifference and desperation. Mr. Maynard, with the mind and tenacity of a Balzac, has faced, fought, and overthrown opposition, and grasped only the laurel that grew upon the craggiest and bleakest peaks. And if his reputation to-day is not national or international, it is because circumstances over which he had no control would not permit it. be called, though it be one which you would sup- pose to be utterly strange to his thoughts, he is en- abled upon the slightest meditation to impart an interest, a glow of life, that is surprising. In this re- spect Mr. Maynard's intellect is similar to that of Guizot, whom one could never surprise, but from whom you never failed to receive instruction. During the period of Mr. Maynard's connection with the Indian- apolls Sentinel it is universally conceded that he has contributed much to the extension of its usefulness and influence, and his impress is felt in its columns in a very decided manner. As a political writer it is no un- meaning eulogy to say that he has no superior in the state of Indiana, and no greater compliment to his ver- ARVIN, THEOPHILUS, M. D., LL. D., of In- dianapolis, was born in Buenos Ayres, South America, January 9, 1829. His father, Rev. Theophilus Parvin, of Cumberland County, New Jersey, went to Buenos Ayres as a missionary, and subse- quently became professor of Greek and English in the university of that city. His mother, Mary Rodney, of Wilmington, Delaware, was the second daughter of the Hon. Cæsar A. Rodney, who, after filling several promi- nent positions at home, among which were United States Senator and Attorney-general, was appointed minister to the United Provinces, and died at Buenos Ayres. When Indiana was a territory, there was a petition presented to Congress to legalize the holding of slaves in the terri- tory. This petition was referred to a committee of which Mr. Rodney was chairman. He reported the bill adversely. At his death he emancipated his slaves. Doctor Parvin's mother died when he was but a few days old, and his father when he was between six and seven years of age. Doctor Parvin graduated at the state uni- versity of Indiana in 1847. In 1852 he graduated at the Medical Department of the Pennsylvania University. The degree of LL. D. was subsequently conferred upon him by Hanover College, Indiana. In June, 1853, Doc- tor Parvin married Rachel, youngest daughter of the late Amos Butler, of Hanover, Indiana, and soon after moved to Indianapolis, where he has resided and prac- ticed ever since, with the exception of about two years, in which he resided at Cincinnati, Ohio. Doctor Parvin was professor in the Medical College of Ohio from 1864 to 1869, and filled a similar position in the Medical Department of the University of Louisville from 1869 to 1872. He is now professor of obstetrics and diseases of women and children in the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Indiana. He is a member of the In- diana State Medical Society, and an ex-president of the same body, and is a permanent member of the Ameri- can Medical Association. He is a gentleman of culti- vated literary tastes, an accomplished linguist, a pro- found scholar, and as a practitioner of medicine his satility can be paid than the fact that as under his man- agement the commercial departments of the journals with which he has been connected as commercial editor were conducted with signal ability, so it can as truly be said that the political columns of which he has editorial charge have a dash and brilliancy of tone not excelled in the great metropolitan journals. His style is variable, and partakes largely of the character of his subject. He can, apparently without effort, glide from the for- cible and aggressive tone of the political philippic to the calm, dispassionate language of the philosopher. Some of his political editorials bristle with combative energy, while all his efforts have a vigor and force characteris- tic of the writer. His style is often startling in its abruptness, and never fails to impress a reader with the sincerity of his convictions; his sarcasm is sometimes withering in its intensity ; while a vein of originality runs through all his productions which stamps them as the work of a deep thinker and a sound logical reasoner. Having spent the best part of his life in journalistic work, it is as a journalist that Mr. Maynard is known and must be judged, and in criticizing the style, the precision, and the effects of daily editorials, one should at least be without prejudice, and disposed to charity. We notice this characteristic of Mr. Maynard, as we have noticed it in multitudes of other prominent men, that he has always been equal to the emergency, and that the emergency has never been sufficient to call into action the extremity of his resources. He has always had in reserve a capacity for greater achievements than those which have thus far claimed his powers. He has ever been superior to his position. Yet he has always lavished upon his tasks, whether trivial or important, an amount of intellectual vitality that would have won praise from the best intellects. Had he been untram- meled, and able to pursue the bent of his inclinations, no one who is familiar with him will gainsay that such an extraordinary combination of energy, thought, and judgment as we see in Mr. Maynard, would have been

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success has been almost phenomenal. His many contri- 'the canvass, and by the remarkable ability, wit, and butions to the medical literature of the day have made eloquence of his speeches won a high rank among the great orators who electrified the people of the state in that unprecedented political campaign, and carried it for the Whig ticket. He was a member of the elec- toral college that cast the vote of Indiana for General William H. Harrison for President, and John Tyler for Vice-president. He was a man of great earnestness of convictions in politics, and after the death of President Harrison and Tyler's treason to the Whig party, made the following entry in the records of the family Bible : his name familiar as a household word in the profession, where he is universally honored and highly esteemed as a physician and a man. He is extremely reticent in manner, and so abhors publicity that the material for this meager and unsatisfactory sketch has to be obtained without his knowledge and consent, and is therefore in- complete in many details, but entirely reliable as far as it goes. He is a gentleman of fine physique, a splendid type of intellectual manhood, and at the bedside of the poor as well as the wealthy his presence is productive " For the Tyler vote, I have sorely repented, and hope that my country will forgive me. " J. H. CRAVENS." of hopefulness and encouragement. He is still a close student and in the very heyday of healthful and vigor- ous manhood. As a " representative" of all that is good in the medical profession, he has no superior in the state of Indiana.

the men who acted a prominent and brilliant part in the early history of Indiana, James Harrison Cravens was long conspicuous. He was a native of Rockingham County, Virginia, where he was born August 12, 1802. In early life he learned the gunsmith's trade, but was not destined to follow it. His natural gifts led him to the profession of the law, which he studied in the office of Col. John Kenney, of Harrison- burg ; and he was admitted to the bar, upon examina- tion, in 1823. His license is signed by Judges Smith, Stewart, and Brown. He entered upon the practice of his profession in Pendleton County, in his native state, at the town of Franklin, in November, 1823; and was married December 23, 1824, to Sophia Capito. The marriage was a "runaway match," but a most wise and happy one. They left the Old Dominion in 1829, and in June of that year settled in Jefferson County, in the state of Indiana. He was a Whig in politics, and was elected to represent Jefferson County in the House of Representatives in the General Assembly, in the years 1831 and 1832. This was a high honor for so young a man, and one so recently arrived, for Madison was at that time the leading city of the state in enterprise, thrift, and general intelligence. In March, 1833, he removed to Ripley County, and soon took a leading part in the business of his profession there, and also in the politics of the county. He was chosen Senator in the General Assembly by the Whigs of Ripley at the August election in 1839, and served two sessions only of his term, being called to another sphere of pub- lic duty before its expiration. It was while in the Senate that he was selected as one of the candidates of his party for elector of President and Vice-president, at the great Whig convention which assembled at In- dianapolis January 16, 1840. He entered at once upon

As soon as Harrison was inaugurated he called an extra session of Congress. This necessitated a special elec- tion, at which Mr. Cravens was elected to represent the Fourth District of the state in Congress, defeating the hitherto invincible Colonel Thomas Smith by a ma-

RAVENS, JAMES H., of Ripley County. Among jority of 1,030 votes. The district was then composed of the counties of Dearborn, Switzerland, Ripley, Decatur, Rush, and Franklin. While in Congress he was early drawn to the side of John Q. Adams, "the old man eloquent," and stood by him throughout his term in his battle for " the right of petition." He, also, found his own original hatred of the institution of slavery confirmed and strengthened by daily association with such men as Adams and Giddings, who gave him the honor of their friendship, which he retained as long as they lived. The convention of his party indorsed his course and action in Congress; but under the mistaken notion of rotation in office, nominated Hon. John A. Matson, to be his successor. But he was defeated by Colonel Smith, and the district has remained Democratic almost all the time since. Notwithstanding this very ungracious treatment of a faithful and efficient repre- sentative, the party could not do without him; and in 1846 it nominated and elected him to represent his county in the House of Representatives of the General Assembly. His contest for this election was peculiar, and better than any other tends to illustrate the inde- pendent and manly character of the man. It was the first year of the Mexican War, and the pro-slavery feel- ing of the country was at its highest. Any opinion or effort looking to the curtailment of slavery in any re- spect was regarded as having a hostile tendency to the Union and was denounced by both Whigs and Demo- crats. No sooner had Mr. Cravens been nominated than Whigs were found to attack him on the ground of his votes in Congress for "the right of petition," and his known anti-slavery sentiments and opinions. Fore- most among his assailants was one John D. White, a man of some learning and ability, who had recently em- igrated into the county from Kentucky. He wrote some letters to the Whig organ of the county, strongly

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setting forth the grounds of objection to Mr. Cravens as the Whig candidate, and demanding his withdrawal from the ticket, and, in case of refusal, predicting his defeat. These attacks finally provoked him to make answer. In an address "to the Whigs of Ripley County," he made the following exposition of his views on the sub- ject :

"Without any agency on my part, and against my ex- pressed wishes, you by your delegates assembled in con- vention at Versailles, on the 9th of May last, did me the honor to nominate me as your candidate to represent the county of Ripley in the next Legislature. So I was in- formed by a note from John D. White, Esq., as secretary. Since the nomination was made, I have learned to my surprise, that there is a good deal of dissatisfaction among the Whigs of our county, with my opinions as expressed in my speeches during the presidential can- vass of 1844, in reference to the re-annexation of Texas to the United States, and the institution of slavery as connected therewith ; and that great objection is made to the concluding sentence of my letter to the Napoleon convention which nominated Mr. Eggleston as the Whig candidate for Congress in 1845, which reads as follows: 'With a great desire for the defeat of the can- didate who is in favor of the extension of slavery-the slavery territory-and the political dominion resulting therefrom, I remain your obedient servant.'

" I beg leave to say now that I have not changed my opinion since that paragraph was written, other than to say, that as Texas is now a part of this Union, the nation is bound in good faith to protect and defend her in all her constitutional rights.

" Again, I understand that a portion of the Whigs of our county charge me with being what they call an ' Abolitionist.' If I knew in what sense they used the term Abolitionist, as applied to me, I would give a sim- ple answer, 'yes,' or 'no;' but inasmuch as I do not know what meaning they attach to it in reference to me, I deem it proper, in justice to them as well as to myself, to give my views of slavery as it exists in the United States; I. I consider slavery a great moral and political evil; 2. I am opposed to the extension of slave territory ; 3. I am opposed to the admission of any more slave states into the Union; 4. I believe the admission of slave states into the Union out of territory acquired since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, to be a violation of the spirit of that instrument; 5. I believe that whilst we are expending a million of dollars annu- ally for the suppression of the ' African slave-trade,' we ought not to expend millions for the promotion and ex- tension of the ' domestic' or American slave-trade; 6. I believe that Congress has the power of regulating the inter-state slave-trade, and ought to exercise it; 7. I believe that Congress has the power of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia (the seat of the national gov- ernment), and ought to exercise it whenever a majority of the citizens of the district desire it to be done; and that the ' slave mart' there ought to be abolished imme- diately; 8. I believe that whenever a proposition is made to the nation to extend the 'peculiar institution,' either directly or indirectly, that it then becomes, so far, ipso facto, a national question; and that the now slave- holding states, and their citizens individually, ought, in self-defense, both in a moral and political point of view, to make use of every constitutional means within their power to prevent so great an injustice; 9. I am utterly opposed to the abolition of the liberty of speech, and

of the press, and of the right of petition; 10. I believe the slave states, and slave owners have constitutional rights in reference to their slave property, with which the free states can not and ought not to interfere; nor ought their citizens individually to meddle with them, such as persuading a slave to escape from his owner, concealing them after they have escaped, and running them from the place clandestinely, or otherwise, with a view of aiding them in finally making their escape ; II. I would not arrest and return to his owner, nor harbor, nor conceal a fugitive slave; 12. I should be more than gratified to see the slave states adopt some system of gradual emancipation by which we, as a people, should be entirely rid of slavery in some twenty-five or thirty years; 13. I do not believe the Whigs have-nor am I prepared to believe they will-incorporated a pro-slavery article in their political creed ; should they do so, they will drive many good and true men from their ranks, in grief and sorrow.

"Such, fellow Whigs, are my views, freely and frankly expressed, without protracting this communica- tion by giving reasons and arguments, at this time, in support of each proposition. I am anxious to know, now, what you think of this matter. I am willing to serve you, in the present contest for a seat in the House of Representatives, if you desire it. If not, will you adopt some method to inform me of your wishes in the premises by the fifteenth day of July ? I am willing to sink with the Whig party, if need be, in defense of our prin- ciples, but I am not willing to fall by your hands. In times past I have fought in your ranks, and side by side with you, in many hard-fought battles, in which we have been defeated again and again by our opponents, and yet we are not vanquished. I ask, then, in deference to my old scars, if for no other reason, that I may not now be butchered by the Whigs of Ripley. Either release me from the obligation under which I am placed by the nomination, or assure me of your support ; for I declare most solemnly that, aside from the desire to obey your will, to do my duty under all circumstances to my country, and to aid in the predominance of correct prin- ciples, I would not give the snap of my fingers for a seat in the Legislature, or any other office you might be dis- posed to confer upon me."

It also appeared that many Whigs were opposed to him because a part of the Liberty party had avowed their determination to support him. This resulted from the fact that the convention of that party, upon learn- ing of Mr. Cravens's nomination by the Whigs, unani- mously resolved "to nominate no person as the Liberty candidate for the year 1846, believing that a suitable candidate had already been presented to the people, in the person of James H. Cravens, Esq., the Whig candi- date; and that they would most cheerfully unite in his election, regardless of party name." In answer to those who opposed him on this ground, he said: "I should be pleased to have the entire vote of Ripley County- Whigs, Democrats, and Liberty men." The result of the assault upon him was to bring the convention to- gether again, and, upon full consideration of the mat- ter, to procure him the unanimous indorsement of the body. Thus was a bold and manly avowal of his con- victions found to be sufficient to put down all opposi-

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tion, and to insure his triumphant election. In the | slavery extension, fell naturally into its ranks, while Col- onel Smith as naturally fell out of them. Notwith- standing he was unsuccessful in the contest, his canvass for the position displayed his devotion to human liberty, his great talents, and wonderful eloquence at their cul- mination. The question of shutting out the negro race forever from the state was raised by one of his oppo- nents on one occasion, and advocated with great bitter- ness and brutality. His reply was the most wonderful display of argument and passionate eloquence to which it has ever been our fortune to listen. It contained all the elements of the mighty struggle that has since made that unfortunate race free. It was wonderful, in- imitable, transcendent! He swept, like a tempest of fire, over the local question embraced in the proposi- tion, which subsequently became the thirteenth article of the state Constitution, and took up the duty of extir- pating the enormous crime of slavery from our social and political system, ending his peroration, brimful of every great sentiment and passion that ennobles human nature, with streaming eyes turned up to heaven, and with the glowing aspiration that the day might soon come when the government of the United States should be enabled to lift every human being in the country up from the degrading and beastly condition imposed by slavery, to that of freedom and citizenship of a nation session of the General Assembly that followed, he was regarded as the leader of his party, and might have been chosen the speaker of the House but for a treacherous defection, that for local purposes and personal ends de- feated the Whigs and threw the organization into the hands of their enemies. The only question of really great importance that was settled during the session was the policy of transferring to the bondholders of the state the Wabash and Erie Canal, with the lands and other appurtenances belonging to it, in payment of one- half the state debt. The measure was then one of doubtful expediency, and in the light of a recent de- cision of the Supreme Court, may turn out even yet to have been but a mere pretense of satisfying any part of the debt, while the state will have lost a public work of real value and a large amount of very excellent lands. But be that as it may, it was opposed by Mr. Cravens and nearly thirty others with great earnestness and power. After the close of his service in the House, in 1847, he was not again, so far as we know, elected to any public civil office so long as he lived. This was at first due, no doubt, to his separation soon after from the Whig party. He regarded the nomination, by that party in 1848, of General Zachary Taylor for President as a long stride towards the surrender of the party to the | slave power of the nation, and joined with others, like- ; too great, benevolent, and good to tolerate the oppres- minded with himself, in calling the Buffalo Free-soil Convention. He was a delegate to that body, and sup- ported its platform and candidates in many inimitable and masterly speeches. The party which he supported had just power enough to enable the Whigs to defeat General Cass, the Democratic candidate for the Presi- dency. The district Whig convention had offered him the nomination for Congress; but it had passed a resolu- tion justifying the war with Mexico, and asked him to indorse the platform and resolution. But he promptly refused, declaring with ringing voice :

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A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II, Part 29

Author: Publication date: 1880 Publisher: Cincinnati, Ohio : Western Biographical Publishing Co. Number of Pages: 1006

Author:
Publication date: 1880
Publisher: Cincinnati, Ohio : Western Biographical Publishing Co.
Number of Pages: 1006