Early Indiana trials: and sketches. Reminiscences, Part 23

Author: Smith, Oliver Hampton, 1794-1859
Publication date: 1858
Publisher: Cincinnati, Moore, Wilstach, Keys & co., printers
Number of Pages: 660


USA > Indiana > Early Indiana trials: and sketches. Reminiscences > Part 23


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Mr. Calhoun, while speaking, maintained a stern attitude, and stood in the aisle by the side of his desk .- His gesture was short and nervous, and chiefly with the right hand. His articulation was rapid, but not so much so as to be at all indistinct, as we had been led to expect. His pronunciation of some words was faulty ; "point," for example, he pronounced " pint." His keen eye was unwaveringly fastened upon Mr. Clay, who sat upon the opposite side of the chamber, and to him rather than to the Speaker of the Senate he addressed all his remarks.


When Mr. Calhoun concluded, Mr. Clay immediately rejoined. He rose under an excitement, such as he at one time had manifested in his first speech, like a stalwart warrior not weakened or dismayed, but goaded and smarting from wounds which he was not permitted to avenge. He commeneed by saying that when he was assailed-when his career was called under review-it did not take him two or three weeks, of


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long searches and midnight toil, to prepare his defense. He stood ever ready, arrayed as he was in the panoply of conscious integrity, to vindicate his fair fame against all assaults from whatever quarter. He continued in a speech, the conclusion of which we were not priviledged to hear, but which gave great satisfaction to his ad- mirers.


But the end was not yet, as the distinguished Senators seemed to retire from the contest, each apparently satisfied with the result, there arose from the seat before me, Daniel Webster ; and in his powerful voice, addressing the chair, - his black, piercing eyes fixed upon Mr. Calhoun - " Where am I? Is this the Senate of the United States ? Am I Daniel Webster ? Is that (pointing to Mr. Calhoun), John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, the same gentleman that figured so largely in the House of Representatives in 1816, at the time the Bill creating a National Bank passed that body ? What have I heard to-day ? The Senator attempting to maintain his consistency before this Senate in my presence? Does the Senator remember, that when Rufus King moved his amendment to the Bank Bill, providing the bonus that was to be appropriated to works of internal improvement within the States should not be so appropriated without the consent of the States, the Senator from South Carolina then took the floor against the amendment of Mr. King, and made one of his strong and conclusive speeches, maintaining that the federal arm could not be stricken down, or paral- yzed by the States ; and that the powers of the General Government were ample to construct works of national importance. Where were the State Rights doctrines of the gentleman then ?" and took his seat. Mr. Calhoun rose instantly. " I recollect the facts stated by the Sen- ator from Massachusetts well, and let them warn all young Senators never to violate the Constitution." IIe took his seat, other matters soon occupied the Senate, aud we moved on as usual.


At another time, Mr. Calhoun was struggling with all his powers of mind, to maintain his consistency on the question of a home valuation of ad valorem duties, with James F. Simmons, of Rhode Island, one of the strong men of the body, and whom I am highly pleased to see is returned to the Senate for another term from his State.


Mr. Simmons was speaking, Mr. Calhoun sitting near him. " I am at a loss to account for the reason why it is insisted that such a rule of valua- tion is impracticable, or why it will not insure the certainty of collection as well as to have specific duties. So far as it is important that any duty should bear a due proportion to the value of the article taxed, it is far better than specific duties, and if there be a real desire to carry out the Compromise Act on the part of the Senator from South Caro-


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lina, I ean not account for his opposing this provision of that bill. He knows that the bill itself could not have passed without it; but upon an incidental debate. Upon the appointment of a. clerk the other day, he insisted that this part of the law was unconstitutional. It appears to me to be a singular objection for him to make, against carrying into effeet a provision of the act which he voted for himself and one too, without which the Compromise Actitself would not have passed.


Mr. Calhoun, interrupting Mr. Simmons, " the Senator from Rhode Island is mistaken as to my voting for that amendment." "I can not be mistaken, he voted for it, and at the time, stated how it should be carried into effect." "I hope the Senator does not intend to misrepre- sent me, I voted against the amendment, but for the bill." " And E am quite certain that the Senator voted for the amendment."-" If the Senator persists in his statement, I must appeal to the Journals." Mr. Calhoun got the Journal, turned to the amendment, and stood quietly looking at the names. Mr. Simmons .- " Will the Senator read or hand me the book ?" Mr. Calhoun handed over the journal with- out a word. Mr. Simmons .- " those who voted in the affirmative were Messrs. Clay, Calhoun ; was that the Senator ? so he sees he was mista- ken." Calhoun .- " I made a speech at the time, explaining my vote." And so the matter ended.


Mr. Calhoun in person was not less than six feet, as straight as a gun-barrel, head erect, hair turned back, countenance stern, austere. I never saw him smile. As a speaker he was the model of himself, unlike all others; his style was terse, sentences short and pointed, mind eminently concentrative, he stated his positions with great clearness, and marched directly at them in the argument. He made no pretensions whatever to eloquence, if imagination he had, it was only to create the facts upon which he commented ; wholly unlike Mr. Benton, he had little to do with documents, he spoke from his own authority, scorned to lean upon others ; had he sworn by any man on earth, it would have been by himself. Mr. Calhoun was easily flattered. He had made his great speech in favor of the Ashburton treaty, in executive session of about an hour. He seldom spoke more than an hour; never more than two hours, on any subject. I met him as he closed, and congratulated him on the ability of his speech ; from that time forward, he treated me with unusual kindness. I give an extraet from one of his great speeches to show the reader both his style and the truth of my statement that his whole mind was upon the cotton interest of the South.


" But I am not ignorant that we must rely for holding the cotton market on our superior skill, industry and capacity for producing the


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article. Nearly if not altogether, one-half of the solid contents of the globe is capable of producing cotton, and that too in the portion the most populous and where labor is the cheapest. We may have rivals every where in a belt of 70 degrees at least, lying on each side of the equator and extending around the globe. Not only the far East, but all Western Asia, quite to the 35th or even the 40th degree of latitude, a large portion of Europe, almost all Africa, and a large portion of this continent, may be said to be a cotton-producing region. When the price of cotton rises high, a large portion of that immense region becomes our competitor in its production, which invariably results in a great fall of price. Then a struggle follows for the market. In that struggle, we have ever hicretofore succceded, and I have no fear, with fair play on the part of our own Government, we will continue to be successful against the world. We have the ele- ments of success within us. A favorable soil and climate, a plenty of cheap land, held in fee simple, without rent, tithe, or poor rates. But, above all, we have a cheap and efficient body of laborers, the best fed, clothed, trained and provided for, of any in the whole cotton growing region, for whose labor we have paid in advance. I say paid in advance, for our property in our slaves is but wages purchased in advance, including the support and supplies of the laborers, which is usually very liberal. With these advantages we may bid defiance to Hindoo and Egyptian labor, at its two or three cents a day. Ours being already paid for, is, as far as the question of competition is concerned, still cheaper, to say nothing of its superior efficiency, its better and more skillful direction under the immediate eye of intelli- gent proprietors, of cheap, unincumbered land, favorable soil and climate, and greater facility and cheapness of transportation to the great markets of the world. But this is not all. We have another and great advantage. There is not a people on earth who can so well bear the curtailing of profit as the Southern planters, when out of debt. A plantation is a little community of itself, which, when hard pressed, can furnish within itself almost all of its supplies. Ours is a fine provision country, and, when needs be, can furnish most of its supplies of food and clothing from its own resources. In prosperous times, when the price of our staples is high, our labor is almost exclusively directed to their production, and then we freely and liberally part with their proceeds in exchange for horses, mules, cattle, hogs and provisions of all description from the West, and clothing and all the products of the arts with the North and East; but when prices fall and pressure comes, we gradually retire on our own means, and draw our own supplies from within.


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COPIES OF LETTERS.


IT is not my purpose to publish many of the letters I have received from distinguished men in the course of an extensive correspondence, but I have thought a few of them might be sufficiently interesting to the general reader to find a place here.


LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY.


" ASHLAND, 14th September, 1839. " MY DEAR SIR:


" I am desirous to obtain as accurate information as may be practica- ble in respect to the probable course of your State, in the approaching Presidential contest, and I know of no one who will be more likely to communicate it than yourself. I therefore take the liberty of applying directly to you, and if you will indulge me, I will state the points on which I should be glad to be informed, in the shape of the following interrogation.


" Was the result of your late elections owing to the use of my name in connexion with the Presidential office ?


"Is it likely that it would have been otherwise, if my name had not been before the people as a candidate. In the event of a contest between Mr. Van Buren and me, for which will the vote of your State be probably cast. Is there any other name, and if so whose, that would more probably obtain the suffrage of your State than mine ?


" Is there any reason to believe that the issue of your late election was influenced in any degree by the use of public money ?


" Will your State be represented in the N. Convention which is to meet at Harrisburgh in December next?


" The information which I seek is intended as well to guide my own course, as to enable me to form some reasonable conjecture, in respect to the final issue of the existing contest. I request therefore that you will communicate with me in the utmost frankness and sincerity. I can hear accounts unfavorable to myself, with as much composure, if not with as much pleasure, as those of an opposite character. I do not wish to limit you to a strict and formal response to the above inter- rogations. Whatever form you may choose to give to the information with which you may favor me, will be acceptable, and thankfully received; and if you should think proper to add any which is not called for by this letter, you will increase my obligations to you.


" With great respect, I am your friend and obt. serv't.


H. CLAY."


The Hon. OLIVER H. SMITH.


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ANSWER.


"INDIANAPOLIS, IND. September 28th, 1839. " HON. HENRY CLAY :


" My Dear Sir .- Your letter of the 14th inst. which had arrived during my temporary absence, was received by me last evening, and I lose no time in answering its contents. I need scarcely premise that I shall with the utmost candor, and without concealment, give you my opinion on the subject of your communication. I am aware that you would be as incapable of asking, as I would of giving any other response. Still I am not unapprized of the delicacy of the task you impose upon me. Having long cherished for you the most friendly feelings, private and political, I have looked with an auxious eye, to the result of the late elections in this and other States, for the pur- pose of drawing conclusions from them, indicative of public opinion, relative to the approaching Presidential canvass, and the probable rela- tive strength of the prominent Whig candidates, whose names will likely be presented to the NATIONAL CONVENTION. The late elections in this State are little understood abroad, they did not turn mainly upon general politics. Our system of internal improvements, and the consequent high taxes, with which the Whig cause is unfortunately identified to a great extent, although both parties have been instru- mental in bringing the system upon us, has had a controlling influence and it may continue for years. The name of neither of the candidates for the Presidency had much to do with the matter, either for or against the Whig eause, still, candor compels me to say, that I greatly fear that your name would not be sufficiently potent to stem the current that has set, and is still running against us. No name under heaven would be so well calculated as yours, to stimulate your original sup- porters of our party to a desperate contest. But on that class who joined us under the Harrison flag we can not rely, should you he the candidate. They have not forgotten the old contest when their idol Gen. Jackson and yourself were in the field. They still retain a deep-rooted prejudice against you, repeating the oft-refuted charge of bargain, intrigue and management, between you and Mr. Adams, and they are beyond the reach of reason or arguments. In a contest between you and Mr. Van Buren in this State, it will require despe- rate exertions to insure our success. The party opposed to us seem to be united and moved by one common impulse, while their watch- word is Democracy, understood by few, but powerful with the masses, and however little the party is entitled to its name, it has it, and we have to meet the false issue made for us, with the additional and equally false cry of federalism ringing in our ears.


.


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" You ask me whether there is any other name that would be more likely than yours to obtain the suffrage of this State against Mr. Van Buren. I must answer this question in the affirmative. I have no doubt but that General Harrison could get a majority of this State against Mr. Van Buren. We contemplate sending delegates to the Harrisburgh Convention in December next. I have been named as a delegate, but have declined, thinking it impolitic to do so; besides, the Senate will be in session, and I have not thought it proper to leave my seat while the body is in session, when I could avoid it. Having briefly answered your interrogations, I might here close my remarks, and would most certainly do so, were it not for the indulgeut request in the latter part of your letter, and the fact that I know you will fully appreciate the motives that prompt the few additional thoughts which I submit for your consideration. Your friends in this State, with whom I have conversed, and no man ever had more ardent ones, are looking with painful anxiety to the determination of the Whig National Convention, in the selection of the candidate. If they thought your success probable, they would not hesitate in warmly soliciting your name to be placed before them as their candidate; but, they can not bear the idea of seeing you placed in a doubtful and desperate con- test at this time. Still if it must be so, they will do all in their power for you, though their own political fate may be involved in the ques- tion. The opinion of your friends, here, so far as I have been able to learn it, is that you and the party have much to gain and nothing to lose by your indicating in such terms as your own good sense may suggest, your willingness or desire that Gen. Harrison may be the nominee of the Convention, he standing pledged to a single term, and by your cordial support of the General, manifested in such manner as not to cool your friends, but increase their ardor, you could do more to identify yourself with his friends in another contest at the expira- tion of the term, than all the electioneering your friends could do for you ; while your old supporters would rally again to the standard of their first choice, now and hereafter. We have seen the result of the late Pennsylvania Whig Convention, but the sentiments above expressed were held by us before that convention was held, and are not promp- ted by it. If I have been more frank than the occasion required, I hope you will attribute it to an honest conviction of duty imposed upon me by your letter, connected with the portentous approaching crisis, and not to any abatement on my part, of the private and politi- cal friendship I have ever entertained for you.


" With great respect, your friend and Obt. Servt.


O. H. SMITH."


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REPLY OF HENRY CLAY.


" ASHLAND, OCTOBER 5th., 1839. " DEAR SIR.


" I duly received your favor of the 28th. ult., and cordially thank you for its interesting contents. The views which it presents will receive from me attention and deliberate consideratien.


"It has been the misfortune of the Whig party, that it has so long delayed the designation of its candidate for the Presidency : that has been my opinion. The danger, increased greatly by indiscretion, now is, that when it makes a nomination, no matter of whom, some of the friends of the persons net nominated will not go for the candidate designated. This is declared to be the case with some of the friends of Gen. Harrison, without their seeming to anticipate, that it may be also the case with some of the friends of other persons who have been spoken of. Another consequence of delay, is that our party has been broken off into fragments, for if its leaders will not act, the men- bers of the party will act for themselves ; when the officers will net steer the ship, the erew will assume the command; accordingly we perceive, that not content with one General in the field, our friends have brought out another, and I assure you from all the information which I have, I am inclined to think that the last is the stronger of the two.


ยท


" I hope these unfortunate divisions will be reconeiled, and that we shall unite heart and hand in supporting the person nominated by the Convention, whoever he may be ; that body bringing, as its members will de, information from all quarters of the Union, must be much better qualified, than any individuals, however patriotie and enlightened they may be, to make a judicious selection. As for myself, I have no wish to be the candidate, if there be any other Whig more acceptable to the greater number than myself, ner without a high degree of probability of success. It is proper to add, that the rumors which have been eireulated of my intention to withdraw are unfounded. I have reserved to myself the decision of the question, whether I will consent to the use of my name as a candidate. I mean to avail myself of the lights I can in guiding my judgment, and when I have formed a determination it will at the proper time, and in some authentic form be publicly announced. I repeat the expression of my thanks for your frank and friendly communication : and remain faithfully


" Your Friend and obedient servant,


H. CLAY."


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LETTER FROM MR. CLAY.


" ASHLAND, September 7, 1840.


"MY DEAR SIR :


" Along with an invitation from the committee to attend the celebra- tion of the Battle of the Thames on the 5th October, I received your favor of the 2d inst., uniting in requesting my attendance. I should be most happy to comply with wishes thus kindly expressed, but it is really and unaffectedly out of my power ; no old plough or coal-horse ever wanted rest more than I do ; and my private affairs, and my pro- fessional engagements are all needing my attention, for they have all suffered by my long absence. I have also contingently contracted an engagement to attend a celebration at the late residence of Gen. Shelby on the anniversary of the Battle of the Thames. I must therefore pray you to aid me in rendering acceptable the considerations which deprive me of the pleasure of visiting Indianapolis this Fall.


With great regard, I am respectfully yours,


The Hon. O. H. SMITH.


H. CLAY."


Mr. Clay, accompanied by Mr. Crittenden, Gov. Metcalf, Gov. Letcher and Mr. Harden, at a subsequent time, visited Indianapolis, and was met every where by the enthusiastic thousands of the people ; indeed his route through the State was a perpetual ovation, all seemed to forget party, to do honor to the great man of the nation. Mr. Crit- tenden was my guest, and Mr. Clay was frequently with us during his short stay at the Capital.


LETTER FROM GOV. JOHN DAVIS. " WORCESTER, MASS., October 20, 1842. " MY DEAR SIR :


" I have received your welcome favor of the 10th, which was exceed- ingly acceptable, as I had long had it in my mind to write you, and invite a correspondence. I thought I saw a gleam of the rays of 1840 in the west, and my letters from Ohio, assured me in the most undoubt- ing confidence of the success of the Whigs. Judge then of the mor- tifying disappointment which followed the confidence inspired by our friends. I assure you that so far as my name was concerned in the matter, it has no share in exciting these feelings, for no expectation had been raised, or desires created, that could in the smallest degree influence my sentiments. But I looked upon a successful move in Ohio as the augury, shadowing forth the future policy of the country ; as in some measure settling the question, whether Tyler was to suc- ceed in breaking up the Whig party, and carrying us back to subtreas-


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ury and all the disasters of loco-policy or not. I thought the election was to turn upon the question whether we should cherish the cotton policy, or go for the labor of the free States. I thought if Obio came in well, the policy which you have labored with great ability to sustain in Congress, would gain strength and permanence. How gloomy and unfortunate is the opposite of all this. But so it seems to be, and our friend Clay must feel deeply the result. It forebodes any thing but prosperity to the country ; but if the people will have it so, all I can say is, that in my opinion they do not understand their true interests.


" Our election comes in a very short time, and if Ohio had encouraged us, we should have stood well, but as things are, what with this defeat and Mr. Webster's speech throwing cold water upon all our exertions, I can not say that a favorable result is by any means certain ; we are pretty nearly balanced. The election of 1840, is not by any means a fair test, as such a number can only be got out by such excitement ; and the stay-at-home voters are generally Whigs. We shall do what we can, and are pretty well drilled in contending against majorities. You may hope for the best; but our people have been so discouraged by events, that they feel as if they could see nothing to rely upon. The tariff is gradually inspiring confidenee, and business will soon revive, if the prospects are not overshadowed by the probability of a return to Locofocoism. I shall be most happy to hear from you, and to know your views of the actual state of things in the West. Why is it that Mr. Clay is not sustained there? It seems as if the rank and file preferred any thing and every thing to him. I will soon write more leisurely to you, and state to you my views of things in this part of the country.


Yours with great regard, J. DAVIS."


LETTER FROM JUDGE M'LEAN. " LOUISVILLE, KY., April 23, 1840. "DEAR SIR :


" Some weeks ago I received a report by the judiciary committee of the Senate in relation to the Western circuits, which you had the kind- ness to inclose to me, and I should have written to you on the subject, had I not received a bill from Mr. Corwin, reported in the House of Representatives, which proposed a different arrangement of my circuit. Having lived in Ohio from the time I was ten years old, I should regret very much now to be divorced from the State in the discharge of my judicial duties, unless the change should be desired by the bar, and the people of the State, and you must pardon me for expressing a hope that the proposed arrangement will not be insisted upon.


I am not aware that Congress has at any time thrown a judge from


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his own State, which originally constituted a part of his circuit; and I hope that I shall not be made the first victim of such an arrange- ment. If Michigan be taken from my circuit, and Missouri or Ken- tucky substituted, I shall not complain of the labor : when a vacancy shall occur in either of the circuits, of Baldwin, Taney, or Barbour ; they can be reduced to two and a third judge given to the West. Such an arrangement will meet the wants of the country, for thirty years to come ; and until the above contingency shall occur, the arrangement proposed by the bill reported in the House of Representatives will be sufficient for the public service. In going to and returning from Mobile, Wayne will have to travel some 1400 miles. The court at that place in a year or two, will not require more than two weeks, and Mobile is within twelve hours sail of New Orleans. Florida must of course in a short time, be added to Wayne's circuit.




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