USA > Indiana > A biographical history of eminent and self-made men of the state of Indiana : with many portrait-illustrations on steel, engraved expressly for this work, Volume II > Part 21
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" Even the camp-followers, the dodgers, and the trimmers, who hang on the outskirts of the party, dis- tracting its councils and marring its harmony by dis- paraging the platform for the sake of a little local popularity, will be clamoring to get upon it, as it becomes more and more evident it is going to be adopted by the people."
The financial trouble he managed with like sagacity:
" I contend there is nothing in the St. Louis plat- form upon the subject of the finances about which Democrats should differ. It favors the repeal of that clause of the act of Congress which fixes a certain day for the resumption of specie payments. It repudiates a changeable standard of values, and advocates that standard which is recognized in our own Constitution as well as by the whole civilized world. It proposes to secure to our own people real dollars, that shall have as much purchasing power as the dollars of other nations. It secures to the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer, a dollar that will have as great a purchasing power as the dollar of the bond-holder. It secures to the manu- facturer and the man of business that reasonable degree of certainty as to the financial future which will enable him to make investments and engage in business with some intelligence and feeling of security, which he never can have with a changeable standard of values. In short, it but reaffirms the old and time-honored doctrine of the Democratic party in favor of a currency of specie, and paper convertible into specie on demand. It is true the platform places the Democratic party fairly and squarely upon the road to specie payments, but it does not propose to accomplish it by such hasty and inconsiderate legislation as will be unnecessarily oppres- sive to creditors or injurious to business."
This speech was favorably commented upon by the press and public generally. The Indianapolis Sentinel said: "It was a great gratification to the thousands who heard it, and will be read with pleasure by the tens of thousands who know the power of his logic." The People, an independent paper, said: " It was much better than political speeches generally ;" and the Jour- nal, the Republican state organ, admitted "it was far above the average of Democratic stump efforts." The Hendricks Club and a large crowd of citizens serenaded Mr. English that night, upon which occasion he was addressed by Colonel Whitelsey, who returned the sin- cere thanks of the Hendricks Club, and citizens generally, for his very able address at the meeting, and expressing
the belief that it would make the Democratic ticket many thousand votes. Mr. English responded :
"I thank you, gentlemen, for your visit on this calm, beautiful night, and for the high compliment you have paid me, as well as for the delightful music with which you have favored me and my invalid wife, who lies upon a bed of sickness within a few feet of where I now stand. The kind feelings which prompted the visit, and your compliments and kindly greetings, are very grateful to our feelings, as the music is grateful to our ears. I can only again thank you, in her behalf and my own, wishing you a safe return to your homes, and bidding you a very cordial good night."
Mr. English has a fine residence in Indianapolis, fronting upon a beautiful circular park known as the "Governor's Circle," so called because originally de- signed as the site for the residence of the Governor of the state. His wealth is large, and has been accumu- lated by the business tact which has characterized him throughout his career. He is understood to be worth several million dollars. He was married to Miss Emma Mardulia Jackson, of Virginia, on the 17th of Novem- ber, 1847, in the city of Baltimore, Maryland, the Rev. Henry Slicer, chaplain of the United States Senate, performing the ceremony, and no union could have been more felicitous and happy than this was during its long continuance. This estimable lady died, at Indianapolis, November 14, 1876, universally loved and respected by all who knew her. Two children were the issue of this marriage, a son and daughter. The son is the Hon. W. E. English, a young man of fine promise, now a member of the Indiana House of Representatives, being the third of the family in lineal descent who has occu- pied that position-father, son, and grandson. The daughter, Rosalind, is the wife of Doctor Willoughby Walling, an eminent physician of Louisville, Kentucky, and is the mother of two fine boy babies, William English Walling and Willoughby George Walling. The foregoing incidents of an exceptionably active and successful life bring its history down to the year 1877, when Mr. English, crowned with success in every under- taking, with a political and business record without a blemish, and at the very meridian of his powers, sought the retirement of private life, to enjoy in quiet society the well earned trophies of former years. But in this retirement Mr. English was not unmindful of his country nor neglectful of the interests of the Demo- cratic party, whose principles he had espoused in his youth, and whose standard-bearer he had been in many a hotly contested conflict. Always a close observer of passing events, he continued to manifest his deep solici- tude for the success of the Democratic party, and with his ripe experience was ever ready to aid it by his counsel. His splendid triumph in every enterprise with which he had been identified for a quarter of a century made his name a synonym of success. His services in the Indiana Legislature, the national fame he had ac-
225
REPRESENTATIVE MEN OF INDIANA.
7th Dist.]
quired in Congress, and the superior abilities he had displayed as a financier, and his fidelity to every trust, all combined to give him a prominence which was con- tinually attracting the attention, not only of his fellow- citizens of his native state, but of the most distinguished men of the country ; and to these circumstances alone must be credited his present enviable position before the American people, and the unsolicited association of his name with high official trusts. It should be under- stood that Mr. English seeks retirement. He has volun- tarily surrendered advanced positions in public life for the enjoyments to be garnered only in the walks of a private citizen. The distinction and emoluments of of- fice had lost their attractions, and, having earned honor and wealth, he was willing to surrender his place in the shining pathway of fame to others, content to see them crowned, as he had been, with the approbation of their countrymen. But Mr. English could not control the logic of circumstances ; as a result, and independent of his volition, there is at this time what seems to be a very general wish to call him from retirement and prominently identify him with passing political events. To every citizen possessed of state pride it must be a source of gratification to know that Indiana at the present time, in the list of her eminent statesmen, stands, if not at the head of the list, abreast of the foremost; and it is not dealing in fulsome eulogy to say William H. English, in the grasp of his mind, in his prescience, in his knowledge of measures and poli- cies, in the analytical and synthetical operations of his intellect, in bold, vigorous, and independent thought, in that statesmanship that prudently estimates forces and reasons a priori and a posteriori, has few, if any, su- periors, and has earned, by his success in public and private life, a proud position in the list of the great men of his time. Mr. English is logical rather than ornate. His mind is a crucible in which error is elim- inated from truth, and, the tests of his analysis being satisfactory, he is proof against sophisms or the blan- dishments of flattery. With a mind trained from early manhood in a school of logic which dignified facts, the brilliancy of fiction never beguiles him from the lumi- nous pathway mapped out by reason, and hence, as a result, his public and private life is singularly free from the mistakes that have embarrassed other public men, and his past good fortune in this regard points to him with special distinctness as eminently qualified for public trusts, no matter what the gravity of their re- sponsibilities may be. At school, a student of law, an attorney, principal clerk of the Indiana Legislature, secretary of the Constitutional Convention, member of the Legislature and speaker of the House, mem- ber of Congress, banker, and private citizen, at all times clear, concise, and self-poised, William H. English has demonstrated, as few men have done, capacities of the
first order, and which command universal respect. In such a life, so varied in its responsibilities, developing always and continually in the same direction of pure character, high resolves, and noble ambitions, there must be of necessity certain forces and factors of integrity of purpose and of fidelity to the public welfare, which are certain to attract public attention and demand an enlargement of their domain of usefulness. At the time of writing this sketch the financial question is upper- most in the public mind. It touche; every interest and commands universal consideration. Where is the man whose views will best harmonize the East and the West, the North and the South, upon this question? This much may be said of Mr. English, that his financial ex- perience, his comprehension of financial theories and results, his pronounced conservatism, and his acknowl- edged ability as a financier, designate him as the peer of the most advanced student of finances in all of their varied applications to the demands of the country. To the South, always just; to the North, an inflexible friend; comprehending the wants and interests of the East; with an extended knowledge of the West in its expanding and enfolding growth and resources, Mr. English includes in his thought and experience the es- sentials of an administration of affairs in which the har- monies of interests and the logic of development are most admirably blended. The logic of events points to him as a distinguished native Indianian, who, should cir- cumstances create an inevitable necessity, would exhibit to the country those exalted traits of character which in these times are sought for with profound solicitude. Mr. English is a man of action rather than of words. His efforts as a debater are more remarkable for prac- tical common sense than for brilliancy of oratory or the flowers of rhetoric. His mind, strictly practical in all its scope and bearings, is eminently utilitarian. Energy of character, firmness of purpose, and an unswerving integrity, are his chief characteristics. In personal in- tercourse he is inclined to be retiring and reserved, which might be attributed to haughtiness or pride by a stranger, but to an acquaintance and friend he is open, candid, and affable. In the private and social relations of life he stands "without blemish and above reproach." As a business man, he has most valuable qualities. Without being too cautious, he is prudent and con- servative. He looks searchingly and comprehensively into the nature and probable results of all schemes, and when he once puts his shoulder to the wheel it is with a strength that carries all before it. He is not demon- strative in any thing that he does, but there is a quiet, determined, and unceasing application of his whole re- sources of mind and energy to the end in view. He is above the average height, with an erect, well-made figure. His head is of good size, with regular features. The forehead is high and broad. He is dignified and
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REPRESENTATIVE MEN OF INDIANA.
[7th Dist.
gentlemanly in his manners, and has a pleasing ad- dress with all persons. His whole contour of face and person would at once attract favorable attention in any gathering. Intellect, uprightness of character, self- reliance, and zeal are suggested by his appearance, and made known in his deeds. A man who has gained un- qualified success in every position of his life, it is to be said of him that this is the result of an ability which has been equally beyond question. Since the foregoing was written, Mr. English was unanimously nominated for the high office of Vice-president of the United States by the Democratic National Convention, which assembled at Cincinnati June, 1880. He was officially informed of this nomination at the residence of General Winfield S. Hancock, Governor's Island, New York, on the 13th of July, and formally accepted the same on the 30th of the same month, in a bold and aggressive letter, which was much admired by his political friends and severely criticised by his political opponents. It was to a great extent the key-note of the campaign on the Democratic side. It is as follows :
"INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA, July 30, 1880.
"GENTLEMEN-I have now the honor to reply to your letter of the 13th instant informing me that I was unanimously nominated for the office of Vice-president of the United States, by the late Democratic National Convention which assembled at Cincinnati.
" As foreshadowed in the verbal remarks made by me at the time of the delivery of your letter, I have now to say that I accept the high trust with a realizing sense of its responsibility, and am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred.
"I accept the nomination upon the platform of prin- ciples adopted by the convention, which I cordially ap- prove, and I accept it quite as much because of my faith in the wisdom and patriotism of the great states- man and soldier nominated on the same ticket for Presi- dent of the United States.
" His eminent services to his country ; his fidelity to the Constitution, the Union, and the laws; his clear per- ception of the correct principles of government, as taught by Jefferson ; his scrupulous care to keep the military in strict subordination to the civil authorities; his high regard for civil liberty, personal rights, and rights of property ; his acknowledged ability in civil as well as military affairs; and his pure and blameless life, all point to him as a man worthy of the confidence of the people.
"Not only a brave soldier, a great commander, a wise statesman, and a pure patriot, but a prudent, pains- taking, practical man of unquestioned honesty, trusted often with important public duties, faithful to every trust, and in the full meridian of ripe and vigorous manhood, he is, in my judgment, eminently fitted for the highest office on earth-the presidency of the United States.
"Not only is he the right man for the place, but the time has come when the best interests of the country require that the party which has moncpolized the ex- ecutive department of the general government for the last twenty years should be retired. The continuance of that party in power four years longer would not be beneficial to the public, or in accordance with the spirit
of our republican institutions. Laws of entail have not been favored in our system of government. The perpetuation of property, or place, in one family, or set of men, has never been encouraged in this country, and the great and good men who formed our republican government and its traditions, wisely limited the tenure of office, and, in many ways, showed their disapproval of long leases of power. Twenty years of continuous power is long enough, and has already led to irregular- ities and corruptions which are not likely to be prop- erly exposed under the same party that perpetrated them.
" Besides, it should not be forgotten that the last four years of power held by that party were procured by discreditable means, and held in defiance of the wishes of a majority of the people. It was a grievous wrong to every voter and to our system of self-govern- ment, which should never be forgotten or forgiven. Many of the men now in office were put there because of corrupt partisan services in thus defeating the fairly and legally expressed will of the majority; and the hypocrisy of the professions of that party in favor of civil service reform was shown by placing such men in office, and turning the whole brood of federal office- holders loose to influence the elections. The money of the people, taken out of the public treasury by these men, for services often poorly performed, or not per- formed at all, is being used, in vast sums, with the knowledge and presumed sanction of the administra- tion, to control the elections; and even the members of the cabinet are strolling about the country making partisan speeches, instead of being in their departments at Washington discharging the public duties for which they are paid by the people; but, with all their clever- ness and ability, a discriminating public will, no doubt, read between the lines of their speeches that their paramount hope and aim is to keep themselves, or their satellites, four years longer in office. That perpetuating the power of chronic federal office-holders four years longer will not benefit the millions of men and women who hold no office, but earn their daily bread by honest industry, is what the same discerning public will, no doubt, fully understand, as they will, also, that it is because of their own industry and economy, and God's bountiful harvests, that the country is comparatively prosperous, and not because of any thing done by these federal office-holders. The country is comparatively prosperous, not because of them, but in spite of them. This contest is, in fact, between the people, endeavor- ing to regain the political power which rightfully belongs to them, and to restore the pure, simple, eco- nomical, constitutional government of our fathers, on the one side, and these federal office-holders, and their backers, pampered with place and power, and deter- mined to retain them at all hazards, on the other.
" Hence the constant assumption of new and danger- ous powers by the general government under the rule of the Republican party; the effort to build up what they call a strong government; the interference with home rule, and with the administration of justice in the courts of the several states; the interference with the elections through the medium of paid partisan federal office-holders, interested in keeping their party in power, and caring more for that than fairness in the elections; in fact, the constant encroachments which have been made by that party upon the clearly reserved rights of the people and the states will, if not checked, subvert the liberties of the people and the government of lim- ited powers created by the fathers, and end in a great,
David s. Gooding.
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REPRESENTATIVE MEN OF INDIANA.
7th Dist.]
consolidated central government, 'strong,' indeed, for evil and the overthrow of republican institutions. The wise men who formed our Constitution knew the evils of a strong government, and the long continuance of political power in the same hands. They knew there was a tendency in this direction in all governments, and : consequent danger to republican institutions from that cause, and took pains to guard against it. The ma- chinery of a strong, centralized general government can be used to perpetuate the same set of men in power from term to term, until it ceases to be a republic, or is such only in name; and the tendency of the party now in power in that direction, as shown in various ways, besides the willingness recently manifested by a large number of that party to elect a President an un- limited number of terms, is quite apparent, and must satisfy thinking people that the time has come when it will be safest and best for that party to be retired.
" But in resisting the encroachments of the general government upon the reserved rights of the people and the states, I wish to be distinctly understood as favor- ing the proper exercise by the general government of the powers rightfully belonging to it under the Consti- tution. Encroachments upon the constitutional rights of the general government, or interference with the proper exercise of its powers, must be carefully avoided. The union of the states, under the Constitution, must be maintained, and it is well known that this has always been the position of both the candidates on the Demo- cratic presidential ticket. It is acquiesced in every- where now, and finally and forever settled, as one of the results of the war. It is certain, beyond all question, that the legitimate results of the war for the Union will not be overthrown or impaired should the Democratic ticket be elected. In that event proper protection will be given, in every legitimate way, to every citizen, na- tive or adopted, in every section of the republic, in the enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed by the Constitu- tion and its amendments ; a sound currency of honest money, of a value and purchasing power corresponding, substantially, with the standard recognized by the com- mercial world, and consisting of gold and silver, and paper convertible into coin, will be maintained; the labor and manufacturing, commercial and business inter- ests of the country will be favored and encouraged in every legitimate way; the toiling millions of our own people will be protected from the destructive competi- tion of the Chinese, and to that end their immigration to our shores will be properly restricted ; the public credit will be scrupulously maintained and strengthened by rigid economy in public expenditures; and the liber- ties of the people, and the property of the people, will be protected by a government of law and order, admin- istered strictly in the interests of all the people, and not of corporations or privileged classes.
"I do not doubt the discriminating justice of the people and their capacity for intelligent self-govern- ment, and therefore do not doubt the success of the Democratic ticket. Its success would bury, beyond resurrection, the sectional jealousies and hatreds which have so long been the chief stock in trade of pestiferous demagogues, and in no other way can this be so effect- ually accomplished. It would restore harmony and good feeling between all the sections, and make us in fact, as well as in name, one people. The only rivalry then would be in the race for the development of material prosperity, the elevation of labor, the enlargement of human rights; the promotion of education, morality, religion, liberty, order, and all that would tend to make
us the foremost nation of the carth in the grand march of human progress.
"I am, with great respect, very truly yours, " WILLIAM H. ENGLISH.
"To HON. JNO. W. STEVENSON, President of Convention, " HON. JOHN P. STOCKTON, Chairman,
"And other members of the Committee of Notifi- cation."
JOODING, JUDGE DAVID S., attorney-at-law, Greenfield, was born in Fleming County, Ken- tucky, January 20, 1824. He is a son of Asa and Matilda Gooding. His paternal grandfather, Colonel David Gooding, was a captain in the war of 1812, and was in the memorable battle of the Thames. It is believed it was he who took the scalp of that fa- mous Indian warrior and chief, Tecumseh. His grand- parents were from Virginia. His father, Asa Gooding, removed from Kentucky to Rush County, Indiana, when the subject of this sketch was but three years old. In the rude pioneer schools of Rush County began the scholastic training of young Gooding. His father re- moved to Greenfield in 1836, where David S. entered the schools, and so rapid was his progress that at the age of seventeen he taught a term of school, and then entered Asbury University, at Greencastle, where his assiduous application to his studies won for him the ad- miration of his classmates and teachers. Here he was taught by such men as Bishop Simpson for two years, tak- ing an irregular course of study. At this time his father died, leaving a widow and seven children, many of whom were small, with very little means on which to live. Naturally, the weight of responsibility fell upon the shoulders of David, he being the eldest child. This sudden and lamentable misfortune caused him to leave college and return to the support of the family, and thus his collegiate course ended. At the age of nine- teen he entered the law office of Hon. George W. Julian, then a resident of Greenfield, and began a course of reading for the legal profession. Mr. Julian soon after removed from Greenfield, and the young man continued the study alone until 1845, when, after a rigid examination, he was licensed to practice law. In 1847 he was elected Representative to the state Legis- lature from Hancock County, where he was known as a clear-headed, conscientious legislator, of unusual ac- quaintance with the science of civil government and well versed in parliamentary law. In 1848 he was elected prosecuting attorney of his county, a position he filled with rare skill, judgment, and fidelity to business. At the expiration of his term, or in 1851, he was elected prosecutor for the Indianapolis circuit, defeating ex-Governor Wallace. In 1852 he was chosen for a still higher position, being elected judge for the coun- ties of Hancock and Madison, defeating a very popular
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